1 Understanding the Link Between a Media and Information Literate
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The Golunov Affair
the harriman institute at columbia university FALL 2019 The Golunov Affair Fighting Corruption in Russia Harriman Magazine is published biannually by Design and Art Direction: Columbia Creative Opposite page: the Harriman Institute. Alexander Cooley Harriman Institute (Photo by Jeffrey Managing Editor: Ronald Meyer Alexander Cooley, Director Schifman) Editor: Masha Udensiva-Brenner Alla Rachkov, Associate Director Ryan Kreider, Assistant Director Comments, suggestions, or address changes may Rebecca Dalton, Program Manager, Student Affairs be emailed to Masha Udensiva-Brenner at [email protected]. Harriman Institute Columbia University Cover image: Police officer walks past a “lone picket” 420 West 118th Street standing in front of the Main Office of the Moscow Police, New York, NY 10027 holding a sign that reads: “I am Golunov” (June 7, 2019). ITAR-TASS News Agency/Alamy Live News. Tel: 212-854-4623 Fax: 212-666-3481 Image on this page: Eduard Gorokhovsky, Untitled, 1988. Watercolor on paper, 21½ x 29½ in. Courtesy of the Kolodzei Collection of Russian and Eastern European Art, For the latest news and updates about the Harriman Kolodzei Art Foundation. www.KolodzeiArt.org Institute, visit harriman.columbia.edu. Stay connected through Facebook and Twitter! www.twitter.com/HarrimanInst www.facebook.com/TheHarrimanInstitute FROM THE DIRECTOR he June arrest of investigative journalist Ivan Golunov, the powerful civic T movement in his support, and his subsequent release marked the start of an eventful summer in Russia. In mid-July, Russians took to the streets again, over the disqualification of opposition candidates from the Moscow City Duma election. In this context, we dedicate the bulk of this issue to contemporary Russia. -
CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA © Pixabay
TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA © pixabay A digital version of this report with links and references can be found online: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS/ NOVEMBER 2019 © pixabay TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 5 3 1 Overview 6 2 Laws restricting press freedom and freedom of expression 10 Chronology from 2012 to 2019 3 Changes of ownership and dismissals 23 Editorial departments under pressure 4 Courageous and committed 32 The diversity of Russian online media 5 Arbitrary and severe penalties 45 Every user risks prosecution 6 The intelligence service is reading right along 56 The fight against anonymous communication 7 Pressure on internet companies 66 The crucial role of international platforms 8 Recommendations 74 PREFACE Today the internet is thought to be a strategically crucial sector in Russian politics although for a long time those in power in the Kremlin did not recognise its importance. Ten years ago, the virtual space in Russia was still a place where lively debates about problems in society and politics unfolded. In the future, it is 5 planned to be censored and surveilled centrally, according to Russia’s new “sovereign internet law”. The present report traces the development from the first bans on content in 2012 to the present day. It shows how critical editorial teams are put under pressure and how the authorities attempt to silence individual journalists and bloggers. It provides information about new online media that report on societal ills against all odds, and it raises the question about the relevance of international platforms for the freedom of expression in Russia. -
The Russian Orthodox Church Faith, Power and Conquest
REPORT The Russian Orthodox Church Faith, Power And Conquest December 2019 James Sherr Kaarel Kullamaa Title: The Russian Orthodox Church: Faith, Power and Conquest Author(s): Sherr, James; Kullamaa, Kaarel Publication date: December 2019 Category: Report Cover page photo: A Russian Orthodox priest blesses new Kalashnikov machine guns during a cer- emony presenting the new weapons to recently enlisted members of Russia s elite "OMON" riot police corps in Stavropol, 29 January 2008. AFP PHOTO / DANIL SEMYONOV Keywords: religion, faith, orthodox church, power, influence, foreign policy, Russia, Estonia, Ukraine Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this paper are solely those of its author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the International Centre for Defence and Security or any other organisation. ISSN 2228-0529 ISBN 978-9949-7385-3-3 (PRINT) ISBN 978-9949-7385-4-0 (PDF) ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd., 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee The Russian Orthodox Church I Acknowledgments We are very grateful to Konstantin von Eggert, former Editor-in-Chief, BBC Russian Service Moscow Bureau, and currently correspondent at Deutsche Welle and Dozhd’, for his detailed scrutiny and enlightening comments on the draft of this report. We would also like to thank our colleagues, Kristi Raik, Director of the Estonian Foreign Policy Institute at ICDS, and Dmitri Teperik, Chief Executive of ICDS, for their insights on Estonia and their helpful queries, which have contributed to the clarity of the analysis. In addition, we would like to thank Rihards Kols and Lukasz Adamski for their observations and assistance. -
Taming the Leviathan HOW RUSSIANS LEARN to COUNTER the STATE
Taming the Leviathan HOW RUSSIANS LEARN TO COUNTER THE STATE PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 640 March 2020 Andrei Semenov1 Perm State University; Yale University Among the distinctive features of Vladimir Putin’s 20 years in power, the resurgence of the state stands apart. Considered necessary after the turbulent transition from communism in the 1990s, rebuilding the political order quickly turned into encroachment on fundamental political and civil rights, elimination of independent centers of power, and consolidation of authoritarianism. The coercive apparatus grew at an even faster rate; in addition to the police, prosecutors, and investigators, now it includes the national guards (Rosgvardia) and parastatal organizations like the Cossacks. Against the backdrop of the Leviathan reinstated, Russians have learned how to counter its constant pressure on their private lives through a combination of contentious and conventional tools. Online and offline campaigns, rallies, public investigations, electoral mobilization, monitoring camps, and alliance building have undeniably become part of citizens’ mobilization toolkit. Sustained collective actions in Shiyes (in Arkhangelsk) since the summer of 2018 and a more recent wave of contention in Yekaterinburg and Moscow last summer show how this learning has supported mobilization and—at least temporarily—countered the autocratic state. Troubled Times for the State The summer of 2019 turned out to be politically hot for the third consecutive year in Russia. In 2017, Aleksey Navalny’s presidential campaign coupled with anti-corruption rallies drew tens of thousands of people across the country onto the streets, creating energy and nation-wide mobilization against the incumbent president, Putin. In 2018, in addition to a string of protests regarding waste disposal sites in the Moscow region, the announcement of pension reform triggered a wave of protests involving the parliamentary opposition and extra-systemic actors. -
Nation in Transit 2020 Russia
5/21/2020 Russia | Freedom House NATIONS IN TRANSIT 2020 Russia 7 CONSOLIDATED AUTHORITARIAN REGIME /100 Democracy Percentage 6.55 /100 Democracy Score 1.39 /7 LAST YEAR'S DEMOCRACY PERCENTAGE & STATUS 7 /100 Consolidated Authoritarian Regime The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 1 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. The Democracy Percentage, introduced in 2020, is a translation of the Democracy Score to the 0-100 scale, where 0 equals least democratic and 100 equals most democratic. https://freedomhouse.org/country/russia/nations-transit/2020 1/21 5/21/2020 Russia | Freedom House Score changes in 2020 Civil Society rating declined from 6.00 to 6.25 due to the extraordinary level of violence exercised by the state against protestors, use of the foreign agent law against online activists, and increasing state regulation of the internet and control of the public sphere as the regime has prevented the opposition from coalescing nationally. Executive Summary By Anonymous In 2019, Russia continued to crack down on the political opposition and growing protest movements as the country’s political system sank deeper into stagnation and disorder. The regime’s “legitimation machine”—the combined system of formal and informal political institutions that create and implement policy and manage elections —has entered a transition period laden with uncertainties and political challenges for the long term. Driven by the ongoing stagnation of real wages and living standards, the year saw continued protest activity across the country, escalating attempts by Moscow to exert greater control over dissent and political speech, and adaptation to the looming challenge of President Vladimir Putin’s fourth term in 2024. -
Social Media in Russia: Between State and Society 12 by Anna Litvinenko (Free University Berlin)
No. 258 9 November 2020 russian analytical digest www.css.ethz.ch/en/publications/rad.html MEDIA CAPTURE ■ ANALYSIS Media Control as Source of Political Power: Differentiating Reach and Impact 2 By Heiko Pleines (Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen) ■ OPINION POLL Preferred News Sources of the Russian Population 6 ■ ANALYSIS Shrinking Niches for Independent Journalism: the Case of Vedomosti 8 By Esther Somfalvy (Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen) ■ ANALYSIS Social Media in Russia: Between State and Society 12 By Anna Litvinenko (Free University Berlin) Institute for European, Research Centre Center for Center for German Association for Russian, and Eurasian Studies for East European Studies Security Studies Eastern European Studies East European Studies The George Washington University University of Bremen ETH Zurich University of Zurich RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 258, 9 November 2020 2 ANALYSIS Media Control as Source of Political Power: Differentiating Reach and Impact By Heiko Pleines (Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen) DOI: 10.3929/ethz-b-000450633 Abstract This article analyses the control of business and state actors over mass media in Russia. First, the most impor- tant media sources for political news are identified for the last two decades. While constantly increasing state control is clearly visible for these media, the impact on audiences is more complex. Therefore, second, dif- ferent forms of media impact on political views of the Russian population are discussed based on a review of related academic studies. Introduction day present to the president”. Seen from the perspec- When Boris Yeltsin, Russia’s highly unpopular presi- tive of the political leadership, media control was now dent, managed to win a second term in the presiden- “outsourced” to private companies in order to maintain tial elections of 1996, his success was largely attrib- a façade of democratic media pluralism. -
20 YEARS of PROTESTS Report by the Institute of Modern Russia TABLE of CONTENTS
RUSSIA UNDER PUTIN: 20 YEARS OF PROTESTS Report by the Institute of Modern Russia TABLE OF CONTENTS: Executive Summary ........................................................................................... 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 5 PROTEST: A TIMELINE ...................................................................................... 7 The Yeltsin years: Labor disputes and elite competition 2000-2004: The state re-emerges 2004-2008: Laying claim to the streets 2008-2012: Mass protests emerge 2012-2019: Corruption is the new protest agenda REGIME RESPONSES TO PROTEST ................................................................. 15 Laws prohibiting unsanctioned protest Administrative barriers to lawful protest Discouraging protest through propaganda Pre-emptive arrest Internet restrictions PROTEST AND ART .......................................................................................... 20 FORWARD-LOOKING ........................................................................................ 24 Policy recommendations TAKEAWAYS .................................................................................................... 26 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report examines the protest dynamics in in Russia have taken place on issues such as pen- Russia over the last twenty years. By clearly de- sions, urban renovation, ecological mismanage- scribing the frequency, volume, and nature of ment, corruption, elections, and political -
"General Country of Origin Information Report for the Russian Federation
Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation April 2021 1 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Publication details Location The Hague Prepared by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (AB) 2 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Contents ........................................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................4 3 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Introduction This country of origin information report is based on the questions and points of focus in the Terms of Reference (ToR) drawn up by the Ministry of Justice and Security. The ToR for this report were adopted on 8 July 2020. An anonymised version of these ToR, together with the country of origin information report, is available on the website of the Dutch Government. This country of origin information report describes the situation in the Russian Federation insofar as it is relevant for the assessment of asylum applications by persons originating from that country and for decisions related to the return of rejected Russian asylum seekers. This report is an update of the country of origin information report for the Russian Federation of December 2018. The reporting period covers the period from December 2018 up to and including March 2021. The main features of relevant developments that are important in answering the questions asked have been taken into account up to the date of publication. This report is a factual, neutral and objective representation of the findings that were made during the period under consideration and does not include any policy recommendations. -
NEW • Wet Affairs, Part III: Russia's Assassination Pandemic
From AFIO's The Intelligencer Association of Former Intelligence Officers 7700 Leesburg Pike, Suite 324 Journal of U.S. Intelligence Studies Falls Church, Virginia 22043 Web: www.afio.com * E-mail: [email protected] Volume 26 • Number 2 • Winter-Spring 2021 $15 single copy price and conducting a sub rosa conflict against the West II. CURRENT ISSUES across a broad front. At home, after assuming the presidency in 2000, he quickly subjugated perceived opponents and crit- ics. By 2004 the “freewheeling oligarchs of the 1990s were soon brought to heel.”4 Financial Times Moscow correspondent Catherine Belton, in her new book, states that using “…the ever-present threat of tax fraud charges was part of a process that was gradually turn- ing Yeltsin-era oligarchs into loyal vassals…”5 Assassination was too. Today, the remaining Wet Affairs oligarchs play to the Kremlin’s tune; none are inde- pendent actors; they are extensions of the state. There Part III1 is no better example than Yevgeny Prigozhin’s network of companies. His Internet Research Agency (IRA) Russia’s Assassination Pandemic in St. Petersburg is best described as a troll farm spreading disinformation via social media. And his Wagner Group is a mercenary paramilitary company by Peter C. Oleson providing Russian fighters to the Assad regime in Syria and Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army in Libya, and security forces throughout countries in Africa. ladimir Putin has said that the demise of the Even before the breakup of the Soviet Union, KGB Soviet Union was “one of the greatest tragedies leaders and senior members of the Communist Party of the 20th century.”2 Since assuming power in V of the Soviet Union, concerned about the direction of 2000 he has undertaken a focused, revanchist cam- events, moved to preserve their positions as an orga- paign to restore what he believes should be Russia’s nization.6 The KGB’s foreign intelligence elements7 position in the world. -
Attachment No. 1
Attachment No. 1 1. Article 212.1 of the Criminal Code (Repeated violation of the established procedure for the organization or holding assemblies, meetings, demonstrations, marches and picketing) No Name Charges Requested sentence Final Sentence 1 Ildar Dadin Was charged many times with administrative 2 years at a general regime 2,5 years at a general offenses from 2012 to 2014. In court, he was penal colony regime penal colony. The charged with four administrative detentions from conviction was August to Decembre 2014 while he was overturned by the participated in public events including solo Supreme Court, spent 1,3 demonstrations. years in prison; first sentence under this article 2 Vladimir Ionov 4 administrative offences from January to May 3 years suspended sentence Left Russia, obtained 2015; first criminal case to be initiated based on political asylum in this article Ukraine 3 Mark Galperin Administrative offenses committed from August — Case dismissed due to 2014 to January 2015 procedural violations 4 Irina Kalmykova 5 administrative offenses during public events, — Left Russia, obtained including single pickets political asylum in Lithuania Repeated administrative offenses during the — Ongoing investigation protests against the landfill in Kolomna, Moscow 5 Vyacheslav Egorov region Administrative offenses during protests against the 3 years forced labour 400 hours of community construction of a landfill at the Shiyes station in service 6 Andrey Borovikov the Arkhangelsk region 7 Konstantin Kotov1 On March 2, 2019 Kotov participated -
Russia: Domestic Politics and Economy
Russia: Domestic Politics and Economy September 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46518 SUMMARY R46518 Russia: Domestic Politics and Economy September 9, 2020 Over the course of his 20 years of rule, Russian President Vladimir Putin has consolidated an authoritarian system of governance that has benefitted himself and a Cory Welt close group of colleagues and led Russia to take increasingly aggressive actions abroad. Specialist in European At the same time, Russia exhibits some signs of political and economic change. Russia’s Affairs economic growth has slowed, popular support for Putin has declined, and expressions of public discontent have appeared more frequently. Rebecca M. Nelson Specialist in International Since 2020, the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has negatively Trade and Finance affected the Russian economy further and appears to have led to a new drop in public approval of the Russian government. In June 2020, the International Monetary Fund projected that Russia’s gross domestic product (GDP) will contract by 6.6% in 2020. Although it is difficult to predict the course of developments, many observers express a new level of uncertainty about Russia’s political and economic future. U.S. policymakers, including in Congress, have long been attentive and responsive to domestic developments in Russia. U.S. policy toward Russia includes democracy and civil society assistance, human rights-related sanctions, and diplomacy that calls attention to human rights abuses. In December 2012, Congress passed and the President signed into law the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012 (P.L. 112-208/H.R. -
Independent Media in Putin's Russia
Conveying Truth: Independent Media in Putin’s Russia August 2020 Author Ann Cooper The views expressed in Shorenstein Center Discussion Papers are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of Harvard Kennedy School or of Harvard University. Discussion Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important issues and challenges in media, politics and public policy. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Source: Reuters/Maxim Shemtov Introduction The Chernobyl comparisons began in March, in response to Russian government up- dates on the spread of COVID-19 cases. “Everybody’s talking about, ‘Oh, it’s Chernobyl again,’ ” one young Russian skeptic told The New York Times. “I do not trust these figures,” the editor of an independent newspaper in the Russian city of Kaliningrad told the Committee to Protect Journalists. “I remember Chernobyl, when [then-Soviet] authorities tried to hide the truth.” A prominent liberal commentator expressed his doubts to both Russian and Western media. “It’s a tradition for Russia since Chernobyl -- to hide the truth,” Valery Solovei told ABC News, not long after he’d made similar remarks on the influential Russian radio sta- tion Ekho Moskvy. In his March 16 Ekho interview, Solovei cited numbers of coronavirus cases and deaths that were significantly higher than Kremlin officials acknowledged. When Russia’s media regulator Roskomnadzor ordered the station to remove the in- terview, “to prevent the spread of false information related to the coronavirus,” Ekho complied.