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Conservation Can Undermine Human Rights

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Conservation Can Undermine Human Rights …but conservation… within, and and only humanCConservationo nwithin,se rightsrvWWhataht iao tn supportive canAREA cancRan Ealso undermineuHumanHnu dworkm eenablingramni ninRRights,ei gmutualHHumanhu tenvironment…ms, aaanyway?nn ysupport…RRights...wigahyt?s... HHumanuman rrights,ights, cconservationonservation andand thethe privatizationprivatization ooff sovereigntysovereignty inin Africa—Africa— a discussiondiscussion ofof recentrecent cchangeshanges inin TanzaniaTanzania JJimim IgoeIgoe Abstract. While states do not always guarantee human rights, human rights cannot be guar- anteed without a viable state. Paradoxically, many conservationists see the state as a central obstacle to effective community-based conservation. The central contention of this article is that the neoliberalization of African conservation, leading to the privatization of African states, has led to a situation in which it is extremely difficult to promote human rights via conservation or vice versa. Not only have human rights been narrowly redefined according to free market priorities, but the mechanisms whereby rights can be articulated and understood have largely disintegrated. This situation is both reflected in, and perpetuated by, current conservation interventions. This article draws on examples from around the African Conti- nent, but focuses primarily on the author’s research in Tanzania in 2005-2006. It concludes with a discussion of how to bring the question of human rights to a more central place in transnational conservation. Most importantly, it emphasizes that everyone involved in inter- national conservation is equally culpable in the field of human rights, not just the govern- ments of the countries in which specific groups of people happen to reside. As such, there is a pressing need for the institutionalization of independent reporting and structures of over- sight and accountability at all levels of international conservation. against the socially and environmen- rawing from my research in Tanzania tally destructive spread of neoliberal, D 1 (2005-2006) and recent observations free market capitalism. In their seminal of other researchers across the conti- article on communities and conservation nent, this article outlines some of the Agrawal and Gibson wrote that advo- fundamental aspects of human rights cates of community-based conservation and conservation in Africa today. Its saw states and markets as the main central argument is that the ‘neoliber- obstacles to their agendas.3 In the pur- alization’ of African states and societ- suit of economic growth through foreign ies has overshadowed organic linkages investment, states do often facilitate between conservation and human rights enterprises and interventions that vio- activism. late people’s basic rights while harming the environment. Getting rid of states, In the wake of the Soviet Collapse at however, is probably not our best bet the turn of the 1990s, human rights for promoting human rights or the envi- came to the center of development and ronment. For better or for worse, states governance discourses. Conservation remain the ultimate guarantor of rights quickly followed suit and for a few years in our current global system. NGOs and in the 1990s some were predicting a multi-lateral institutions may educate global convergence of human rights people and help them advocate for their and conservation agendas.2 These two rights, but ultimately it is states that agendas appeared as a crucial bulwark must legislate and enforce those rights. 15, July 2007 241 CConservationonservation andand HumanHuman RRightsights Until some other global institutions that each of us examine our own culpa- are able to guarantee people’s rights, bility, both personally and institutionally. therefore, the current decline of states Most critically, these types of changes is probably bad for human rights and will require new types of institutional conservation. oversight, which should be modeled after existing bodies, such as the World Furthermore, the relationship of con- Bank Inspection panel.6 I will return to servation to markets and private enter- these points in the conclusion of this prise has shifted dramatically since the article, following a discussion of the im- turn of the millennium. pacts of these changes on human rights NNGOsGOs aandnd mmulti-ulti- The role of corpora- and conservation in Tanzania and other llateralateral institu-institu- tions in conservation parts of Africa. ttionsions maymay educateeducate has become increas- 4 ppeopleeople aandnd hhelpelp ingly prevalent. These transformations have tthemhem aadvocatedvocate forfor significant implica- ttheirheir rights,rights, butbut tions for both human uultimatelyltimately itit isis rights and conserva- tion. Understanding sstatestates tthathat mustmust them, as well as their llegislateegislate andand en-en- continuity to previous fforceorce tthosehose rights.rights. arrangements, requires looking at current conservation, development, and gover- nance discourses. It also involves look- ing beyond and behind these discourses to the actual practices of conservation Picture 1. View from Paul Tudor Jones’ and human rights and their implications exclusive Grumeti Lodge. for future action and conceptualization.5 (Courtesy Beth Croucher) While many observers have noted the types of practices I will outline below, The neoliberalization of African they are often dismissed as temporary conservation and its implications and/or anomalous. One of the central for human rights contentions of this article, however, The opening up of African economies is that they are quite ‘normal’ in the in the late 1980s went hand-in-hand experiences of rural Africans in their with the opening up of African political day-to-day lives. They should, there- systems. This reflected the widespread fore, be taken much more seriously if assumption that free markets and free we are serious about promoting human elections would naturally lead to a free rights through conservation or even vice society. Totalitarian states were seen as versa. the problem. They restricted free trade, free assembly, free speech, and free In fact, these fundamental changes press. If states were less intrusive in all demand a fundamental reconceptu- of these matters, peoples’ lives would alization of the relationships between naturally improve. Smaller states, a conservation and human rights. Most vibrant NGO sector, and the promotion importantly, we need to recognize that of private enterprise became the pre- everyone involved in transnational con- scribed solution to these problems.7 servation is culpable and it is essential 242 15, July 2007 …but conservation… within, and and only humanCConservationo nwithin,se rightsrvWWhataht iao tn supportive canAREA cancRan Ealso undermineuHumanHnu dworkm eenablingramni ninRRights,ei gmutualHHumanhu tenvironment…ms, aaanyway?nn ysupport…RRights...wigahyt?s... State-sponsored protected areas were involves reregulation as much or more the mainstay of conservation during this than deregulation.11 States play a cen- period, and by no means would most tral role in redefining natural resources conservationists like to see them de- in ways that make them available to regulated. In fact, during this period of private investors. This is often achieved deregulation, Tanzania continued ga- through privatization, but can also be zetting national parks achieved through a variety of other ar- NNeoliberalizationeoliberalization and the state-sponsored rangements, including those that osten- iinvolvesnvolves rreerregu-egu- protected areas prolifer- sibly give local people more control of ated on a global scale.8 natural resources. llationation asas muchmuch At the same time, out- oorr mmoreore tthanhan side of protected areas, One of the key elements of “neoliber- ddeerregulation.egulation. deregulation, decentral- alization” for conservation and human ization, and privatiza- rights is the idea of “more and more tion were increasingly heralded as the actors becoming self-governing within key to conservation success. Private centrally prescribed frameworks and Game Reserves began to proliferate. rules”.12 Individuals must be freed from Transnational conservation NGOs began the shackles of traditional social bonds, openly brokering conservation business so that they can become owners of ventures between foreign investors and private property, which can be used as local communities. For the most part, collateral for loans, which can be invest- benefits accruing to those communi- ed in new types of business ventures. ties have been much smaller than those This in part reflects the impact of Her- accruing to their “senior partners”, nando de Soto’s highly influential book, while maldistribution of benefits within the Mystery of Capital. De Soto argues communities has also been a common that poor people actually control a great problem. Moreover, little care has been deal of wealth, but that they are unable taken to measure whether the costs of to realize the value of that wealth be- local people foregoing access to the re- cause of inefficient state bureaucracies sources that they “invest” in conserva- and lack of legally guaranteed property tion enterprises is offset by the benefits rights. It is essential that these ob- that they receive.9 stacles to the poor realizing the value of their capital be removed, so that they These events and processes are best can take out loans and join the capitalist understood with reference to neoliberal economy.13 policy reforms. Rather than thinking
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