Social Psychology Quarterly 2019, Vol. 82(1) 5–30 Why Social Psychology Ó American Sociological Association 2019 DOI: 10.1177/0190272519828304 Needs Autism and Why journals.sagepub.com/home/spq Autism Needs Social Psychology: Forensic and Clinical Considerations

Douglas W. Maynard1

Abstract We know a lot about why the prevalence of autism spectrum disorder (ASD) has risen so dra- matically since the 1960s. However, social science and social psychology in particular fall short in the analysis of autistic behavior, the real-life manifestations of the disorder. In this address, I suggest that unless we tackle behavior in interaction, rather than as emanat- ing from individuals, we cannot analytically comprehend behavior as a socially real and holistic entity. The particular phenomena under investigation is transpositioning, or how a neurotypical (NT) professional initiates a sequence of action (first position) involving a recipient who has ASD. Then, the person with ASD fashions a response (second position) that is resistive or noncooperative. However, the NT professional subsequently fashions an action that portrays the ASD person’s second position or responsive behavior as an initiation or feature independent of what may have prompted it. Moreover, in reporting on the event in police, clinical, or other records, there is an elision of the prior initiations or first position actions such that the person with ASD is shown to have manifested ostensibly autonomous and anomalous behavior requiring interventions or remediation.

Keywords autism, conversation analysis, crime, diagnosis, ethnomethodology

In the early 2000s, the anthropologist autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is com- Roy Richard Grinker (2007:20) stated, monplace. People with ASD are acquain- ‘‘Autism is more familiar and visible tances, family members, friends or than ever before.’’ Three years later, friends’ sons or daughters, or coworkers. the social epidemiologists Ka-Yuet Liu, Marissa King, and Peter Bearman (2010:1390) could say, ‘‘autism increas- 1 ingly appears in the everyday life of University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, USA American families.’’ Now, after another Corresponding Author: decade, autism is so prevalent that every- Douglas W. Maynard, Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 8101 Sewell day contact between those who are ‘‘neu- Social Sciences, Madison, WI 53706, USA. rotypical’’ (NT) and individuals with Email: [email protected] 6 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

We know a lot about why the preva- I explore this interrelationship with lence of ASD—current estimates are 1 in regard to autism, but the matter pertains 58 (Baio et al. 2018)—has risen so dra- more generally. We do not study actual matically since the 1960s, when its occur- behavior—which is to say behavior in rence was approximately 1 in 10,000.1 interaction—for its inherent orderliness However, social science and social psy- because it is assumed to be a product or chology in particular fall short in the anal- an effect of something organized else- ysis of autistic behavior, the real-life man- where. Social psychology needs autism ifestations of the disorder, which is defined because it makes it incumbent on the dis- in the American Psychiatric Association cipline to expand its understanding of all (APA) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual human behavior, including that which is of Mental Disorders (APA 2013) as indi- currently regarded as neurotypical, as cated by persistent—lifelong—deficits in fundamentally embedded in its environ- social communication and social interac- ments of embodied social activity. Recip- tion and restricted, repetitive patterns of rocally, nevertheless, autism needs social behavior, interests, or activities. psychology and the related enterprise In this article, I suggest that we should known as ethnomethodology and conver- try to understand behavior in interaction sation analysis (EMCA), whose domain rather than as the property of the individ- includes the concreteness of embodied ual. Unless we do so, we cannot analyti- conduct (Garfinkel 1967; Goodwin 2000, cally comprehend behavior as a socially 2017; Mondada 2006) and the study of real and holistic entity. The centrality talk in interaction (Clayman and Gill of interaction to the social psychological 2012; Schegloff 2007), to unlock dimen- enterprise is captured in Cooley’s sions of forensic, clinical, educational, (1922:36–37) classic statement: and even parental interactions with and depictions of children on the spectrum in A separate individual is an abstrac- terms of the behavior that prompts or jus- tion unknown to experience, and so tifies interventions, some of which are likewise is society when regarded as highly punitive. This matter pertains to something apart from individuals. what happens in the talk as well as in The real thing is Human Life, which police and clinical recordkeeping and may be considered either in an indi- has implications beyond interventions vidual aspect or in a social, that is to say a general, aspect; but is always, with autistic individuals. as a matter of fact, both individual and general. WHAT IS SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY?

1Current estimates from the Centers for Dis- Let us start with a classic definition of ease Control suggest a prevalence figure of 1 in social psychology, which Cartwright 58 children. Such factors as technological advan- (1979:91) formulated: ‘‘Social psychology ces in neonatal care, advanced paternal age, net- is that branch of the social sciences which working effects, diagnostic substitution (espe- attempts to explain how society influen- cially replacing the ‘‘mental retardation’’ with autism-related diagnoses), accretion (whereby ces the cognition, motivation, develop- individuals may be given more than one diagno- ment, and behavior of individuals and, sis), the broadening of the concept, and so forth in turn, is influenced by them.’’ Cart- account for a substantial amount of the upsurge. wright is positing a mutual influence See, for example, Eyal et al. (2010); Gernsbacher, Dawson, and Goldsmith (2005); Grinker (2007); between behavior (among other features King and Bearman (2009); and Liu, King, and of an individual) and society. However, Bearman (2010). earlier in the same paper from which his Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 7 definition is taken, Cartwright (1979:88) part of the investigative enterprise (Dan- also states, ziger 1990). Actual experience, in the approach to be followed here, would The body of knowledge we now include concrete interactional environ- have ...is also disproportionately ments in which behavior is embedded. concerned with certain aspects of social More contemporaneously, Martin behavior . . . by far the largest propor- (2011) has echoed Danziger’s critique by tion, especially in recent years, has proposing that social theory (including been devoted to work on cognitive pro- social psychological theory) has assumed cesses occurring within individuals, or that social experience, independent of on the product of these processes. the ‘‘grid of perception’’ or the subjective categories that can mentally stabilize In also suggesting that ‘‘the emphasis things, is chaotic and unorganized (cf. on subjective experience has a long tradi- Garfinkel 1988). In the case of autism, tion,’’ Cartwright (1979:89) lines up with this primary organization is seen to be the social constructionist Danziger the brain and its cognitive components (1990, 1997), whose studies of the field or more recently, our DNA and the of psychology demonstrate the develop- human genome. Insofar as the primary ment of a ‘‘synthetic investigative prac- locus of organization lies within the brain tice’’ in the first half of the twentieth cen- or the genome, then actual behavior is epi- tury, which stressed lawlike, abstract, phenomenal rather than worthy of direct and impersonal processes, some of which analysis in its own right. Our approach might be controlled through environmen- to interaction, instead, echoes a call that tal interventions (Danziger 1990:116–17). Bearman (2013:S11) has made. Having Furthermore, psychology (and by exten- reviewed a collection of studies that treat sion, social psychology) regarded behav- ‘‘environments as setting in which genetic ioral conduct on the part of subjects as things can happen,’’ he goes on: ‘‘It would ‘‘a response to impersonal, asocial ‘stim- be great to think about ways to make them uli’, mediated by psychological processes come alive; that is, to identify mechanisms inside the subject’’ (Danziger 1997:18). by which humans in interaction with one In the formative period of psychology, another constitute, through their interac- a classic example was the Galtonian tion, genomic influence.’’ One step in this approach to measuring ability: the idea direction is to first capture the organiza- that individuals could be gauged in terms tion of interaction in its own right. To of their differences from group means and paraphrase a comment that Schegloff that mental ability (seen as the result of (2003:46) makes concerning what he abstract processes such as heredity and called the ‘‘neurobiology of behavior,’’ link- social environment) could be correlated ages can only happen when both the struc- with schooling and other outcomes (Dan- ture and functioning of neurobiology—and ziger 1990). This model had a powerful genetics in particular—are coupled with influence on psychology, in part because the accurate, valid description and analy- of its quantitative methodologies, and it sis of lived behavior. dominated the field. This was despite other traditions in psychology, including WHAT IS BEHAVIOR, AND WHAT ARE Wundtian experimentation, psychoanaly- PHENOTYPES? sis, Gestalt psychology, and Lewinian field studies, thereby ruling out the When we do study behavior, we are in the actual experience of research subjects as realm of what in genetics is called the 8 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1) phenotype. Phenotypic disorders, such as which the ‘‘unfolding’’ of phenotypical diabetes, alcoholism, obesity, and others, behavior occurs (Freese 2008:S15–S16, can be expressed as bodily conditions. italics added for emphasis). However, when phenotypes involve such Events can encompass such things as matters as educational attainment, the social milieu of actions, and this aggressive or antisocial conduct, or even milieu may include ‘‘stressors’’ (Freese relatively passive ailments such as 2008:S23), which in turn implicate loneliness, depression, or neuroticism, responses (Freese 2008:S16). Accordingly, then we not only confront problems of from a sociological point of view, if interpretation regarding genetic influ- events and the substrate of which they ence (Schnittker 2017), but we are also are a part are not taken into account, in the realm of various social-behavioral attempts to explain individual-level out- regularities rather than conditions as comes encounter a problem that Freese such. These matters are easily over- (2008:S13) has identified as the ‘‘pheno- looked, in part because the concept of typic bottleneck.’’ Phenotypes—embodied the phenotype is so rarely defined other characteristics—do not tell us what hap- than at the most general level as mani- pens in social life as a result of such char- festing aspects of the genotype and the acteristics or aptitudes. We need an environment together. Besides Grinker’s understanding of how a characteristic or (2007:121) particular characterization of an aptitude may lead participants to ASD phenotypes as ‘‘the actual physical, select themselves—or have themselves behavioral manifestations of the disor- selected—into particular social environ- der,’’ one of the few more precise defini- ments and also how these environments tions of phenotype appears in Freese’s can accentuate the characteristic or apti- (2008:S8) exploration of social science tude, whether it is one that could be con- theory and biology, wherein he refers to sidered ‘‘positive’’ (e.g., intellectual flexi- it ‘‘in the relatively restrictive sense of bility) or ‘‘negative’’ (e.g., emotional characteristics that are embodied—that instability or in our case, disability). As is, materially realized as part of the Freese (2008:S25) puts the matter when organism.’’2 Importantly, such character- discussing behavioral genetics, ‘‘dynam- istics have interactional dimensions. ics of social interaction and organization That is, if genes have causal effects, those affect the influence of genes on outcomes’’ are ‘‘in the first instance causal effects (and the same could be said for how neu- upon the material body,’’ such as height, rology in general affects what happens to psychology, or skills (Freese 2008:S13), individuals). but those effects do not by themselves This study is not about ‘‘outcomes’’ tra- explain a person’s ‘‘outcomes’’ in the ditionally conceived—things like atti- social sphere. So called phenotypes, tudes, behaviors, and attainments—nor therefore, are not determinative of one’s is it about explicating the logic of expla- fate as a social actor. In fact, genetically nation for purposes of modeling causal caused variations in body and mind relations between the genome and such ‘‘change in response to events’’—or the human outcomes. Instead, it is about ‘‘external action of the substrate’’ in more local effects of action and interac- tion when individuals with autism engage in social relations with their 2The relation between genetic substrates and phenotypes is considered to be mediated by endo- more neurotypical coparticipants who, in phenotypes, such as neurotransmitters. For dis- our data, happen to be professionals— cussion, see Schnittker (2017). both forensic (police) and clinical Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 9 specialists. The principle that Freese DATA AND ANALYTIC METHODS (2008) raises with regard to more distal This research is related to coauthored products is the same in terms of local work (Turowetz and Maynard 2017), in effects: How do characteristics of chil- which we examine instances of conduct dren, especially those with embodied on the part of individuals with ASD who characteristics or phenotypic behaviors become involved in actions that are crim- associated with ASD, feature in relation- inal or criminalized. Our joint work con- ships with these professionals on a give- cerns children with autism who (1) identi- and-take basis? fiably initiate behavior that violates some Beyond answering this question by aspect of commonsense understandings way of studying interaction, another or (2) respond to an initiation by a neuro- route is through the analysis of profes- typical person that the autistic person sional descriptions of conduct in official experiences as an incursion into a ‘‘terri- records. Such analysis further demon- tory of the self’’ (Goffman 1971). In this strates that human behavior is not a phe- paper, using two video-recorded instances notype plain and simple in the sense of in which police officers take actions that being an individual’s own, albeit condi- a child with ASD resists, I examine inter- tioned, production. In literatures on the actions where this second kind of genetic bases of disease and disability, sequence occurs. Added to these two the phenotype is meant to include ‘‘envi- instances is a third, which is from a clinic ronment,’’ but references to both pheno- in which a child responds to a clinician’s type and environment are terse, and def- initiatives in resistive ways. These cases initions thereof (as mentioned) are poor. are somewhat ‘‘extreme,’’ in the sense In sociological investigations, the envi- that they occur outside of regular home ronment is usually ‘‘social context’’ or school environments and official atten- broadly conceived in relation to structural tion with significant consequences is elements as school, family, gender, racial, 3 brought to bear on a child’s conduct. The or institutional contexts. Little to no phenomenon to be considered is transpo- attention is paid to the more local matters sitioning, in which the child’s responsive of conduct to which Freese points with and resistive actions become transformed the concept of the phenotypic bottleneck. into initiations that both require and My investigation of mutual relations legitimate forms of intervention. That is, between professionals and children with a professional performs a first-position autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is action in a sequence, and the child fash- framed in just the terms that Freese ions a second-position resistive move. (2008) raises: social organizational and Subsequently, the relation of that interactional ones, wherein the meaning second-position move to the foregoing of any behavior depends not on the sub- conduct of the professional is severed in jective state of participants, its manifes- terms of its visibility within the interac- tation as a person’s own production, or tion and in the accounts thereof. its independent valence but rather on I draw on ethnomethodological conver- the response it receives. sation analysis (EMCA) to analyze these cases, but not at the level of detail or granularity that is usually involved. For 3See Bearman’s (2008) introduction to a special present purposes, I highlight the role of issue of the American Journal of Sociology on adjacency pair or other sequences in the ‘‘exploring genetics and social structure’’ and participant’s conduct (Clayman and Gill the empirical articles in the issue. 10 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

First-Position (Initiating) Second-Position (Responsive) Social Actions Social Actions

Greeting Greeting return

Invitation Acceptance/Declination

Question Answer/Answer Refusal

Directive Compliance/Non-compliance

Storytelling Continuation tokens/No tokens

Figure 1. Examples of Sequences

2012; Heritage 1984; Schegloff 2007; way of interaction and the official reports Stivers 2013). These sequences comprise depicting those actions. two parts, with an initiating action in first position and a response in second position. Use of such sequences involves A Sociological and Social social actions of various kinds. Figure 1 Interactional Approach to Autism depicts examples of such sequences and The literature on autism suggests that as the actions they may implement. Thus, behavior, the syndrome manifests as ‘‘hello–hello,’’ ‘‘what’s up–what’s up,’’ or a lack of commonsense knowledge. Tem- ‘‘hi–hi’’ are examples of adjacency pair ple Grandin (1995), the famous professor greeting sequences; ‘‘Would you like to of animal science who has written exten- come down and have a bite of lunch with sively about her own autism, has me?’’—‘‘I would but I have to call my described it with this framing in her dis- mother-in-law’’ illustrates an invitation- cussion of the syndrome. And Uta Frith declination sequence. The main adjacency (2003:47), a British psychologist who has pairs for our analysis are question- studied autism by way of experimental answer and directive-response sequences. methods, writes, ‘‘Even in very able peo- Storytelling-acknowledgment and/or con- ple with autism, whose high verbal ability tinuation token sequences are different and abstruse knowledge may be impres- from adjacency pairs in that as one party sive, the lack of commonsense can be relates components of a story and the striking.’’ These comments fit with our other produces displays of recipiency, the sociological and ethnomethodological overall telling usually involves more than approach to autism, in which it can be two turns. The episodes to be examined said that people with autism often violate show professionals (police officers or a cli- or breach the commonsense expectations nician) producing the first-position action that regulate everyday life. and the individual with autism in second Harold Garfinkel formulated ethno- position, although the second-position methodology as a field concerned with actions will become transpositioned by the study of commonsense, a domain of Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 11 social life that makes possible partici- a flat tire,’’ ‘‘How is your girlfriend feel- pants’ sense of confronting a real world ing?’’) need no explication for they pre- with all its recognizable textures, rela- suppose that the targets of such utteran- tionships, and natural-seeming facts. ces also know what they themselves Commonsense is the domain of the taken know. If their target challenges such for granted; and because, as its very name a presupposition, it is not just adherence indicates, the taken for granted needs no to some cultural rule about how to talk inquiry or articulation, it requires special that is at stake but rather something procedures to make it manifest—to make much deeper: the possibility of mutual it ‘‘anthropologically strange’’ (Garfinkel intelligibility, cooperative understanding, 1967:9) and thus visible for purposes of or what Schutz (1962) called the ‘‘reci- sociological analysis. To gain access to procity of perspectives.’’ the structures of commonsense knowl- So the breaching of commonsense knowl- edge, Garfinkel (1967) famously devised edge, rather than being a superficial gaffe ways of disrupting ordinary scenes, in relation to etiquette—like sneezing with- directing his students to question what out covering one’s mouth, or cutting into their friends, acquaintances, or partners a queue, or being late for a meeting or meant by the most commonplace appointment—is deep because the very remarks. Such purposeful disruptions foundations for ‘‘life as usual’’ are disrupted. show the properties of ordinary discourse, Going against what everyone and therefore such as the context-embeddedness of what anyone should take for granted under- everyday references and their ‘‘specific mines community and evokes strongly felt vagueness’’ whereby, for example, a refer- emotions—bewilderment, consternation, ence to having a ‘‘flat tire’’ or an inquiry confusion, anger, indignation—on the part like ‘‘how is your girlfriend feeling’’ of recipients of such violation (Garfinkel should stand as consensually intelligible 1967). In other words, just as Grandin items in casual conversation. (1995) and Frith (2003) suggest, and as is When a participant seems differently well documented in autism biography and oriented to such properties or structures autobiography, or what Hacking (2009) of ordinary discourse (such as questioning calls ‘‘autism narrative,’’ behaviors associ- what ‘‘having a flat tire’’ means), the ated with ASD have effects in family and interlocutor can turn hostile rather other gatherings that are like ethnometho- quickly, constructing the talk as ‘‘crazy’’ dologically induced breaches.4 They disrupt and questioning the health of the partici- taken-for-granted ways of acting and being. pant with questions such as, ‘‘What’s the matter with you? Are you sick?’’ (Garfin- TRANSPOSITIONING INVOLVING kel 1967:42–44). Commonsense knowl- CHILDREN WITH ASD edge is not merely a normative matter, as if student-experimenters were violat- In recent years, the American media has ing a rule and were being deviant. At covered several high-profile stories stake is something more fundamental. involving offenders who were diagnosed Taken-for-granted knowledge has the fea- or assumed to have been diagnosed with 5 ture that participants assume its perva- high-functioning autism. The two sive relevance for themselves and for 4 others and they expect that others For examples drawn from the autism narra- tive literature, see Maynard and Turowetz (forth- assume likewise as a basis for inference coming-a). and action. Conversational participants 5For further discussion, see Turowetz and act as if everyday remarks (e.g., ‘‘I had Maynard (2017). 12 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1) forensic cases for this paper derive from him, and he learns to be more inde- video recordings (publicized by various pendent that way. media outlets) of these cases and also official police reports that were accessed When Ms. Craglow returned, she via (public) links that the media couldn’t believe what she saw: a police officer looming over the boy with his sources made available. The video data handcuffs at the ready, pinning him are thus what Jones and Raymond to the ground against a tree. Connor (2012:112) describe as either ‘‘opportunis- was screaming, and the police officer, tic’’ or ‘‘institutional’’ third-party video— David Grossman, seemed extremely recordings produced by observers of iso- agitated. . . . Soon it became clear to lated incidents or from organizations’ Ms. Craglow that the policeman was online archives (e.g., police departments), unaware that Connor has autism, respectively. As Whitehead, Bowman, and had interpreted the boy’s and Raymond (2018:331) have observed, rigid, unfamiliar movements—which ‘‘such sources constitute a type of (vir- included raising a piece of yarn to tual) ‘public place’ due to being freely his nose to sniff it repeatedly—as accessible to anyone with an Internet con- a sign of drug intoxication. nection.’’ Personal identification arising The video for this episode, which was from using the videos as research data is already a public matter as a result of shown online through such outlets as extensive media coverage. The third NBC and CBS News reports, was case, rather than being forensic, is a clini- recorded on a police bodycam. The video cal one, deriving from our project (cf. begins as the officer is driving his police Maynard and Turowetz 2017a, 2017b; car, stops, and exits the car to confront Turowetz and Maynard 2018) on the test- Connor on the sidewalk in the park. ing and diagnosis of autism spectrum dis- The transcript that follows captures order (ASD), which includes audio and/or the interaction between Officer Grossman video recordings collected at a clinic and Connor from the inception of verbal for developmental disabilities located in interaction and until Connor is wrestled a medium-sized U.S. city. to the ground. (This is a transcript ‘‘sim- plified’’ from our more detailed one. Num- bers in parentheses indicate silences in CASE 1: AT A PARK IN ARIZONA tenths of a second, and underlining The case came to our attention when an denotes emphasis. Descriptions in double op-ed piece appeared in the New York parentheses next to utterances and/or Times, September 19, 2017 (Silberman silence indicators describe aspects of the 2017): participants’ embodied behaviors.) Here we have a series of adjacency Diane Craglow was caring for a 14- pairs, starting with Officer Grossman’s year-old autistic boy named Connor line 1, ‘‘What’s goin’ on?,’’ which is spoken Leibel in Buckeye, Ariz., one day in as he advances from the car toward Con- July. They took a walk to one of his nor. In asking for an account, as well as in favorite places, a park in an upscale the movement toward Connor, the officer community called Verrado. She was issues a challenge. Initially, Connor hesi- not hesitant to leave Connor alone for a few minutes while she booked tates (line 2) and then asks for clarifica- a piano lesson for his sister nearby, tion (line 3), whereupon Grossman, after because he usually feels safe and com- confirming Connor’s query at line 4, pro- fortable in places that are familiar to duces a different wh-question (‘‘Whatya Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 13

Connor Leibel and Officer Grossman

1 Off: What’s goin’ on? ((Spoken as Grossman exits the car)) 2 (1.0) 3 Con: Me? 4 Off: Yeah, whataya doin? 5 (0.6 ) 6 Con: Good. 7 Off: Whataya doing. 8 (0.6) 9 Con: I’m stimming. 10 (0.5) 11 Off: What?     &RQQRULVEDFNLQJDZD\IURPWKHRI¿FHU 13 Con: I’m do with this /LIWVVWULQJXSWRVKRZRI¿FHUZKLOH   VWLOOEDFNLQJDZD\IURPRI¿FHUZKRLVZDONLQJWRZDUG&RQQRU  15 (0.2)  2II :KDWLVWKDW" &RQQRUVWLOOZDONLQJEDFNZDUGVDZD\IURP   DGYDQFLQJRI¿FHUZKRH[WHQGVKLVULJKWDUPWRZDUG&RQQRU 18 (0.2)  2II 6WRSZDONLQ¶DZD\IURPPH &RQQRUKDOWVDQGOLIWVVWULQJWR   RI¿FHU 21 Con: It’s a string 22 (0.6)  2II 2ND\6RZK\\DERXQFLQ¶DURXQGDOOWKHZD\     &RQQRUVWDQGVVWLOO 25 Off: Ya have an ID on ya. 26 (0.5)  &RQ 12 &RQQRUDEUXSWO\WXUQVWRKLVOHIW    2I¿FHU*URVVPDQUHDFKHVZLWKKLVULJKWKDQGWRJUDE  &RQQRU¶VULJKWHOERZ  2II 'RQ¶WJRDQ\ZKHUH *URVVPDQKROGLQJWKHULJKWZULVWXVHV  KLVRZQOHIWKDQGWRWXUQ&RQQRUDURXQGIXUWKHUVR&RQQRU¶V 32 arms-hands are behind his back as he faces away from Grossman))     :LWKOHIWKDQG*URVVPDQJUDEV&RQQRU¶VOHIWZULVW   2II $UULJKWMXVWUHOD[ *URVVPDQSXOOVERWKZULVWVWRJHWKHU6)) 35 (2.0) 36 Con: Are you okay?7 37 (1.0) 38 Con: I’m okay, I’m okay, I’M OKAY! ((Screeching cries))   *URVVPDQZUHVWOHV&RQQRUWRJURXQGDQGWHOOVKLPQRWWRPRYH   DV&RQQRUFRQWLQXHVWRFODLPWREHRND\XQWLO&RQQRU¶V 41 caretaker arrives.)) doin?’’). By answering ‘‘good’’ (line 6), answers that he is ‘‘stimming,’’ which is Connor shows he is taking this as a kind a common form of anxiety-reducing action of greeting or ‘‘how-are-you’’ query. The that individuals with ASD may produce officer reissues his question, using (Silberman 2015:48). emphasis that treats Connor as having inappropriately responded, and casts his 6The video indicates that Grossman may have own previous and (current) utterances been getting ready to handcuff Connor, but it does not appear that he does. There is no mention as neither greetings nor how-are- in subsequent police reports of handcuffing. you questions but rather as asking for 7This is Connor, apparently asking the ques- an explanation. Accordingly, Connor tion of himself. 14 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

Officer Grossman, with his ‘‘What’’ Next, Officer Grossman asks for a form question at line 11, asks for clarification of identification (line 25), Connor hesi- (Drew 1997), and Connor, after a slight tates before disconfirming (‘‘NO,’’ line delay as he is walking back and away 27) and, with strongly resistive conduct, from the officer (line 12), answers in turns to his left and starts to walk a fashion that indexes his simultaneous away. This is the environment in which gesture of lifting the string for Gross- transpositioning occurs. Connor’s second man’s inspection (lines 13-15). Grossman position move, by virtue of the officer’s then initiates another repair-type ques- next actions, becomes transformed into tion (line 16), exhibiting his unfamiliarity a provocative and breaching first- with the object (string) that Connor positioned matter that features an shows him. Connor is continuing to back ascribed motivational feature. As Connor away. Accordingly, with his body, Connor turns, Grossman directs him not to ‘‘go is resisting Grossman, while with his anywhere,’’ interpreting Connor’s move words and by lifting the string for the offi- as escape-oriented, as the officer reaches cer to inspect, he is answering or attempt- out to grab his right wrist (lines 28–29) ing to answer his questions. It is as if and proceeds to pull Connor such that, there are two intertwined tracks of inter- extending his own left arm and hand action, one occurring in and through talk (lines 30–33) he can grab Connor’s left and the other by way of bodily actions. wrist (line 34) from behind. Grossman tells him to ‘‘relax’’ (line 34) and eventu- Transpositioning. Officer Grossman ally brings Connor’s right wrist to align becomes attentive to Connor’s bodily with the left. That is, the officer treats behavior and issues a directive to stop Connor’s second-position, defensive, and ‘‘walkin’ away’’ (line 19). Connor complies resistive moves, which are dealing with and also lifts the string he is holding in first-position challenging questions and his left hand (lines 19–20). With ‘‘It’s directives in their own right, as offensive a string’’ (line 21), he also answers the moves that require reactive intervention. line 16 question. At this point, Connor is The officer works to subdue him. standing in front of the officer, neither In the video (but not included on the advancing nor retreating, but Grossman, previous transcript), as Connor continues after acknowledging his answer with to resist, Officer Grossman wrestles ‘‘okay,’’ asks a so-prefaced wh-question Connor to the ground and tells him (line 23). The so-prefacing works to raise not to move. Connor protests with both an unarticulated aspect of the inquiry— words – a ‘‘multiple saying’’ (Stivers 2004) as Bolden (2006:668) puts it, ‘‘a pending culminating with ‘‘I’m OKAY!’’ (line 38) – matter that has not yet been resolved.’’ screeching sounds, and further conflictual And, it does so in a problematizing rather talk (not on transcript). Then, after Connor than affiliative manner by which most so- is subdued, his caretaker returns, and Offi- prefaced turns work (Bolden 2006; cf. cer Grossman announces what happened, Meehan 2018). The turn (line 23) contains as follows: another wh-question that, by way of again requesting an account, is a further Grossman: He’s fine, he’s breathing, challenge. Possibly not understanding he just started- . . . ((intervening the reference to ‘‘bouncin’ around all the caretaker apology explaining where way,’’ Connor is silent (line 24), thereby she was)) . . . I was tryin’ to talk to resisting the question but without him. I wasn’t sure what was goin’ on, a change of posture. and then he started backing away Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 15

from me, and then kind of pulled away have contacted multiple people in the from me when he seemed like he past under the influence of a drug(s), wanted to run away. Connor was displaying signs of small hits of an inhalant. Due to Connor With an incomplete utterance ‘‘he appearing that he might had been started-’’ and by glossing his talk as inhaling some type of substance from ‘‘tryin’ to talk to him,’’ Grossman elides his hands, I exited my patrol in an the series of question-challenges and attempt to speak to him. directives that preceded Connor’s I asked Connor what was he doing second-position moves, both cooperative where he replied he was doing noth- and resistive. He also portrays his own ing. I had asked him what was in his . stance as innocent (‘‘wasn’t sure ‘‘), hand which he stated it was a string Connor as initiating retreat (‘‘started as he held it upright with a closed backing away . ‘‘), and ascribes motive, fist. I asked Connor if he had any suggesting ‘‘he wanted to run away.’’ identification with him which he After a second officer arrives on the stated no. During my brief conversa- scene, Grossman further states, ‘‘And tion with Connor he was sweating pro- then when I was trying to identify him, fusely as sweat drops were coming off it seemed like he wanted to run away,’’ his face and he started to walk back- repeating the motive ascription such wards away from me in what that Connor’s responsive, second-position appeared an attempt to flee. I reached out and grabbed Connor’s arm and move is depicted as an initiation that attempted to detain him to investigate required intervention. After this, Gross- his actions further is when he began man asks questions of the caretaker, to pull away from me and tried to learns that Connor has autism, and run in the north west direction. As writes information on his notepad while Connor attempted to flee while I was also telling the second officer, now on still holding him, we both fell on the the scene, what happened. ground next to a tree.

Police Report. Connor was injured during Besides the transpositioning phenome- the fracas with Officer Grossman, and non, a preliminary feature and important a claim has been filed against the city of detail in this account is Grossman’s claim Buckeye, Arizona, and its police depart- of expertise in ‘‘drug recognition.’’ That is, ment. The documents pertaining to the he depicts himself as following a learned claim, which include Grossman’s official procedure or protocol for identifying police report along with supervisory ‘‘signs of small hits of an inhalant.’’ This reviews of the case, are available at detail may also serve to justify ‘‘reason- SCRIBD, an online digital reading sub- able suspicion’’ and legitimate his stop- scription service. (However, the documents ping and approaching Connor (Meehan arealsoaccessiblewithoutasubscription.) 2018). We will return to this matter of Grossman’s report is of analytic interest protocol in our other two examples. because a portion of it exhibits the transpo- Initial aspects of Grossman’s report sitioning phenomenon already apparent in capture very well the sequential organi- the interactions we have examined. The zation in the early part of the encounter. relevant portions are excerpted: Three successive sentences portray an ‘‘asking’’ on the part of Officer Grossman Based on my training and experience and a reply or statement from Connor in as a drug recognition expert and response (e.g., ‘‘I asked Connor what 16 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1) was he doing where he replied he was Benjamin said, throwing his hands doing nothing’’). After the third of these in the air. ‘‘I don’t like to be touched.’’ statements, a subtle but significant shift is apparent. Grossman observes that Con- His mother, Luanne Haygood, who nor ‘‘was sweating profusely’’ and that was filming the emotional scene, said ‘‘he started to walk backwards . . . in she and her son had been called into the school for state standardizing test- what appeared an attempt to flee.’’ As in ing April 12; while they were there, his verbal report to the other officer on she said, officers arrested her son for the scene, this text attributes both a phy- an incident that occurred in October. siological condition and a motivation to Connor, which sever Connor’s walking He spent the night behind bars at ‘‘backward’’—that he ‘‘started’’ doing a juvenile facility, Haygood said. so—from the second position it occupies relative to Grossman’s vocal and embod- In this case, it was the boy’s mother, ied initiations. Consequently, when he Luanne Haygood, who video recorded the depicts himself as reaching out, grabbing incident; the recording is accessible on Connor’s arm, and attempting ‘‘to detain The Washington Post website. An image him’’ for investigation, this can be read from this recording is shown in Figure 2. as a responsive move (to Connor) in its An extensive background to this inci- own right rather than as another first dent is provided in the police reports position (and offensive) action in a series. referring not only to the focal incident In the officer’s statement, it is as if he that The Washington Post describes but is dealing with Connor’s movement as a also to two incidents in the previous first-position violation of the common- year (2016) when a staff member at sense interaction order that is to prevail John’s school called (in the reports) in circumstances where there is police a ‘‘Para Professional’’ named Brandon presence—one does not simply walk Rose had experienced ‘‘threats,’’ punch- away. The fact that this item, the officer’s ing, and kicking on the part of the boy. reaching out and grabbing, is an ‘‘nth’’ After one of these incidents in October item is elided. The interactional context of 2016, John had stated to his father disappears from view. that Mr. Rose had pinched him, which the latter denied when Mr. Haygood came CASE 2: AT A SCHOOL IN FLORIDA to the school for a conference about the altercation. The second incident occurred Also in 2017, The Washington Post pub- in November of 2016, when Mr. Rose con- lished an article about an altercation at tacted a school resource deputy named M. a Florida school involving police officers Camacho to charge that John had scratched and a student with autism. Although at and hit him when he was attempting to a different time and place, this incident restrain him because he was being dis- had features very similar to the one in ruptive in the classroom. Although this Arizona: resulted in a ‘‘Take and Hold’’ warrant for John Benjamin Haygood was slouched John’s arrest, his parents were not informed in a chair with his hand over his eyes. of the warrant (Admin 2017). John was sus- A school resource officer at Okeecho- pended from the school for the duration of bee Achievement Academy in Florida the school year. stood over the 10-year-old boy. ...‘‘I However, as the newspaper article don’t want to be touched,’’ John notes, John was required to come back Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 17

Figure 2. Line 14, ‘‘John Benjamin Haygood and Two Officers’’ Transcript to the school in April of 2017 for standard- beginning and ending of overlapping ized testing. He did return, but appar- utterances or moves). ently was noncooperative, such that he After this, the two officers complete the and his mother, who had accompanied handcuffing of John, who addresses his him, decided to leave for home. Mean- mother in saying, ‘‘I didn’t know I was while, School Resource Deputy Camacho, gonna be arrested like this.’’ She replies, who in the previous year had obtained the ‘‘Either did I, either did I! We came in warrant for John’s arrest, saw them leav- for testing!’’ The officers ignore their com- ing (on a security camera in her office) plaints as they lift John out of the chair. and went to the front office where they He repeats, ‘‘I don’t wanta be touched, were. She was preparing to arrest John please don’t touch me.’’ But they continue and called for a backup deputy, S. to hold onto him and physically escort McKinley, to assist her (Okeechobee him out of the office to the parking lot County Sheriffs Office 2017). As John is and then to jail. sitting in a chair in the office, his mother As in the previous example, we can is standing close by, using her cellphone identify a series of adjacency pairs, start- to record what happens (single parenthe- ing at line 1 with Officer Camacho pro- ses in the following transcript enclose ducing a relatively mitigated directive either a ‘‘candidate’’ or an indecipherable (Curl and Drew 2008) in the form of a pos- hearing; square brackets indicate the sible offer (‘‘Would you like choice’’) for 18 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

John Benjamin Haygood and Two Officers

 2II :RXOG\RXOLNHFKRLFH  2 (0.2)  -RKQ ,GRQ¶WZDQWDEHWDFWLOH 4 (2.0) ((Off. 1 stands in front of JB))  2II 8QIRUWXQDWHO\WKDW¶VQRWJRQQDEHDQRSWLRQ 6 (2.5) ((Off. 1 stands in front of JB))  0R 'RHVKHKDYHWKHVDPHULJKWVDVDQDGXOW" 8 (2.6) ((Off. 1 stands in front of JB)) 9 Off2: He has a warrant. 10 (4.3)  0R :¶OLIKH¶VJRQQDEHDUUHVWHG>GRHVKHVWLOOKDYHsa:me]    ULJKWVDVDQDGXOW"> -RKQSXOOVUDUPXS @  2II >  @ 14 Off1: ((reaching toward JB, who further withdraws his arms ; Fig. 2))  -RKQ :¶O,µRQ¶WZDQQEHtouFKHG -%SXOOV back as Off1 reaches)) 16 (0.5) ((Off1 grabs at John’s r. wrist))  0R 'RHVKH>QHHGWREHWROG@Å((Off #1 grabs r. arm))  -RKQ>,GRQ¶WZDQQD@EHWRXFKHG  2II +HGRHVQ¶WKDYHWREHWROG+HKDVD>ZDUUDQW@  -RKQ>,GRQ¶W@ZDQQDEH    WRXFKHG\¶DOOÅ((Off #2 grabs r. arm, starts to handcuff JB ))  0R 6RQRWHYHQDQDGXOWKDVWKHULJKWWREHWROGZKHQWKH\¶UH    DUUHV>WHGZK\  2II> /HWPHWDNHWKLV 25 John: It’s so fuckin’ dumb momma 26 Mo: Yes it is:: 27 (0.3)  0R $QG,¶OOJHWD>ODZ\HUDQGZH¶OOWDNHFDUHRIWKLV@DJDLQ  -RKQ>,W¶VDOOWKHLUIXFNLQIDXOW@ 30 (0.2) 31 Mo: I agree.

John to act compliantly. John resists with for Officer Camacho’s previous grasping of a rather sophisticated formulation con- John. However, it is also a prospective cerning the reluctance to ‘‘be tactile’’ move as it is being said while Officer (line 3). Camacho remains standing for McKinley advances toward John (at about a few moments, rejecting John’s response lines 19–20) before grabbing his arms and (line 5) in a way that reactivates the ear- handcuffing him (at about lines 20–21). lier (line 1) directive, although she Insofar as the officers, through McKinley’s remains standing (line 6). Now John’s vocal citation of the warrant, treat John’s mother asks about ‘‘rights’’ (line 7). As second-position pleadings and resistant Officer Camacho continues to stand in moves (including lines 3, 12, 14, 15, etc.) front of John in a kind of ‘‘waiting’’ pose, as aspects of, or consistent with, the origi- she remains silent (line 8), and then Offi- nal offending actions of the type that neces- cer McKinley invokes the protocol—the sitated the warrant, transpositioning is warrant—under which they can claim to occurring. Their stance is one of responding be operating (line 9). to John’s actions as primary provocations rather than as engaging a series of initiat- Transpositioning. This assertion (‘‘He has ing and offensive moves that John is work- a warrant’’) is a retrospective justification ing defensively to counter. Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 19

Research on directive-response next, Camacho states, ‘‘It should be noted sequences in family contexts demon- that John Haygood had a warrant for his strates that participants (e.g., parents) arrest for battery against school teacher, who get various forms of resistance to, on an incident that occurred back in or noncompliance with, their initiations November 2016.’’ From there, the officer (as from children) can follow with further gives a chronology of events that others directives that take into account such had related to her about John’s conduct resistance or noncompliance (Goodwin in the exam room. Her own observations and Cekaite 2018). They may compro- begin with a description of seeing John mise, account for their directives, turn and his mother at the front office, going such responses into play, listen to a recip- to that office to make contact, and telling ient’s own reasoning, and modify or post- Mrs. Haygood about the warrant and the pone the original request or demand. In need to ‘‘place John under arrest.’’ Officer short, instead of just using what Craven Camacho’s report continues (numbers in and Potter (2010:419) call ‘‘upgraded parentheses are added by SPQ author): directives’’ and increased displays of enti- tlement to direct, those who issue (1) I . . . approached John and told requests and commands can engage in him he had to come with me. John negotiation and even forms of mutual stated, ‘‘don’t touch me, I do not like accountability. This can happen even in to be touch,’’ (sic) (2) I asked John if police-homeless citizen encounters, when he will be willing to walk to my Patrol car, and I would not have to put hand- police work to enforce municipal ordi- cuffs on him; John once again replied nances (Raymond et al. forthcoming), ‘‘don’t touch me, I don’t like to be but it does not happen here. The officers touch.’’ (3) At this point I grabbed virtually ignore John’s pleadings. It is John’s right wrist and he pulled his mother’s question about ‘‘rights’’ back. Deputy McKinley assisted me (line 7) that suggests the legitimacy of by grabbing John’s right wrist while (resistive) responses on the boy’s part. I place him in handcuffs. (4) John Following the protocol assertion (line 9), was getting upset and started saying Officer McKinley deals with her subse- profanities (‘‘is so fucking dumb quent questions about ‘‘rights’’ (lines 11– mama’’ and ‘‘is all their fucking 12, 17) by way of another assertion of fault’’). (5) Deputy McKinley and I police entitlement (line 19). Given the escorted John to his Patrol car where he was patted down to make sure he way in which Officer Camacho’s surveil- did not have any weapons or sharp lance set these events in motions, it object on his person. . . . Deputy seems that John’s mere presence at the McKinley transported John to the school is enough of an affront for them Okeechobee County Jail without fur- to act as responders. That this is the offi- ther incident. There is no further cers’ autobiographical sense of things and information. that transpositioning is a feature of this encounter are further displayed in Officer The first two numbered sentences cap- Camacho’s police report. ture the officer’s first-position directives and John’s second-position responses, Police Report. The report begins with the which are resistive. officer writing that she ‘‘was informed However, transpositioning starts to that student John Benjamin Haygood occur (in sentence 3) with ‘‘and he pulled was on School Campus.’’ Immediately back.’’ The report thus explains John’s 20 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1) pulling back as a second-position move on the different protocols in their embodied his part (a response to having his wrist actions.8 grabbed), but Deputy McKinley is Children who are disabled and described as having ‘‘assisted’’ Camacho, enact resistive moves to police-initiated which depicts John’s move as a provoca- behaviors may meet with embodied, tion necessitating collaborative interven- procedure-based forms of control that dis- tion. Such accounting begins to sever regard the originating moves that prompt John’s comportment from the sequential such resistance. This can occur whether context and what it is doing relative to the encounter is initiated because of see- the first-position, embodied utterance able anomalous conduct, which is at first that it follows and from its relations to misrecognized and later identified as two previous directive-response sequen- autistic, as in Connor’s case. Or it can ces. Moreover, in sentence 4, there is happen when the child is known to have a psychological inference (‘‘John was get- autism spectrum disorder (ASD) but the ting upset’’) and a portrayal of John’s use matter has become backgrounded as offi- of profanities, each of which aligns with cers focus on statutory issues, as with his having ‘‘pulled back’’ as initiating John. In any case, such embodied forms (offensive) actions rather than second- of control are later followed with written position (defensive) responses. In fact, versions of what originally happened John’s profanities are, in their interac- that encapsulate the same protocol-based tional environment, dealing with officer interventions, but now in words featuring initiations that have overridden his pro- an elision of the interactional contexts in tests about being touched. The profanities which children’s behavior is enmeshed. are directed as complaints to his mother And therefore, for those who implement (via his gaze), not the officers, and they them, protocols may operate as virtual are about the situation (via the reference blinders to the nuances as well as the to ‘‘it’’) and about the officers (third- larger social organizational facets of the person reference in ‘‘their fucking fault’’) interactional environment in which these and not to them as such. Sentence 4, with- protocols are features. Surely such mech- out reference to the interactional contex- anisms operate in other contexts as well, ture (although the address term ‘‘mama’’ and we now turn to a clinical case. is included), suggests the profanities to be provoking initiations that implicate CASE 3: A CLINIC FOR intervention. DIAGNOSING AUTISM In the actual interaction, the officers At the time of his evaluation, Dan Chap- comport themselves according to the war- man (pseudonym) was nine years and rant that they invoke during the interac- two months of age and in the third grade tion. Similarly, in the police report, the at school. His pediatrician referred Dan warrant is cited as a protocol that the offi- to Central Developmental Disabilities cers are following. When we compare Clinic (pseudonym), or CDDC, for evalua- Connor Leibel’s case with this one, we tion because of his ‘‘significant behavioral see how in each situation, and even challenges,’’ including a history of aggres- though the protocols that officers follow sive and disruptive behavior at school, are different (training for the discern- difficulty with two-way conversations— ment of drug use in the former and an arrest warrant in the latter), they are 8For a thorough discussion of protocols as prominent, consequential features of sociological objects and their relation to practice, each scene insofar as the officers express see Lynch et al. (2008). Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 21 although he could talk for hours on topics enters a description of the event in Dan’s of interest to him, such as cars—and medical record. other matters. At the CDDC, a number Using a variety of different linguistic of specialists saw Dan. forms, Jennifer, at lines 3–4, 11–13, and We are concentrating on a small subtest 18 in the following transcript, directs Dan that the psychologist, Jennifer Carson to do the demonstration. With the ‘‘I want (pseudonym), gave to Dan as she adminis- you...’’prefaceandtheimperativestruc- tered the demonstration task of the Autism turing (‘‘So watch this’’) at lines 3–4, the Diagnostic and Observations Schedule first directive is high in terms of entitlement (ADOS), the current ‘‘gold standard’’ exam- (cf. Curl and Drew 2008), whereas the ination for diagnosing ASD (Lord et al. follow-up request at line 11 is less entitled, 2012). The exam is play-based, meaning andtheoneatline18,statedinmotiva- that in part, it provides a standard series tional terms, displays even less entitlement of social contexts through which communi- by suggesting a contingent reason for Dan’s cative and social behaviors can be assessed noncompliance, and inviting closure. (Lord et al. 1989). One section of the ADOS After each of these directives, Dan is called the demonstration task, which is moves or shakes his head laterally in designed to assess ‘‘the participant’s ability a ‘‘no’’ motion. Figure 3 is taken at about to communicate about a familiar series of line 3 from the previous transcript and actions using gesture or mime with accom- shows the two participants with mutual panying language, and to report on a rou- gaze. However, per Figure 4 (from line 4), Dan is shifting his head to his right, tine event’’ (Lord et al. 2012:113). The clini- moving his gaze to the table, and his cian is instructed to layout(withgestures) head will swing back to his left as she an imaginary sink, hot water, cold water, completes the utterance telling Dan to faucets, and so on. Then he or she she is ‘‘watch this.’’ Motions like this on the to say, ‘‘Now I want you to show me and part of Dan are also at lines 16 and 19 tell me how to brush my teeth. Start right after two subsequent directives. at the beginning.’’ Jennifer, subsequent to line 19, follows The excerpt with Dan and Jennifer is the test protocol that specifies how to on the next page and is only about a third handle such noncompliance (not shown of the entire interaction in which Dan in transcript). She is to demonstrate refuses to comply with Jennifer’s direc- how to drive a car. But as she does this tives to do the demonstration task. A by way of a storytelling mode, Dan still detailed and more complete transcript shakes his head laterally to resist the tell- and analysis of the full episode can be ing. There is an exception at one point, found in Maynard and Turowetz (forth- when he claims to have already learned coming-b). The phenomenon of transposi- about driving a car. Jennifer says, ‘‘You tioning is not in the demonstration episode do?,’’ and then continues with the driving per se. Rather, it emerges when Jennifer a car story. During this, Dan indicates and the pediatrician for Dan’s CDDC visit ‘‘no’’ with two continued lateral move- discuss his performance on the ADOS ments of his head. Upon completing her demonstration task. In this paper, their story, Jennifer takes the next step in the discussion is below in the subsequent tran- protocol, which is to ask Dan to ‘‘Show script entitled, ‘‘Psychologist Jennifer me and tell me how you’d wash your Carson and Dr. Leah Grant, Developmen- face.’’ In serially responding to another, tal Pediatrician.’’ Transpositioning is also subsequent series of such directives, evident, as we shall see, where Jennifer Dan shakes his head six more times. 22 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

Dan Chapman and Dr. Jennifer Carson, Psychologist; Case 24 (normalized transcript)

 -HQ $OOULJKW6RWKHQH[WWKLQJ,¶GOLNHWRGRLVNLQGDVLOO\, 2 want you to pretend that I don’t know how to brush my teeth,   RND\"6R,ZDQW\RXWRVKRZPHDQGWHOOPHKRZ\RXEUXVK\RXU   WHHWK>6RZDWFKWKLV@  'DQ> /DWHUDO head shake))] Å1 6 Jen: So here’s a pretend sink. 7 (0.7)  -HQ +HUH¶VWKH KRWZDWHU!  FROGZDWHU  WRRWKEUXVK   9 toothpaste and a cup. 10 (.)  -HQ &DQ\RXVKRZPHDQGWHOOPHKRZ\RXEUXVK\RXUWHHWK"     'DQVKLIWVJD]HGRZQZDUGIURP-HQWRWKHWDEOH   -HQ 3UHWHQG,¶PDQDOLHQDQG,KDYHQRLGHD 14 (.)  -HQ >.HKHKKHK@  'DQ > /DWHUDOKHDGVKDNH @ Å2 17 (0.4) 18 Jen: You don’t wanna try that?     'DQGRHVODWKHDGVKDNH Å3

Figure 3. Line 3 from ‘‘Dan Chapman and Dr. Jennifer Carson, Psychologist; Case 24 (normal- ized transcript)’’

Figure 4. Line 4 from ‘‘Dan Chapman and Dr. Jennifer Carson, Psychologist; Case 24 (normal- ized transcript)’’ Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 23

Psychologist Jennifer Carson and Dr. Leah Grant, Developmental Pediatrician (normalized transcript)

 -HQ 8PKHGLGQ¶WKDYHDQ\ZKDW,ZRXOGVD\ZHUHLQDSSURSULDWH   VRFLDORYHUWXUHV",PHDQKHKHDFWXDOO\UHVSRQGHGSUHWW\   QLFHO\+HVDLGWKDQN\RXDQG\RX¶UHZHOFRPHDQG 4 Leah: He’s got strengths!  -HQ +HGRHV$EVROXWHO\ 6 Leah: Yeah.  -HQ 8P\HDK,PHDQ,¶GVD\WKHPRVWDW\SLFDOUHVSRQVHKHKDGZDV   WKDWRQHWLPHZKHQKHJRWXSDQGKHZDONHGDZD\WRWKHFRUQHU 9 . . . but he came back and I just brought out the break toys.

Finally, he gets up from the chair, and and mom said actually that he was like Jennifer says, ‘‘You don’t wanna try that completely done. . . . But he came back.’’ one? Okay.’’ Next, Jennifer refers to Dan’s limitations After at least 11 indications of resis- with emotional expression, eye contact, tance—Dan’s negative head move- gesturing, and intonation. Finally, in the ments—Jennifer’s query may seem like above transcript at lines 1–3, she produ- something of an understatement. More ces appreciations of what Leah calls his analytically, it is a replica of what she ‘‘strengths’’ (line 4), agrees with Leah had said at line 18 in the transcript, and (line 5), and makes a second reference to it ascribes a motive to his conduct: He the demonstration task (lines 7–9). does not ‘‘want’’ to participate in the dem- In neither of these passages about the onstration exercise. Meanwhile, Dan demonstration task does Jennifer capture walks to the corner of the room where the first series of directives, the driving his mother has been sitting and crouches a car storytelling, the second set of direc- down behind a chair. Eventually, he is tives, and Dan’s polite but consistent and persuaded to return to the table and com- potentially insistent forms of resistance plete the ADOS exam. throughout. To be sure, in the first pas- sage, an optimistic cast is put on the event: Elision and Transpositioning. Other than Having ‘‘shut down,’’ he ‘‘came back.’’ Sim- the motivational attributions on Jenni- ilarly, at lines 8–9 in the second passage fer’s part, the matter of transpositioning (above transcript), Jennifer depicts Dan as such is not evident in the interactions as having ‘‘walked away to the corner’’ involving the demonstration task. It but also ‘‘he came back.’’ In both segments, becomes apparent subsequently when Dan’s walking away appears as a sponta- Jennifer, as the diagnosing psychologist, neous and somewhat unilateral behavior and Dr. ‘‘Leah Grant,’’ a developmental on his part, such that the sequentially pediatrician, meet to decide on a diagnosis and serially assembled actions and inter- for Dan. Early in their discussion, Jenni- actions disappear from view; with no men- fer reveals that Dan had met the cutoff tion of directives or refusals, these actions score to qualify for a diagnosis of ASD. and interactions are utterly elided. In (The diagnosis is applied when a child’s other words, Dan’s behavior seems abrupt score exceeds 9; Dan’s score was 13.) and unexpected, and to have been under- Then she immediately refers to the dem- taken unilaterally, rather than being onstration task, reporting, ‘‘There was the culmination of a chain of directive- one point where he shut down briefly response sequences. Constituting a breach, 24 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1)

Dan’s actions take on a first position char- forms of concrete competence9 lack visibil- acter, and it is as if bringing out ‘‘the break ity for the ways his skillful – properly toys’’ (line 9) above is a second-position timed and consistently communicated – move relative to what is characterized as indications of resistance matter for the Dan’s ‘‘most atypical response’’ (line 7). organization of social understanding and This is transpositioning via reportage, intelligibility. Moreover, such indications and it brings us to a consideration of and how they may be Dan’s way of being more formal reports, such as in this case, in a demanding situation may be relevant the medical records. to consider when making recommendations for his integration in home, school, or other Medical Reports. When Dan had com- social environments. pleted the entire testing and examination Finally, consider another aspect of regimen at the CDDC, the clinicians con- Dan’s medical report, which was avail- tributed to his already extensive medical able to the clinicians before they con- records by way of their own ‘‘Evaluation ducted their examinations. The following Report.’’ This document provides an passage is included under ‘‘Pertinent extensive set of information on everything Background Information’’ (geographic as from the reason for his referral to the well as personal references in the follow- clinic to specific scores, not only on the ing are pseudonyms): ADOS but on other tests, such as those concerned with cognitive performance Dan’s special education teacher . . . and communication skills, and including shared a note that Dan seems to have questionnaires administered to his mother more ‘‘good’’ days than ‘‘bad’’ days but and his special education teacher. Of focal his bad days at school involve verbally interest for our purposes is the report that and/or physically aggressive behavior. Jennifer Carlson wrote in a section called His teacher noted that Dan has had ‘‘Behavioral Observations,’’ and specifi- three ‘‘major meltdowns’’ since starting cally a passage about the demonstration at his new school. These incidences task: have required seclusion and/or restraint procedures to be implemented. When asked to demonstrate how he brushes his teeth during a particular Although the events being described activity, Dan walked away from the (‘‘aggressive behavior,’’ ‘‘major melt- table and faced the wall in the corner downs’’) are not available in their interac- of the room. He soon rejoined the tional environments, it is strongly infer- examiner at the table and explored able that this reportage results from some of the new materials that had transpositioning. If the evidence from been placed out for him. our three examples is representative, aggressive conduct and what psychia- Here, Jennifer at least mentions the trists may consider as decompensation— context in which Dan’s withdrawal the failure to cope in ordinary life (as occurred (‘‘When asked to . . . ’’), but she writes nothing of the series of sequences 9Concrete competence concerns the very skills in which Dan, again and again, before by which a person participates in the ‘‘interac- reaching the culminating point of tional substrate’’ (Maynard and Marlaire ‘‘walking away,’’ resisted the clinician’s 1992) of an activity such as testing—for example, asking/answering questions, sustaining mutual overtures. attention, and understanding and then Whatever the source of Dan’s resistance following/resisting directives. See also Maynard may have been, such elision means that and Turowetz (2017b) and Turowetz (2015). Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 25

Dan’s withdrawal may indicate)—do not accomplished, a mechanism that renders arise unbidden. There is a social context behavior in interaction as behavior that in which such conduct may be responsive is actionable for credentialed agents in to actions of others, even though it is the particular organization. The mecha- depicted as from the individual’s own ini- nisms and practices of transpositioning tiative and his or her motivational or other thus include how: psychological state. In this light, also recall the police reports on John Haygood and the 1. matters begin by way of a profes- charges about the conduct resulting in his sional or other participant’s initia- school suspension: threats, punching, kick- tion (first position), warranted by ing, scratching, and hitting, wherein no protocol; mention is made of any first position moves 2. the ASD person fashions a response (second position) that is resistive/ to which they may have been responsive noncooperative; (suchasJohn’sownallegationstohis 3. the initiating party sees and por- father of being pinched). Put plainly, trays the ASD person’s second- behavior may never be an isolated, individ- position behavior as the latter’s ual emanation, like a phenotype ordinarily own initiation or feature; considered. Rather, sociologically and in 4. there is an elision of the initiation terms of social psychology, we need an or first-position action in police, understanding of behavior in interaction. clinical, or other reports, both oral and written.11 CONCLUSION: RECORD-KEEPING, TRANSPOSITIONING Suggesting that police and medical reports elide the contexts of behavior From studies of recordkeeping—police, described reinforces Garfinkel’s (1967:203) medical, and otherwise—we know assertion that ‘‘document meanings are that records are not what Garfinkel disengaged from the actual procedures (1967:190) called ‘‘actuarial’’ accountings, having ‘‘the properties of completeness, 11This pattern is not an academic ironic com- clarity, credibility, and the like,’’ and ment on professional or layperson treatment of instead are something like contractual individuals with autism. That conflictual interac- accountings. They make it possible to tions involving professionals and laypersons are susceptible of differing interpretations and ana- carry out the business of an organization lytic understandings in social life and not just under the auspices of the organization’s academic analysis is amply demonstrated in own protocols, ‘‘justifying an actual or Goodwin’s (1994) discussions of ‘‘professional potential course of actions’’ between the vision.’’ For example, when police first went on professionals and the subject (Garfinkel trial for the beating of Rodney King in the 10 1990s in Los Angeles, defense attorneys’ sche- 1967:199–203). As Dan’s medical record matic coding of what was seen on a videotape of states, his ‘‘incidences have required the beating suggested that police were respond- seclusion and/or restraint procedures to ing to King’s provocative body movements. In be implemented.’’ a second trial (after an acquittal in the first), The three empirical examples suggest prosecutors provided a different framework in which King’s same body movements were ‘‘high- transpositioning as a detailed mechanism lighted’’ as reactions rather than provocations. whereby the contractual use of records is The courtroom as encompassing what Goodwin (1994:622) calls a ‘‘dialogic frame’’ is a complex 10See also Heath and Luff (2000) and Meehan matter, but the essence of transpositioning can (1986) and the literature they review for comple- be seen as a feature of the defense strategy in mentary studies on recordkeeping. Also relevant the first trial that was overcome in the second is Turowetz and Maynard (forthcoming). one. 26 Social Psychology Quarterly 82(1) whereby documents were assembled.’’ are inseparable from subsequently con- Rather than raising questions about pre- strued violative behaviors of the individu- cipitating actions or what are generally als with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). called ‘‘triggers’’ (Buschbacher and Fox To the degree that social psychological 2009; Prizant 2015) and what we have ana- analysis remains answerable to what lyzed as first-position utterances or actions happens in actual social interaction and in adjacency pair sequences, the result is experience, such examination fits the retrospectively or prospectively to justify behest of Cooley (1922), Mead (1934), interventions to correct the individual. and others12 who envisioned social psy- Transpositioning draws on the sense, rein- chology as centrally concerned with inter- forced by the embodiment of professionally action.13 Moreover, the ethnomethodology learned protocols, that the individual and and conversation analysis (EMCA) his or her behavior is in violation of approach here may also resonate with rec- taken-for-granted, commonsense ways of ommendations to take concrete social envi- acting in a locally constituted social world. ronments ‘‘seriously’’ (Bearman 2013)— and seriously enough to ground notions of social influence in participants’ own actual Why Social Psychology Needs Autism conduct and understandings thereof. and Why Autism Needs Social Accordingly, autism needs social psy- Psychology chology and its tradition of interaction- If an aspect of social psychology, per based research to understand how behav- Cartwright (1979:88), is to ‘‘explain how ior in interaction—such as second posi- society influences the . . . behavior of tion in a sequence—can become transpo- individuals and, in turn is influenced by sitioned and depicted as an initiation them,’’ it can suggest a potentially inti- and as individual’s own (autistic) prop- mate connection between the society and erty. That is, the phenomenon of transpo- the individual. However, when this con- sitioning is socially ordered and orga- nection is cognitively based, as Cart- nized through identifiable practices such wright (1979:88) also notes, then behavior as those made available by the tradition is a unitary emanation—a ‘‘product’’— employed here of ethnomethodological that the individual manifests according conversation analysis. The investigation to ‘‘subjective experience’’ as influenced of adjacency pairs and sequencing shows by social structure. In this view, the that behavior as such is not a phenotypi- individual-society connection is relatively cal endpoint to which genomic or neuro- remote, abstract, and impersonal (Dan- behavioral conditions can be correlated. ziger 1990), rather than close, intimate, The phenotypic bottleneck (Freese 2008), or co-constitutive. To consider anew how in other words, needs unpacking in terms the ‘‘behavior of an individual’’ is con- cretely relational, social psychology needs 12See, for example, the classic Social Psychol- autism, where it is useful to examine ogy textbook of Newcomb, Turner, and Converse (1966), whose subtitle is, The Study of Human somewhat extreme cases, such as those Interaction. A 2015 edition is available in eText- in this paper, although they may be book and print versions from Psychology Press related to other forensic (see e.g., Duck of the Taylor and Francis Group. 2017; Rawls, Duck, and Turowetz 13The conversation analysis perspective in 2018) and clinical environments involv- this paper is, of course, different from other approaches to interaction taken over the years. ing different identities. The cases here For comparison of conversation analysis and exhibit how clearly identifiable and Bales’s interaction process analysis, for example, professionally-based antecedent actions see Pera¨kyla¨ (1998). Why Social Psychology and Autism Need Each Other 27 of the way that one party’s actions are I want to thank those who assisted in the data intimately connected to his or her interac- collection and research that forms the basis for this paper: Waverly Duck, T. A. McDonald, Trini tional antecedents and consequences. It Stickle, Adam Talkington, and especially my may be that from the standpoint of stan- steady co-author, Jason Turowetz. For comments dardized diagnostic systems, such as and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper, I those in the Diagnostic and Statistical am grateful to and in the debt of Peter Bearman, Manual of Mental Disorders (APA 2013), Steve Clayman, Virginia Gill, John Heritage, Jay Meehan, Anne Rawls, and Jason Turowetz. the complexity of the phenotype appears Last, and far from least, I thank Steve Clay- ‘‘messy’’ and may ‘‘fail to capture ade- man and Virginia Gill for their extremely gener- quately the variety of ways in which dis- ous introduction. orders are expressed’’ (Grinker 2007; cf. Singh 2016:28), but appreciation of the FUNDING order and organization of interaction can This study was made possible by a grant from the distill such messiness and inadequacy National Science Foundation (No. 1257065), and into more fully coherent social psychologi- support from the Waisman Center at the Univer- cal and interactional terms. The implica- sity of Wisconsin, Madison, and its University tions of this study may thereby pertain Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabil- to the social psychology of behavior gener- ities grant (NICHD No. P30 HD03352). ally and not just that between professional or other neurotypical persons and individ- REFERENCES uals with Autism Spectrum Disorder. Admin. 2017. ‘‘An Interview with the Mom of 10-Year Old Autistic Boy Who Was ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Arrested at His School.’’ The Art of Autism: Connecting through the Arts. Retrieved This research was delivered at the annual meet- January 31, 2019 (https://the-art-of- ings of the American Sociological Association in autism.com/tag/john-benjamin-haygood/) Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in August 2018, as American Psychiatric Association. 2013. Diag- the Cooley-Mead Award address. I am very grate- nostic and Statistical Manual of Mental ful to those who nominated me for this award Disorders. 5th ed. 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