Almost at-a-distance Andrew McKenzie (Kansas) and Lydia Newkirk (Rutgers) accepted draft in Linguistics & Philosophy
[email protected] [email protected] https://doi.org/10.1007/s10988-019-09275-6 Abstract We claim that the meaning of the adverbial almost contains both a scalar proximity measure and a modal that allows it to work sometimes when proximity fails, what we call the at-a-distance reading. Essentially, almost can hold if the proposition follows from the normal uninterrupted out- comes of adding a small enough number of premises to a selection of rel- evant facts. Almost at-a-distance is blocked when the temporal properties of the topic time and Davidsonian event prevent normal outcomes from coming true when they need to. This approach to almost differs from the two general approaches that have emerged in the literature, by replacing the negative polar condition (not p) with a positive antecedent condition that entails not p while avoid- ing the numerous well-documented complications of employing a polar condition. Since this approach to almost involves a circumstantial base with a non-interrupting ordering source, almost behaves in certain ways like the progressive, and shows contextual variability of the same kinds that we see with premise sets. 1 Introduction The adverbial almost has a clear intuitive meaning, but has proven very difficult to reconcile with a formal semantics. Two basic approaches characterize our understanding of almost in the literature. Under scalar alternative accounts, almost p holds when p is false but some close alternative proposition q is true. Modal closeness accounts argue that almost p holds of world w when p is false in w, but true in some close alternative world w0.