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Acknowledgements

I began this journey with the aim of reaffirming my identity as a Cook Islander. This was initiated by the loss of my grandfather, Maka Kea who was the foundation of our family. For our family, my grandfather was the epitome of Cook Island culture and, our visual link to our culture. His contributions as a grandfather, father and mentor instilled many cultural beliefs in the formation of our identities. I must also acknowledge my late grandmother, Elizabeth Kea, a taunga of tivaevae design. Although her presence left many years ago, the memory of her has never faded. This research is dedicated to them both, whose presence and contributions embodied Cook Island culture. Firstly I would like to thank my son Dhyntae, whose continued support and patience has given me the determination to keep going through the years. I would also like to thank Uncle Matauri and Aunty Jean whose contributions, support and enthusiasm towards this work have been extremely beneficial while their encouragement kept me going. I would also like to thank my mother Ngavaine, whose continued support through my years of study has enabled me to strive to achieve and without her help, I could have never have completed in the time I had. I would like to thank Mrs Maea Moeroa, whose contributions and continued support have been phenomenal. I would also like to thank Mrs Bateseba Daniel, whose presence and contributions have been of great assistance. Also, I would like to thank Reverend Timote Turu and his wife, Mata Vaiura Turu for their gracious contribution. Lastly but definitely not least, I would like to thank my supervisors, Emmanuel Turner and Nicholas Vanderschantz for their contributions, patience and continued support.

- ii - Abstract

The issues surrounding appropriation leads this study to investigate if cultural appropriation is detrimental to Cook Island culture. The research focuses on Cook Island culture with the aim of identifying if appropriation occurs and if it leads to loss of Cook Island visual identity. Furthermore, the research considers the references utilised by Cook Island young adults with the aim of identifying the associations made with their visual identity. This extends to consider if Cook Island young adults have stronger associations with brands who appropriate Cook Island designs to their own culture. Thus, giving thought to consider if the influence of cultural primes utilised by foreign agencies generate a loss of identity within the youth culture of the Cook Islands, and ultimately generate a loss of cultural identity for future generations.

However, the limitations of this research and lack of literature, hindered the ability to substantiate if cultural appropriation leads to loss of Cook Island visual identity. Nonetheless, the research did provide recognition of the issues faced by the Cook Islands regarding cultural appropriation, identifying its ability to afford the same protection of its cultural forms as provided to those within Western society, are hindered due to the nature of its arts and culture. Furthermore, the research acknowledges the difficulty surrounding the identification of motifs considered to be distinct to the Cook Islands is predicated upon motifs generalised as Polynesian. The research also provided insight into the cues utilised by Cook Island young adults in the formation of their visual identity and, acknowledges the existence of brands utilising cultural forms as references utilised for representations of their visual identity.

- iii - Contents

Acknowledgements ii Abstract iii Contents iv List Of Figures vi List Of Tables xiii Glossary xiv 1. Introduction 1 2. Literature Review 5 2.1 The Cook Islands 7 2.1.1 Geography 9 2.1.2 History 9 2.1.3 Religion 10 2.1.4 Culture 12 2.1.5 Identity 14 2.1.6 Visual Identity 15 2.1.7 Re-Positioning 18 2.1.8 Re-Claiming of Identity 19 2.1.9 Ta-Tatau 20 2.1.10 Tivaevae 28 2.1.11 The Cook Islands Summary 35 2.2 Cultural Appropriation 37 2.2.1 Intellectual Property 37 2.2.2 Cultural Appropriation 38 2.2.3 Authenticity 41 2.2.4 Representation/Misrepresentation 43 2.2.5 Rationale 44 2.2.6 Control 46 2.2.7 Design Responsibility 47 2.2.8 Cultural Appropriation Summary 48 2.3 Appropriating Cook Island Motifs 50 2.3.1 Ta-tatau Motifs 50 2.3.2 Tivaevae Designs & Motifs 51 2.3.3 Appropriating Cook Island Motifs Summary 54 2.4 Young Adult Visual Identity 56 2.4.1 The Formation of Identity in the Young Adult 56 2.4.2 Visual Identity 57 2.4.3 Young Adults & Brands 58 2.4.4 Young Adult Visual Identity Summary 59 2.5 Literature Review Conclusion 61 3. Study of Tivaevae & Motifs 65 3.1 Identification of Motifs 66 3.1.1 Methodology 66 3.1.2 Results 69 3.1.3 Findings 70 3.1.4 Identification of Motifs Discussion 70 3.1.5 Future Research 71

- iv - contents

3.2 Analysis of Cook Island Tivaevae 72 3.2.1 Methodology 73 3.2.2 Results 75 3.2.3 Findings 76 3.2.4 Cook Island Tivaevae Discussion 82 3.3 Analysis of Polynesian tivaevae 84 3.3.1 Methodology 85 3.3.2 Results 86 3.3.3 Findings 86 3.3.4 Polynesian Tivaevae Discussion 93 3.4 Cook Island & Polynesian Tivaevae 95 3.4.1 Results 95 3.4.2 Findings 96 3.4.3 Cook Island and Polynesian Tivaevae Discussion 100 3.5 Study of Tivaevae & Motifs Conclusion 102 4. Study of Cook Island Visual Identity 105 4.1 Participant Visual Questionnaire 106 4.1.1 Methodology 106 4.1.2 Results 109 4.1.3 Findings 111 4.1.4 Participant Visual Questionnaire Discussion 114 4.2 Participant Interviews 117 4.2.1 Methodology 117 4.2.2 Results 117 4.2.3 Findings 131 4.2.4 Participant Interview Discussion 135 4.3 Study of Cook Island Visual Identity Conclusion 139 5. Conclusion 141 5.1 Future Research 145 References 147 Bibliography 152 Appendix 1 158 Appendix 2 159 Appendix 3 161 Appendix 4 162 Appendix 5 165 Appendix 6 168

- v - List Of Figures

Fig.2.1 The Cook Islands 8 Vector graphic: B. Kea WorldAtlas.com (n.d.). Fig.2.2 Mangaian God 11 Art Galleries and Museums Association of NZ (1969). No Sort of Iron: Culture of Cook's Polynesians. Christchurch. p.10. Fig.2.3 Aitutaki Triple God 11 Art Galleries and Museums Association of NZ (1969). No Sort of Iron: Culture of Cook's Polynesians. Christchurch. p.10 Fig.2.4 Rarotongan Standing God 11 Hooper, S. (2006). Pacific Encounters: Art & Divinity in Polynesia 1760-1860. Wellington, New Zealand: Te Papa Press. p.21 Fig.2.5 Cook Island Flag incorporating CIP colours. 16 Flagspot.net (2006). Fig.2.6 Cook Island Flag 16 Flagspot.net (2009). Fig.2.7 Artificial flowers 17 Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Mrs Moeroa Maea Fig.2.8 Makea Pori, Rarotongan Chief 21 National Library of Australia. (n.d). Fig.2.9 Tupai's rau teve 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132. Fig.2.10 Pakitoa's rau teve 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132. Fig.2.11 Tai Uritaua's rau teve 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132. Fig.2.12 Ruru motif 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132. Fig.2.13 Ruru motif 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132. Fig.2.14 `etu motif 24 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.132.

- vi - list of figures

Fig.2.15 Mangaian Tapa 29 Buck, P. (T. R. Hiroa). (1944). Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands. Honolulu, Hawaii: The Museum. p.30. Fig.2.16 Cook Island Tapa detail. 29 Mirow, G. (1993). Polynesian and Oceanian Designs. Mineola, N.Y.: Dover; Newton Abbot: David & Charles. p.149. Fig.2.17 Cook Island hair cutting ceremony 30 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.60. Fig.2.18 Tivaevae taorei 31 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.2.19 Tivaevae manu 31 Mrs Moeroa Maea (1995). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Mrs Moeroa Maea Fig.2.20 Tivaevae ta'taura 32 Mrs Moeroa Maea (1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Mrs Moeroa Maea Fig.2.21 Detail of tivaevae tuitui ta'taura 32 Mrs Elizabeth Kea (circa 1970). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Kea family Fig.2.22 Tivaevae tataura. 33 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.35. Fig.2.23 Detail of embroidery 33 Mrs Elizabeth Kea (circa 1970). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Kea family Fig.2.24 Hawaiian quilt 34 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.69. Fig.2.25 Tahiti - Society Islands quilt 34 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32.

- vii - list of figures

Fig.2.26 Kaute motif (trans. hibiscus) 35 Tivaevae ta'taura Mrs Moeroa Maea (circa 1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Mrs Moeroa Maea Fig.3.1 Cook Island tivaevae motifs 68 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ; Enoka, N., & Maea, M. (2006). Tokoroa Tivaivai Tivaevae Artists New Zealand: Book Committee; Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press; Mrs Moeroa Maea Photograph: B.Kea Collection: Mrs Moeroa Maea; Mrs Teatuanui Teau Photograph: B.Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.2 Tivaevae 1 73 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.3 Tivaevae 2 73 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118. Fig.3.4 Tivaevae 3 73 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.51. Fig.3.5 Tivaevae 4 73 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.6 Tivaevae 1 rotated 90˚ 76 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.7 Tivaevae 2 rotated 180˚ 76 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118.

- viii - list of figures

Fig.3.8 Tivaevae 1 grid 77 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.9 Tivaevae 2 grid 77 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118. Fig.3.10 Tivaevae 3 grid. 77 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.51. Fig.3.11 Tivaevae 4 grid 77 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.12 Form detail of Tivaevae 1 78 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.13 Form detail of Tivaevae 2 78 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118. Fig.3.14 Form detail of Tivaevae 3 78 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.51. Fig.3.15 Form detail of Tivaevae 4 78 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.16 Tiger Lily. Flickr (2008d). 78 Fig.3.17 Gardenia. Flickr (2008c). 78 Fig.3.18 Chrysanthemum. Flickr (2008b). 78 Fig.3.19 Tivaevae 1 motifs 79 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.20 Tivaevae 2 motifs 79 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118. Fig.3.21 Tivaevae 3 motifs 79 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.51.

- ix - list of figures

Fig.3.22 Tivaevae 4 motifs 79 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (circa 1975). Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.23 Colour range of Tivaevae 1 79 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.24 Colour range of Tivaevae 2 79 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.118. Fig.3.25 Colour range of Tivaevae 3 80 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.51. Fig.3.26 Colour range of Tivaevae 4 81 Mrs Teatuanui Teau (circa 1975) Photograph: B. Kea Collection: Jean Teauono Fig.3.27 Embroidery detail of Tivaevae 1 82 Rongokea, L. (2001). The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting. Auckland, New Zealand: Random House NZ. p.61. Fig.3.28 Tiger Lily. Flickr (2008d). 82 Fig.3.29 Tivaevae 5 85 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.30 Tivaevae 6 85 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.31 Tivaevae 7 85 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.32 Tivaevae 8 85 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32. Fig.3.33 Tivaevae 5 rotated 180° 87 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.34 Tivaevae 8 rotated 180° 87 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32.

- x - list of figures

Fig.3.35 Tivaevae 5 grid 87 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.36 Tivaevae 6 grid 87 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.37 Tivaevae 8 grid 87 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.38 Detail of Tivaevae 5 88 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.39 Detail of Tivaevae 6 88 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.40 Detail of Tivaevae 7 88 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.41 Detail of Tivaevae 8 88 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32. Fig.3.42 Jasmine. Flickr (2007). 88 Fig.3.43 Constellation. Flickr (2006). 88 Fig.3.44 Anthurium. Flickr (2009). 88 Fig.3.45 Peacock. Flickr (2008a). 88 Fig.3.46 Tivaevae 5 motifs 89 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.47 Tivaevae 6 motifs 89 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.48 Tivaevae 7 motifs 89 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.49 Tivaevae 8 motifs 89 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32.

- xi - list of figures

Fig.3.50 Colour range of Tivaevae 5 90 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.51 Colour range of Tivaevae 6 90 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.52 Colour range of Tivaevae 7 91 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.53 Colour range of Tivaevae 8 91 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32. Fig.3.54 Embroidery detail of Tivaevae 7 92 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.55 Tivaevae 5 border 92 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.38. Fig.3.56 Tivaevae 6 border 92 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.36. Fig.3.57 Tivaevae 7 border 92 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.33. Fig.3.58 Tivaevae 8 border 92 Hammond, J. D. (1986a). Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p.32. Fig.4.1 Participant Visual Questionnaire 2009 107-108 Fig.4.2 Significance of Tivaevae 111 Fig.4.3 Identification of Cook Island Motifs 112 Fig.4.4 Count of Cook Island Motif Selection 112 Fig.4.5 Identifiability Rank of Cook Island Motifs 113

- xii - List Of Tables

Table 3.1 Motifs Recorded in 67 Cook Island tivaevae 69 Table 3.2 Description of Attribute analysed 74 Table 3.3 Analysis of Cook Island Tivaevae 75 Table 3.4 Analysis of Polynesian Tivaevae 86 Table 3.5 Attributes of Cook Island & Polynesian Tivaevae 95 Table 3.6 Cook Island and Polynesian Rotational Attribute 96 Table 3.7 Cook Island and Polynesian Grid Attribute 96 Table 3.8 Cook Island and Polynesian Depiction Attribute 97 Table 3.9 Cook Island and Polynesian Motif Attribute 97 Table 3.10 Cook Island and Polynesian Colour Attribute 98 Table 3.11 Cook Island and Polynesian Embroidery Attribute 99 Table 3.12 Cook Island and Polynesian Border Attribute 99 Table 4.1 Interview Questions 117 Table 4.2 Participant Representations of Identity 118 Table 4.3 Participant Identification of Cook Island Visual Arts 120 Table 4.4 Participant Response to Significance of Visual Arts/Activities 122 Table 4.5 Significance of Visual Art/Activites Identified 122 Table 4.6 Participant Identification of Images/Symbols/Motifs 124 Table 4.7 Cultural Representations of Identity 125 Table 4.8 Participant Explanation of Cultural Appropriation 126 Table 4.9 Participant Exposure to Cultural Appropriation 128 Table 4.10 Participant View of Cook Island Cultural Appropriation 130

- xiii - Glossary

Ei Necklace made of flowers Etu Star Kaute Hibiscus Mana Ideology, power, tribal authority Maoritanga Native history Oora Presentation of gifts Pareu Cook Island wrap or sarong Rau Leaf Tapa Cloth made from bark Tatau 1. Tattoo 2. Presentation of scriptures from the Cook Island bible Ta-tatau The practice of tattooing Teve Species of wild arrowroot Tivaevae Cook Island quilt Tivaevae taorei Cook Island patchwork quilt Tivaevae manu Cook Island quilt cut from fabric folded four or eight times Tivaevae tataura Cook Island quilt made from fabric of various sizes and colour Tivaevae tuitui tataura Cook Island quilt made from intricate embroidery Ukelele Small guitar Uto Young coconut tree

- xiv - 1. Introduction

Cultural appropriation is a controversial topic as it is viewed as taking cultural forms from one culture for use by members of another. This leads one to question if cultural appropriation can have detrimental effects on the identity of indigenous cultures. This study investigates the appropriation of Cook Island designs for the purpose of determining if its effects on Cook Island young adults can lead to the loss of Cook Island identity. The research investigates four key areas; the Cook Islands; cultural appropriation; appropriation of Cook Island designs and; young adults' visual identity. The research also considers brands, within young adults' visual identity in Chapter Two and, Cook Island visual identity in Chapter Four. This research intends to generate awareness amongst Cook Island society regarding the issues of appropriation of its cultural forms and, Cook Island young adult identity. The objective is to enable Cook Island society to consider options of protecting their cultural forms and, encourage promotion to strengthen cultural association by Cook Island young adults with their visual identity. This can also be extended to other indigenous cultures who face similar issues with appropriation and possibilities of loss of visual identity. The research is also intended to be considered by graphic designers and other creatives who appropriate cultural forms from indigenous cultures with the aim of providing some insight into the sensitivity regarding cultural identity. The literature investigates the Cook Islands from a Western perspective while considering post-colonialism. Post colonialism questions imperial and colonial experiences to consider the experiences of indigenous cultures and the effects of colonial history on them "Postcolonial histories include the perspectives of the colonized and often revise the understanding of their experiences" (Green & Troup, 1999, p.279). Although this investigation intended to draw from literature which considered Cook Island culture from post-colonial perspectives, the limitations of this predicated upon lack of literature pertaining to the appropriation of Cook Island designs and visual identity. Therefore, the

- 1 - introduction research considers both indigenous and colonial sources to provide a more astute and conclusive interpretation of the literature. Literature pertaining to the traditions, visual arts and practices of Cook Island society was addressed by both perspectives. Colonial perspective was considered in relation to cultural appropriation and young adult visual identity. Chapter Two begins with the exploration of Cook Island history, religion, culture and identity. This is to provide an awareness of life and customs practised by Cook Island society and, to understand how their culture influences their identity while considering the significance of their cultural forms. The literature will also consider the significance of Christianity introduced in the early 19th century to determine the effects of colonisation and understand what contributions European society made to the Cook Islands. This relates to the fusion of European and Cook Island ideals which developed into a hybrid culture. The research of Cook Island cultural forms extends to consider two predominant disciplines of Cook Island arts and crafts, one practiced pre-European settlement, the other introduced with the colonisation of early European settlers. The aim is to identify the cultural significance of these visual arts and roles as representation of Cook Island visual identity. Chapter Two will consider cultural appropriation for the purpose of providing clarification of its different applications and insight into acts of cultural appropriation considered less offensive to indigenous cultures. The research will extend to consider the implications surrounding the ownership of cultural arts by reflecting on the Westernised framework of intellectual property and authenticity. This extends to identify the issues faced by indigenous cultures whose works do not fit within the framework provided by Western society. Furthermore, Chapter Two considers the appropriation of art forms belonging to other indigenous cultures similar to Cook Island arts. The research extends to

- 2 - introduction highlight Cook Island society's resurgence in its cultural forms while providing an overview of the methods taken by some to protect their arts from appropriation. Chapter Two also considers the visual identity of the young adult. The research addresses the period of most exploration with identity and considers the forms of representation for their visual identity. The literature also considers the link of brands to young adults' visual identity and, how brands seek to strengthen relationships with young adults by appropriating their cultural forms. Due to the lack of literature pertaining to Cook Island motifs, new research is conducted in Chapter Three. Chapter Three investigates Cook Island motifs used in Cook Island tivaevae1 in the aim of affirming the motifs validity as representations of Cook Island visual identity and substantiate what motifs are most commonly used in Cook Island arts. The limitations of this research hinders the capabilities of claiming the motifs identified as specific to the Cook Islands. However, the study extends to investigate Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae in order to affirm tivaevae designs distinctive to the Cook Islands and substantiate differentiation to other Polynesian cultures. The research conducted in Chapter Four was initiated by a lack of literature regarding Cook Island young adult visual identity and their perceptions of appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms. The investigation of Cook Island young adult identity aims to identify the representations of their visual identity and, affirm if Cook Island cultural forms are utilised. Furthermore, Chapter Four addresses Cook Island young adults' consideration of cultural appropriation in order to identify if Cook Island young adults have stronger affiliations with brands or with their culture. The research also examines appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms.

1 Cook Island quilt

- 3 - introduction

Furthermore, Chapter Four investigates the attitudes of Cook Island young adults to determine whether appropriation is viewed as beneficial to Cook Island culture or, if it is perceived as an affront to their culture. Chapter Five provides an overview of the literature in Chapter Two and the findings of research in Chapters Three and Four. The aim is to clarify the visual identity of Cook Island young adults and to acknowledge acts of appropriation of Cook Island culture. However, due to the limitations of some areas in the research, it was not possible to clarify the appropriation of specific Cook Island motifs. Therefore, the research considered the attitude of appropriation from the viewpoint of Cook Island young adults in the aim to provide awareness of its occurrence and, consider its function within Cook Island society.

- 4 - 2. Literature Review

The investigation into Cook Island culture and identity reflects on the traditions and customs practiced pre-colonisation, identifying the effects of colonisation by early European settlers and the introduction of Christianity in the early 19th century. It looks closely at two disciplines of Cook Island arts and crafts to understand how cultural products were vested with meaning and value, and how these products are viewed as identification markers for the inhabitants of the individual islands and outer Polynesian cultures. The literature will also consider cultural appropriation, beginning with its correlation to intellectual property and the definitions of cultural appropriation within differing disciplines. The literature will extend to identify various forms and applications of cultural appropriation and, highlight interpretations of authenticity from colonial and indigenous perspectives. The intent is to identify the complexities surrounding ownership of cultural products and identify the possible harm generated by cultural appropriation. Furthermore, the literature will consider the interest by Cook Island people in reaffirming their identity and the methods they employ to protect their cultural forms, in particular with ta-tatau2 and tivaevae. As there is little research regarding the appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms, the literature will consider acts of appropriation of cultural forms belonging to other indigenous cultures. The intent is to provide insight into how the issues faced by other indigenous cultures regarding cultural appropriation can be experienced by the Cook Islands. The literature will also examine what visual forms are utilised by young adults as expressions of their identity and, it will also consider the relationship between brands and young adults. The intent is to identify what visual forms are most influential as references for visual identity and, if utilisation of cultural images by brands dominate as references for visual identity.

2 The practice of tattooing; ta = to strike; tatau = results of the tapping

- 5 - Literatrue Review

To conclude this investigation, an analysis of the literature will be given, offering insight the significance of Cook Island cultural forms and how their arts are utilised as references for their identity. The research will also provide insight into the possibilities of loss of Cook Island identity generated from appropriation and identify forms of cultural appropriation generating the most harm.

- 6 - 2.1 The Cook Islands

The immigration of European settlers into Cook Island society during early 19th century created social and cultural change resulting in the loss of much traditional cultural knowledge. However, European contact also produced positive effects, precipitating a new hybrid culture. This later shaped the way Cook Island culture was portrayed locally while forming the basis of marketing strategies of cultural representation to the global arena. In its infancy, the Cook Islands were regarded as a youthful nation, its maturity developed with the realisation global recognition would enhance cultural economic value “Tradition or culture became wealth – a valued and valuable possession of nations that could no longer be imagined as youthful” (Sissons, 1999, p.122). This saw the development of a national identity during the later half of the 20th century, “the task at hand was understood to be ‘making fifteen islands one country,’ as it was in the Cook Islands during 1965-1974” (Sissons, 1999, p.130), resulting with contemporary Cook Island society returning to its heritage in the aim of re-affirming its cultural identity.

- 7 - The Cook Islands

Penrhyn

Rakahanga Manihiki Pukapuka

Nassau

Suwarrow

SOUTH PACIFIC OCEAN

Palmerston

Aitutaki Manuae Mitiaro Takutea

Atiu Mauke Avarua Rarotonga Cook Islands Mangaia

Fig.2.1 The 15 islands forming the nation of the Cook Islands.

- 8 - The Cook Islands

2.1.1 Geography The Cook Islands (Fig.2.1), is a group of 15 islands split into the Northern and Southern Cook Islands “Geographically, the Cook Islands fall into two clusters; a northern group of seven coral atolls and a much larger southern group of eight islands, most of them upraised coral formations” (Gilson, 1980, p.2). The Northern group consist of Pukapuka, Nassau, Rakahanga, Manihiki, Suwarrow, Penrhyn and Palmerston. The Southern group consists of Rarotonga, Aitutaki, Atiu, Mangaia, Manuae, Takutea, Mitiaro and Mauke. Its capital is Rarotonga, which has housed a civil government since the early 1890’s (Gilson, 1980). The Cook Islands span across the Pacific Ocean, located within the Polynesian triangle, “The Polynesian islands lie in a broad triangular area in the middle and eastern Pacific, extending from Hawaii, north of the equator, to New Zealand on the southwest corner and Easter Island on the southeast” (Suggs, 1960, p.13). The triangle is divided into three sections according to cultural and geographical criteria; Western, Central and Marginal Polynesia, with a fourth section referred to as the Polynesian Outliers (Suggs, 1960). The Cook Islands lie in the centre of the Polynesian triangle.

2.1.2 History The earliest history of the settlement of the Cook Islands is shrouded in mystery, “...the Islanders had a body of legends and traditions that accounted not only for their origins and their arrival on the island but also for the creation of the island itself and the islands around it” (Douglas & Douglas, 1987, p.17), illustrating the elusive and exotic nature of the Pacific. Legends illustrate its ancestors as great explorers and adventurers guided by experience and knowledge of the sea, voyaging across vast oceans, “skilled navigators and sailors, expert at reading ocean-currents and the stars as well as patterns of waves and bird flight” (Kingstone, 2001, p.4). Although there is uncertainty surrounding the origin

- 9 - The Cook Islands of Cook Island ancestors, there is nationwide belief their Polynesian ancestors originated in a region of French Polynesia “The people of the Cook Islands believe that their earliest ancestors came from the legendary homeland of ‘Avaiki, the exact location of which is uncertain but believed by some to be Ra’iatea in French Polynesia” (Kingstone, 2001, p.4). There is also debate regarding the earliest European contact with the Cook Islands, while it has been claimed Alvaro de Mendana, a Spanish explorer, first sighted Pukapuka, there are discrepancies with the date of discovery (Gilson, 1980; Rademaker, 1994; Douglas & Douglas, 1987). Captain James Cook, who discovered Manuae in 1773, was also attributed to its discovery (Buck, 1944), although, it was not until 1935 that Europeans discovered all of the islands. The discovery of Aitutaki in 1789 led to the expansion and colonisation of European settlers, the most significant was the establishment of the London Missionary Society station in 1821 (Buck, 1944). Once established, an explorer and missionary named John Williams began recruiting Polynesian teachers to more effectively spread the message of the Gospel (Gilson, 1980).

2.1.3 Religion There were numerous gods and the islands shared many of the same gods, “all the islands of the group shared the same major gods such as Tangaroa, Tane, Rongo, and others” (Buck, 1944, p.310). However, the application of each island's physical manifestation of the gods differed (Figs. 2.2-2.4), “In Rarotonga, the technique was confined to wooden images of various forms. Aitutaki had both wooden images and carved slabs. In Atiu and Mitiaro, carved wooden stands were made on the round, with arches for feather decoration” (Buck. 1944, p.311). The introduction of Christianity in the early 19th century, saw the desecration of many old world gods "the worship of the old gods were proscribed" (Lay, 1996, p.21), resulting in the loss of technical and cultural knowledge “wrought profound

- 10 - The Cook Islands social as well as religious changes throughout the Cook Islands” (Lay, 1996, p.21). As Christianity became more widespread and its laws and methods of worship established, the traditions of their old world began to disappear as they assimilated with a new world.

Fig.2.2 Mangaian God. Fig.2.3 Aitutaki Triple God. Fig.2.4 Rarotongan Standing God. (Art Galleries and (Art Galleries and Museums (Hooper, 2006, p.21). Museums Association Association of NZ, 1969, p.62). of NZ, 1969, p.61).

- 11 - The Cook Islands

2.1.4 Culture Culture can be defined as the way people live, look, interact and communicate, “It refers to the language, customs, basic values, religion, core beliefs, and activities of a group of people. In short, a culture is a way of living” (Young, 2005, p.136). Culture is the systems, conventions and attributes that contribute to the infrastructure of a specific group. Beaglehole (1957) addresses culture in the context of localised and global perception. Every cultural group is characterized by a basic personality or character structure which may be defined as that organization of needs, sentiments and attitudes, developed in interpersonal relations, which determines the self-view and the world-view as these are common to all or most of the member of the group (pp.252-253).

Crocombe & Crocombe (2003) address culture as the definitive element that shapes Cook Island identity, an entity as much alive as the people who belong to it. Culture is an important part of our life (one step down from making a living or being employed perhaps, but vital nevertheless). We hang on to it because it gives us a unique identity in the global arena. We practise it because for some of our communities (especially the smaller and remote ones) it has been part of the survival kit for living on these islands. We celebrate it because not only does it sell seats on planes to the country, but it also makes us feel good, and most of us like a good dance and laugh. We respect it because it can be the decider in many situations of conflict in land and assets. And we hold on to it because we are not anything else but these things (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.149).

Cook Island culture was greatly governed by religious beliefs, “Social life and leadership were closely tied to a religious faith” (Rademaker, 1994, p.3), its fundamentals based on a predominant ideology, mana “The central idea was mana. Mana or divine power came from the gods, it gave authority and demanded public recognition” (Rademaker, 1994, p.3). Mana was instrumental in the day to day life of Cook Island culture, and was not only for those who had the birth-right to possess it “Mana was passed on by descent within a family, it could be obtained by ritual contact with the gods, but it could also be found in acquired skills” (Rademaker, 1994, p.3), allowing for objects to possess great cultural value.

- 12 - The Cook Islands i. Vanishing Culture The establishment of a mission station in Aitutaki in 1821 perpetuated the most significant transformation of Cook Island society “it was left to the missionaries therefore to be the agents of social change, and it was their culture that left the most marked effects upon aboriginal native life” (Beaglehole, 1957, p.14). The impact instigated such significant change leading to the destruction of traditional cultural customs and knowledge. Amongst the losses was the art of ta- tatau “much of the cultural knowledge pertaining to traditional tatau3 practice and traditional patterns were lost” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.317). As there was little documentation recorded, the art and its practices virtually disappeared. Another aspect of Cook Island culture which suffered was the making of tapa4, “the making of tapa by women for household use, for dance costumes and for ritual exchanges, had almost disappeared” (Cowling, 2006, p.26), replaced by tivaevae, a craft introduced by the missionary wives. Although the absorption of European customs instigated the loss of many cultural art forms, “With the rejection of certain institutions, the material objects that went with them also disappeared, and the technology and creative art of the skilled craftsmen weakened and died out” (Buck, 1944, p.412), it also cultivated a new, hybrid culture. ii. Hybrid Culture Rademaker’s (1994) analysis of Cook Island culture and its relationship to European customs addresses the development of a hybrid culture, “There came a new culture, a mixture of indigenous and European elements. It was in fact a culture of two layers” (p.4). The culmination of Cook Island culture and European traditions ultimately changed the dynamics of Cook Island society.

3 Tattoo 4 Cloth made from bark

- 13 - The Cook Islands

People learned new ways of doing things and new ways of believing and thinking about things. The process of social change was initiated which in one aspect or another of the culture has been going on ever since. (Beaglehole, 1957, pp.11-12).

This parallel existence formed the basis of Cook Island life, although some islands were able to preserve more of their traditional culture than others “The Cook Islanders have adopted European ways in proportion to their contacts with Europeans, while retaining a large measure of their ancient culture and tradition, most strongly preserved in the more remote islands” (NZ Tourist & Publicity Dept., 1960, p.22), enabling contemporary Cook Island society to move towards restoring its individuality in a resurgence of its cultural traditions.

2.1.5 Identity Collins Dictionary & Thesaurus (2002) defines identity as “1 state of being a specified person or thing. 2 individuality or personality. 3 state of being the same” (p.378). Mallon & Pereira (1997) addresses identity in the context as a collective group, “A society’s identity is established on the grounds of differentiation. Difference is highlighted, distinctiveness is valued, exclusiveness is defined” (p.10). Cook Island identity is intertwined with its culture; while it influences their way of life, it also dictates who and what they identify themselves as, “While there is a conscious effort to distinguish between personality and culture, the two concepts intertwine, reflecting the fluid nature and interaction of personality and culture” (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.127). Within the constructs of its culture are underlying themes that form the foundation of its identity; culture, values, language and locality collectively creating a unified national identity. Their international identity is projected as a unique, vibrant, youthful nation possessing great cultural and historical value of global significance.

- 14 - The Cook Islands

2.1.6 Visual Identity The most globally recognised forms of Cook Island culture lie in their performing arts, “Cook Islanders have maintained their culture wherever they have settled, most conspicuously in their dancing, drumming and singing” (Lay, 1996, p.23), its contribution as a symbol of culture, signifies unity amongst its people. Although dance and music are some of the most distinctive cultural cues, many Cook Island arts & crafts are of equal cultural value, “In the Cook Islands, crafted objects are the main channel of artistic expression” (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.45). For the purposes of this research, investigation will consider the visual forms most prominently seen in their visual arts. i. Name Locality and name play an integral role in Cook Island identity, “A most prominent symbol of national identity is the name ‘the Cook Islands’” (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.51), providing distinction to other Polynesian nations, expressing differentiation and signifying the multiple facets of its nation. ii. The Flag The flag, which was shown for the first time in 1974, was the result of a national competition organised by the Cook Island government (Kloosterman, 1976). As part of the competition conditions, Cook Island values were to be implemented into the new design, “represent the elements of the earth, the heavens and life, which encompass all the past, present and future, and are inspirations to be one united, free and dedicated people” (Kloosterman, 1976, p.63). The winning design was 15 gold stars arranged in a circle, representing each island, set against a blue background, signifying the ocean. However, political motivation substituted the colours to incorporate the brand colours of its Cook Island Party (CIP) (Fig.2.5), communicating a message of unity between CIP and nation (Sissons, 1999; Cook Island Ensign Act 1973). Five years later, the flag was replaced by one

- 15 - The Cook Islands that signified a shift in its international status, communicating clear local and national messages “Locally, the change signalled the demise of the CIP and the beginning of a new era; internationally, it registered the Cook Islands as a member of the ‘red, white and blue’ club along with New Zealand, Australia, Great Britain, but also, by association the United States and France” (Sissons, 1999, p.131). The design incorporated the Union Jack and the background with white stars on a blue background, signifying international recognition and acceptance (Fig.2.6).

Fig.2.5 Cook Island Flag incorporating CIP colours. Fig.2.6 Cook Island Flag (Flagspot.net, 2008). (Flagspot.net, 2006). iii. Flowers Originally used as a means of scenting the bark cloth, flowers feature as symbolic and tangible representations of Cook Island identity, signifying its authority in Cook Island culture and its environment. Flowers have always been a feature of Pacific Island identity and culture and appear in many Pacific motifs such as on Cook Island tivaevae (quilts), contemporary art, and clothing styles. The underlying message is that flowers are an integral part of Pacific identity and are ‘naturally’ part of Pacific environments (Bedford, Longhurst & Underhill-Sem, 2001, p.7).

The significance of flowers as representations of Cook Island identity is such that many Pacific organisations and businesses adopt the names of flowers for their companies, usually naming the ventures after flowers deemed as ‘national’ icons.

- 16 - The Cook Islands

Flowers are widely invoked as a distinct material and symbolic representation of Polynesian culture...It is no surprise then, that Pacific tourism offices name their cultural festivals after common flowers which have been designated ‘national flowers’, such as the Teuila festival in Samoa, the Hibiscus festival in Fiji and the Maire festival in the Cook Islands (Bedford, Longhurst & Underhill-Sem, 2001, p.26).

However, recent times has seen a transformation in flowers as symbols of identity, "Artificial flowers and 'lolly leis' are becoming more common in New Zealand, Samoa, Tonga and the Cook Islands" (Bedford, Longhurst & Underhill- Sem, 2001, p.7), challenging views of authenticity as the production and use of artificial flowers (Fig.2.7) is becoming more common and widespread.

Fig. 2.7 Artificial flowers. (Private collection of Mrs Moeroa Maea).

iv. Ta-tatau Ta-tatau, is the practice of tattooing; ta means to tap; tatau means the results of tapping. Prior to the introduction of Christianity, ta-tatau was prevalent in Cook Island culture. Ta-tatau was a means of expressing their identity and culture, and although the introduction of Christianity resulted in the loss of cultural knowledge pertaining to its traditional treatment and designs, “following the arrival of the missionaries, the art of ta-tatau literally disappeared overnight” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.317), recent times has seen a revival of traditional tattooing, “The reasons for the revival are varied but undoubtedly relate to some degree to the reclaiming of political rights and making a statement about cultural identity” (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.65).

- 17 - The Cook Islands v. Tivaevae Tivaevae is a form of quilt-making introduced by missionary wives during early 19th century. The craft was adopted and adapted by Cook Islanders, utilising it as a means of cultural expression, “Cook Islanders have transformed it into a unique cultural expression” (D’Avella, 1998, pp.117-118). The distinctive style of Cook Island tivaevae play a significant role in its identity.

2.1.7 Re-Positioning The competition for a national flag in 1979 stemmed from political objectives to portray national harmony, with the intent to re-position the Cook Islands in the global arena, demonstrating their capabilities of functioning in the modern world. Nation-building is always undertaken with one eye on an international mirror and one eye on the domestic task at hand. When the task at hand was understood to be ‘making fifteen islands one country,’ as it was in the Cook Islands during 1965-1974, the reflected image of the nation was of youthful independence in an adult and familial world (Sissons, 1999, p.130).

However, the national success of re-positioning Cook Island identity relied on international acceptance that the Cook Islands advancement corresponded with the modern world and the recognition of Maoritanga5; the historical and cultural wealth of Cook Islands society. National pride and status required more than a successful economy; it depended also upon international recognition of the Cook Islands as a Maori nation – an acknowledgement of Cook Islanders as modern Polynesians who belonged unambiguously with other post-colonial and aspiring post-colonial peoples of the South Pacific (Sissons, 1999, p.126).

As the move to a more progressive nation developed, Cook Island identity emerged as a valuable commodity. Items and traditional customs of great cultural value, previously discarded by early settlers, were reawakened, “Tradition or culture became wealth – a valued and valuable possession of nations that could no longer be imagined as youthful” (Sissons, 1994, p.122), projecting the Cook

5 Native history

- 18 - The Cook Islands

Islands as a developed and mature nation, “the transition from national ‘childhood’ to national ‘adulthood’ entailed the discovery of Maoritanga, the recovery of a common Maori heritage ” (Sissons, 1994, p.122). The shift in perception allowed the Cook Islands to maximise its efforts to benefit economically from exposure, recognition and growth, which was realised with the nation hosting the Festival of Pacific Arts “Following the 1989 election, Geoffrey Henry’s government sought to reposition the Cook Islands globally as a contemporary Polynesian nation through tourist marketing, regional diplomacy and hosting the Sixth Festival of Pacific Arts” (Sissons, 1999, p.126). The Festival of Pacific Arts offered the opportunity for the Cook Islands to represent itself to its nation, to other Polynesian cultures, and to the international market, showcasing cultural knowledge that had not been practiced since the introduction of Christianity. In building their vaka moana for the Festival of Pacific Arts, the Rarotongan ngati, Uritaua-ki-uta, were preparing to participate with representatives of other nations in a spectacle of rediscovered tradition directed outwards towards a tourist market and the peoples of other South Pacific nations and reflectively inwards towards Cook Islanders watching the pageant from the shore (Sissons, 1999, p.122).

The awareness that global recognition provided opportunities for expansion saw the development and modernisation of traditional cultural customs and expressions of identity to appeal to potential audiences and markets.

2.1.8 Re-Claiming of Identity Its participation in the Festival of Pacific Arts initiated a shift in awareness in the preservation of local and national identity. The nation that is reflected in the windows of tourist buses and the gold- rimmed spectacles of bankers and accountants is also a nation of villages, vaka and islands, each defending their limited local autonomy, reconstructing marae for their own use and perpetuating hereditary leadership (Sissons, 1999, p.131).

- 19 - The Cook Islands

This initiated a national interest in restoring Maoritanga and re-establishing cultural authenticity. This shift was predicated on its heritage and, in an effort to re-establish itself with its native culture, considerations were presented to rename the nation in an effort to restore its bond with its Polynesian ancestry “Sir Geoffrey Henry and the CIP favoured a change to an indigenous name (Avaiki being the most favoured choice) thus associating the country more closely with Polynesia” (Sissons, 1999, pp.129-130). The name was not changed as there were concerns regarding the impact on its tourist market “Others argued that the Cook Islands was well known by its current name in tourist markets and that any change might adversely affect the tourist industry” (Sissons, 1999, pp.129-130), therefore the new name would need to suit its dual identity; a nation and a destination “The Cook Islands is both a nation and a destination and any new name needed to be appropriate for both identities” (Sissons, 1999, pp.129-130). While the nation struggled with a compromise for a name change, it began reclaiming aspects of its traditional identity, and re-establishing it into its existing identity.

2.1.9 Ta-Tatau With the exception of Pukapuka and Manihiki, “On Pukapuka...there was no war, and no tattooing. The same goes for Manihiki Rakahanga” (Gell, 1993, p.298), ta-tatau was prevalent in the Cook Islands prior to the arrival of the missionaries. The missionaries abolished the practice as it was viewed as a heathen practice “Christian doctrine shuns tattooing and views it as a form of mutilation, thereby, harming the body that God gave” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.317). As other art forms, the beliefs and rituals of Cook Island culture dominated its practices, “Strict rules known as “tapu” surrounded the wearing of tatau and rituals to appease the Polynesian gods were always performed” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.316). Their abiding conviction in their faith was permeated in the art of tatau, which was of occasion believed to be a form of protection against evil spirits,

- 20 - The Cook Islands

“they were sometimes regarded as powerful talismans to ward off evil” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.316) and a representation of mana, “The application of ta-tatau was a ritual symbolizing “mana” - a kind of innate tribal authority” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.316). While the wearing of tatau had strong religious foundations, it also served as a means of identity “the object of the mark was to preserve the descent of each family by giving each member thereof the proof of his descent on his own person” (Gudgeon, 1905, p.217) and was naturally regarded as a distinctive and decorative method of bodily adornment. The missionary John Williams writes of his encounter with the Rarotongan chief, Makea Pori (Fig.2.8),whose body was adorned by traditional tattoos. At the time of which I write his body was most beautifully tattooed, and slightly coloured with a preparation of turmeric and ginger, which gave it a light orange tinge, and, in the estimation of the Rarotongans, added much to the beauty of his appearance (Williams, 1841, p.86).

Fig.2.8 Makea Pori, Rarotongan Chief, and enlargements showing tatau on legs and arms. (National Library of Australia, n.d).

Buzacott, a carpenter who arrived in Rarotonga in 1828 (Utanga & Mangos, 2006), illustrates the magnificence of Makea’s tattoos in his detailed account, “his

- 21 - The Cook Islands feet and legs up to about two inches above the knee, as well as his hands and arms to a little above the elbow, were most beautifully tattooed" (Sunderland & Buzacott, 1866, p142). The wearing of tatau was not restricted to men, women could wear the art form also, however, men strictly dominated its application, “tattooing was only practiced by skilled craftsmen called “ta’unga” or “tufuga”...and it was strictly a male domain” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.316). Its application was identical in each island, “All used the tattooing comb and the light mallet for tapping the comb after the teeth had been dipped in a black pigment mixed from soot obtained by burning the oily kernels of candlenuts” (Buck, 1944, p.489), although the designs and placement on the body varied “The motifs used and exact parts of the body treated differed in each island” (Buck, 1944, p.489). i. Design There is very little documentation of the design and motifs used for tattooing “they were not recorded when the art was flourishing” (Buck, 1944, p.407) with the only recorded motifs coming from Rarotonga, Aitutaki and Mangaia (Buck, 1944). Of the documentation available, the sources came from “the few motifs that survived on individuals” (Buck, 1944, p.129), or from the memories of the old people of the islands “Such motifs as persisted or were remembered by the older people of Rarotonga, Aitutaki, and Mangaia” (Buck, 1944, p.407). The origins of the motifs have been held to derive from woodcarvings “The motifs and patterns in tattooing are held by the natives to have derived from wood carving (pana)” (Buck, 1944, p.129), with its original source of inspiration developing from the carvings on canoes. Gudgeon’s explanation provides a more conclusive account of its connection with carvings on the outrigger canoes used in their voyages across the pacific.

- 22 - The Cook Islands

Each canoe that arrived at Aitutaki from Hawaiki was carved on the bow in a more or less distinct pattern, presumably with the heraldic bearings of the chief of the canoe, and that this carving was adopted by those who came in the canoe as the ta-tatau (Gudgeon, 1905, p.217).

Major W. E. Gudgeon, a New Zealand soldier of the Maori wars, was sent to the Cook Islands in 1898 with the aim of assisting the chiefs’ form a central government (Gilson, 1980). Gudgeon had the occasion to record motifs from

Aitutaki in 1905. Of these recordings, he documented five motifs6 (Appendix 1), stating their origins came from their earlier home, Hawaiki. Peter H. Buck from Taniera Tangitoru, recorded 12 motifs (Appendix 2) from Mangaia in 1911, “I obtained a number of tattooing motifs in New Zealand from a Mangaian named Taniera Tangitoru...recorded in 1911” (Buck, 1944, p.130). A further two motifs (Appendix 3) were recorded at a later date in Mangaia. During 1929, Peter Buck met three Rarotongans, “They were Tupai of Ngatangiia, age 60, and Pakitoa and Tai ‘Uritaua both of Avatiu and both about 77 years old” (Buck, 1944, pp.130-131), who were all marked with the rau teve7 motif on the back of their necks. The motif was exclusive to Rarotonga and the natives who joined the ships as sailors had the motif to show they were Rarotongan (Buck, 1944). The rau teve motif is taken from the leaf of the teve, with its main part consisting of the leaf stalk with three or four divisions turned toward the ear and the accessory part of a number of spaced figures in hour-glass form but with the sides straight instead of curved. The number of hour-glass figures between the leaf and the middle line of the neck ranges from four to six depending on the size of the motifs and the spacing between them.

6 Buck (1944) attributes the number of motifs documented by Gudgeon as four. 7 Rau = leaf; Teve = species of wild arrowroot.

- 23 - The Cook Islands

Fig.2.9 Tupai's rau teve (Buck, 1944, p.132).

Fig.2.10 Pakitoa's rau teve (Buck, 1944, p.132). Fig.2.11 Tai Uritaua's rau teve (Buck, 1944, p.132).

Tupai’s rau teve motif (Fig.2.9) has three lobes with four hourglass motifs to the middle line. Pakitoa’s motif (Fig.2.10) has four lobes with four hourglass motifs, with the middle line passing through the fourth. Tai ‘Uritaua’s motif (Fig.2.11) has four lobes and six hour-glass motifs, with the sixth reaches the midline of the neck and the next motif on the other side, unfilled.

Fig.2.12 Ruru motif (Buck, 1944, p.132).

Fig.2.13 Ruru motif (Buck, 1944, p.132). Fig.2.14 `etu motif (Buck, 1944, p.132).

Pakitoa also bore the ruru motif (Fig.2.12), a wrist pattern encircling his right forearm, its lines 1mm thick with another ruru motif (Fig.2.13) on the back of

- 24 - The Cook Islands his left wrist measuring 56mm long. He also had the `etu 8 motif (Fig.2.14), “five- pointed star on back of left hand of Paitoa on ulnar side with rau teve on radial side; same as Mangaian maurua motif (Buck, 1944, p.132). From the recordings of Buck (1944) and Major Gudgeon, it becomes visible that the ruru motif was adopted by all the islands “It is evident that ruru as a term for the pattern around the wrist was shared by people in all the islands” (Buck, 1944, p.132). However, each style differed in each island as there appears to be no set pattern inherited from their previous homeland “though tattooing was shared by all, any set pattern that may have been used in the homeland was evidently not adhered to after diffusion of the people to the various islands of Polynesia” (Buck, 1944, p.132). The motifs were held in high regard and considered to be of great cultural value; worn as proud symbols of their identity “In times of war would wear their’s like as emblem, signifying tribal affiliations” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.316) and, if a motif was stolen from another island, conflict ensued “such conflict is consistent with the cultural tradition of the island of Aitutaki where if the mark of one tribe was stolen by another, a fight ensued” (Crocombe & Crocombe, 2003, p.65). ii. Revival Since the early 18th century, ta-tatau was considered a heathen practice, “In the decades leading up to 1992, ta-tatau was largely frowned upon on in the Cooks and rarely practiced with distinction” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321) with its form virtually disappearing altogether during the 19th century. However, recent times has seen a revival in the art, featuring in art festivals of the South Pacific “largely through the efforts of a handful of enthusiasts coupled with one of the biggest arts events in the South Pacific that this tattoo revival began” (Utanga

8 Star.

- 25 - The Cook Islands

& Mangos, 2006, p.320). The first festival was held in 1972, and its purpose to ensure the preservation of traditional arts and cultures “...first festival was held in Suva, Fiji, in 1972...the intention of the festival was very clear, to fight against the disappearance of traditional arts and culture in the South Pacific” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321) while encouraging a fusion of traditional practices with contemporary developments “the festival would encourage the preservation of indigenous art forms to give them new currency in the modern era” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321). In 1992, the Cook Islands hosted the South Pacific festival. The festival had an overwhelming effect on ta-tatau, becoming the vehicle that introduced it back into Cook Island society. As profound as the advent of Christianity was on the demise of ta-tatau, so too was the festival in its revival. Cook Island tattoo enthusiasts today look back at the event as the catalyst that put tattooing back into mainstream consciousness (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321).

The fascination in ta-tatau was initially sparked by the event’s theme of the sea-faring journeys of Polynesians and their outrigger canoes, “Driving the interest in ta-tatau at the time was the resurgence of interest in the traditional voyaging canoe, known as “vaka,” partly because of the strong maritime theme of the festival” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). The event was the most defining moment for ta-tatau, “it became a watershed event for tattoo enthusiasts, practitioners, and admirers” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321) allowing the opportunity for enthusiasts to share ideas and exhibit themselves as vehicles of expression “of visiting artists were a group of ta-tatau artists who brought with them tools, techniques, designs, as well as their own beautifully adorned bodies” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321). With this renewed interest in ta-tatau, came a new breed of Cook Islanders who comfortably maintain their traditional customs and beliefs. Pa Ariki, the Rarotongan Paramount Chief, is one of those who represent this group “Perhaps

- 26 - The Cook Islands because of her relative youth, Pa represents a new breed of “Ariki,” one who is as comfortable with traditional customs and practices as her Christian beliefs” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). Her tatau were chosen to signify her identity, status and bond to her culture, while being a symbol of personal achievement. Pa chose as her ta-tatau Cook Island symbols and designs pertinent to her status and tribal area embellished with Samoan motifs... represents a sense of achievement; she has sailed the great ocean of Kiva to Samoa, she is the traditional leader of her people (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322).

Today, there are many Cook Islanders eager to adorn themselves with a tatau, and its revitalisation is bringing forth the magnificence of its culture and traditions “The renaissance is helping uncover the rich heritage of ta-tatau few people knew existed” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). Many who embrace the art form perceive it as a voyage of self-discovery, eternally connected to their history and culture, “For many proud wearers of ta-tatau getting a ta-tatau is a personal journey that will remain with them forever” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). As Cook islanders are showing more interest in the art form, “Today many more Cook Islanders are wearing traditionally inspired ta-tatau” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322), artists are emerging and merging their contemporary talents with their traditional values. Leading local artist Mike Tavioni had been exploring ta-tatau designs... New Zealand Cook Islander and ta-tatau artist Tetini Pekepo...was keen to express himself in skin art again...Ben Nichols had taught himself to tatau, ironically with the help of inmates...He was also doing his own research into design and drawing inspiration from the symbols and cultural heritage of his home island of Aitutaki (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.321).

With the renewed interest, tatau designs are more accepted, with those who bear and practice the art looking to their heritage for sources of inspiration “Cook Island patterns and motifs are now more commonplace and traditional designs are being rediscovered and redefined” (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). Their designs

- 27 - The Cook Islands embrace tradition, coupled with modern practices, resulting in a blending of past and present.

2.1.10 Tivaevae Tivaevae is the Cook Island term for the beautiful piecework and appliqué quilts, which are an important part of its culture. Prior to the arrival of the missionaries in the nineteenth century, the women made quilts from tapa, the bark cloth made from the paper mulberry or hibiscus9 “In the Cook Islands and among Cook Islanders in New Zealand, tivaevae, have replaced tapa and fine mats as the principal form of traditional wealth made by women” (Leenhardt, 1950, p.31). They decorated the plain cloth, tapa (Fig. 2.15 & 2.16), with freehand painting or stencils cut out of leaves or carved into wood which have been applied to its contemporary counterpart, tivaevae “The hand-drawn lines so clearly visible and distinctive on the surface of Cook Island bark cloth of the late nineteenth century can be found again in tivaevae, but on its underside” (Kuchler, 2003, pp.107-108). Although there is no documentation that clearly states who introduced the craft to the Cook Islands, it has been generally accepted that it was introduced during the Missionary period “...has been suggested that the London Missionary Society wives who arrived in 1821 or that Tahitian missionaries’ wives may have been responsible” (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.68), presenting it as a civilised activity suitable for Cook Island women. Cook Island women embraced the art form, developing their own distinct style, transforming its purpose and practice to perpetuate their customs and traditions. What may have started out as Victoriana quickly became an object that enabled a translation of Western ideals of attachment into a quintessentially Polynesian form of property. New concepts of person and of social relations, emerging rapidly from changing contexts of rank and sanctity, became tangible in quilt (Kuchler, 2003, p.98).

9 Kaute

- 28 - The Cook Islands

Fig.2.15 Mangaian Tapa. (Buck, 1993, p.30). Fig.2.16 Cook Island Tapa detail. (Mirow, 1993, p.149).

Originally a European craft, “medium of gift-giving that perpetuates many of the traditional values and customs that the missionaries, in other ways, tried to replace with their own” (D’Avella, 1998, pp.117-118), it is a valued activity that is a visual manifestation of Cook Island beliefs, customs and mana. With the introduction of cotton cloth and the acquisition of needlework skills; one from the missionaries, the other from their wives, the women of the Cook Islands adapted their quilt-making to combine the motifs of traditional Polynesia with the colours and materials of modern technology “these joyous pieces of handiwork are distinguished by splashes of colour, representative of native flowers such as the hibiscus blossom, and set against the recurrent colours of nature” (Leenhardt, 1950, p.104).

- 29 - The Cook Islands

Fig.2.17 Cook Island hair cutting ceremony. (Rongokea, 2001, p.14).

The making and presentation of a tivaevae holds great cultural value “hold special and great sentimental value because of who has made it and presented the tivaevae” (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.75), and is used in many significant ceremonies (Fig. 2.17), such as weddings and funerals “They are used in a rite of passage ceremony” (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.65). However, in recent times, there has been an observation of its diminishing cultural value, “It has been discovered that outsiders who have learnt the craft are selling tivaevae, and for this reason it is felt that the cultural significance of the tivaevae is lessoned" (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.74) as outsiders have shown interest in learning the craft, treating it as a means of earning financial reward. The intricacy of the tivaevae determines its use, simpler forms are used for household use, while the more ornamental forms are presented at ceremonies of great importance “Although the plainer forms of tivaevae are actually used as bedspreads, the more elaborate forms are made primarily for presentation and display on important occasions” (Leenhardt, 1950, p.31). A good tivaevae may take several years to make and may become one of the most valued possessions in the household “Mostly tivaevae hold special and great sentimental value because of who has made and presented the tivaevae” (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.75). Many of these quilts are made as a community project by a women’s club or church group, the women spending several hours each day working on the

- 30 - The Cook Islands tivaevae. It remains an activity practiced amongst the Islands and abroad, a valuable link to their culture, with the time spent viewed as a significant social activity “The making of tivaevae is a communal activity. Groups of women in local communities gather to cut and piece the designs but parties also travel between islands to share design ideas and techniques” (D’Avella, 1998, p.118). It is an integral part of Cook Island society where women come together to share ideas, stories, strengthen relationships; an important instrument of communication within society. There are four varieties of tivaevae; tivaevae tā’ōrei (Fig. 2.18), a patchwork variation of thousands of approximately 1cm coloured squares; tivaevae manu (Fig. 2.19), pieces of fabric folded four or eight times, cut with scissors, and unfolded to reveal the design. The designs are then stitched onto a base cloth of contrasting colour; tivaevae tā’taura (Fig. 2.20), made from pieces of fabric of varying sizes and colours, individually embroidered, then sewn onto a base cloth; and tivaevae tuitui tā’taura (Fig. 2.21), intricate embroidery using dazzling coloured thread.

Fig.2.18 Tivaevae taorei. (Private collection of Fig.2.19 Tivaevae manu (Private collection of Mrs Moeroa Maea). Kea family).

- 31 - The Cook Islands

Fig.2.20 Tivaevae ta'taura. (Private collection of Mrs Moeroa Maea). Fig.2.21 Detail of tivaevae tuitui ta'taura. (Private collection of Kea family). i. Design Cook Island tivaevae designs prominently draw inspiration from its environment “Patterns reflect the environment, especially plants and flowers, but also turtles, sea life and butterflies” (D’Avella, 1998, p.118). Floral imagery in particular, are prominent design elements, arranged in complex rotational symmetry usually with discordant colours and, vibrant and intricate embroidery, enhancing the authenticity of its subject matter while adding sculptural value to the composition – shifting between the background and foreground “Cook Island quilts are further distinguished by rich multicoloured embroidery adding to the three-dimensional appearance of the usually floral pattern which tends to be arranged in rotational symmetry” (Kuchler, 2003, p.97-98) providing impressive compositions capturing the vivacious nature of its culture (Fig. 2.22).

- 32 - The Cook Islands

Fig. 2.22 Rotational symmetry, bright vivacious Fig. 2.23 Detail of embroidery with colour combinations adds colours and intricate embroidery generates a dimension to the composition. (Private collection of Kea family). dynamic composition. (Hammond,1986a, p.35).

The vivacious colour and its application was inherited from their passion with colour seen in its predecessor, tapa “Collections from the Pacific made during the nineteenth century show a preoccupation with coloration in eastern Polynesian bark cloth... Cook Island bark cloth, in particular, came in large and rectangular sheets, some of which were bright yellow on both sides” (Buck, 1944, p.72). While embroidery’s association with tapa links to the process of binding, a method used to contain the mana possessed by god idols. The complexity of stitching techniques with carefully selected colour combinations (Fig. 2.23), adds dimension to its composition “Intricately stitched embroidery heightens the three-dimensional, almost tactile ‘look’ of Cook Island quilts – striving towards an apparent realism in the depiction of flora and fauna that is underscored through the use of opposing as well as carefully graded colours” (Kuchler, 2003, p.110) offering compositions as tangible representations of its theme and styles reflective of its ever-changing surroundings. Cook Island tivaevae do not incorporate borders as seen in other Polynesian quilts (Fig. 2.24 & 2.25), “unlike Tahitian and Hawaiian quilts, Cook Island tivaevae do not have borders, but a complex symmetry, which locks motifs into an intricate play of resemblance and difference" (Kuchler, 2003, p.110). The complexity of its arrangements unify the composition through proximity

- 33 - The Cook Islands and interaction between harmony and contrast “reflects the fluidity of pattern transmission, while the cohesion of motifs which are visually attached to each other by an intricate symmetrical order manifests the salient impact of domesticity upon an otherwise unmarked visual landscape” (Kuchler, 2003, p.114). The complexity of its arrangement, often makes it difficult to identify specimens of flora featured. On first examination, the motifs and patterns of the Cook Island tivaevae...are hard to visualize. Although the designs are based on the flora of the islands... they may at first be unrecognizable. This is at least partly because of the complex symmetrical arrangement of individual motifs, set within a myriad of overlapping colours through which the relation between background and foreground appears to shift and change the longer one stares at the pattern trying to work out how it is done (Kuchler, 2003, p.110).

Fig. 2.24 Hawaiian quilt. (Hammond,1986a, p.69). Fig. 2.25 Tahiti - Society Islands quilt. (Hammond,1986a, p.32).

The semblance of interaction and authenticity is symbolic to the relationship between Cook Islanders and their environment while, its technical processes are significant to ideas related to tapa and mana. This culmination of visual interpretation and cultural beliefs presented new opportunities for design and, differentiation to other Polynesian quilts.

- 34 - The Cook Islands ii. Ownership The ownership of many Cook Island tivaevae designs are unknown as they have been passed on and exposed to many generations that it is difficult to determine its original designers, an example is the pua kaute10 motif (Fig.26 ). Many ta`orei designs have been around for such a long time that no one knows who first designed a particular pattern, and so no one owns the copyright. Pua kaute is one such pattern, and it is used throughout the Cook Islands and New Zealand (Mallon & Pereira, 2002, p.69).

Fig. 2.26 Kaute motif, hibiscus. (Private collection of Mrs Moeroa Maea).

However, it has been generally held that stitching techniques can help determine the ownership of designs, as the techniques are normally shared with those of close kinship "a quilt also allows ownership to be declared and restricted through stitches that tend to be passed down from mother to daughter” (Kuchler, 2003, p.114). In recent times another method for claiming ownership for designs has been the implementation of symbols incorporated into the design, symbolising the creator's signature and ownership of the design.

2.1.11 The Cook Islands Summary It has been argued that the vicinity of the islands within the Cook Islands has created a non-unified collective culture and identity, however, it has been highlighted that the people of the Cook Islands participated in lifestyles and

10 Hibiscus

- 35 - The Cook Islands customs that conformed essentially to the respect of a general Polynesian culture. This could be attributed to their sea-voyaging capabilities and explorations, as many times they travelled to other islands within their group, and those outside the Cook Island group. Although the islands had varying degrees of differentiation in regards to society customs and traditions, all maintained similar ideologies in regards to beliefs and social order. With the establishment of Christianity in the early 19th century, came new beliefs, customs and traditions. Its impact proving detrimental to many aspects of Cook Island life, in particular the destruction of their old world gods and idols, as well as the loss of cultural knowledge pertaining to ta-tatau. However, there were positive effects that were embraced by Cook Island society, in particular, tivaevae. This new art form highlighted the new hybrid culture that was developing in the Cook Islands, a culmination of new European ideals combined with the traditions, practices and symbolism embedded within Cook Island visual arts. The Cook Islands adopted the European method of quilt-making to produce visual expressions of their culture and identity. As the tivaevae replaced the traditional form of tapa, it became embedded with meaning and values significant to their culture and traditions. Tivaevae quickly became modes of expression of identity, and the motifs and symbols created drew inspiration from its environment, in particular, flowers featuring prominently in many designs. Recent years has seen a renewed interest in many traditional practices and designs, with Cook Island descendants living within the islands and abroad seeking to re-affirm their identity and re-establish connections with their history and culture. The practices and design involved with ta-tatau and tivaevae are both vested with deep cultural and emotional significance, serving as representations of identity, differentiation and cohesion.

- 36 - 2.2 Cultural Appropriation

The debate of cultural appropriation is one of great concern as its application can be problematic for indigenous cultures in the pursuit of ensuring authenticity, originality, identity, and cultural knowledge. The main issue concerning this investigation of cultural appropriation is to identify problems faced by indigenous cultures whose cultural products do not fit within the framework provided by Western society, and to identify instances of harm afforded to source cultures. In order to identify this occurrence, investigation into cultural appropriation is undertaken beginning with insight into its correlation with intellectual property. The research explores various forms of appropriation with clarification between appropriation and cultural appropriation, and focuses on applications relating to the cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs.

2.2.1 Intellectual Property Intellectual property refers to intangible works or inventions that is the result of creativity, “Intellectual property refers to creations of the mind: inventions, literary and artistic works, and symbols, names, images, and designs used in commerce” (WIPO, n.d.). Its similarity to cultural products, is predicated on the concept of intellectual activity as expressions of theoretical creativity, both of which are vulnerable to appropriation “Both categories embody intangible ideas, and both are vulnerable to theft by copying, whether that unauthorized reproduction is known as intellectual property infringement or cultural appropriation” (Scafidi, 2005, p.13). The protection afforded by intellectual property laws do not cover the physical manifestations of theoretical ideas, instead, its purpose is to protect the moral and economic rights of the creators of intangible ideas “intellectual property law aims at safeguarding creators and other producers of intellectual goods and services... do not apply to the physical object in which the creation may be embodied but instead to the intellectual creation as such” (WIPO, 2004., p.3).

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2.2.2 Cultural Appropriation There are several definitions of appropriation, a general interpretation is “to take something for one’s own use” (Nelson & Shiff, 2003, p.162), which implies an ominous association with plagiarism “also has more sinister connotations implying an improper taking of something or even abduction or theft” (Nelson & Shiff, 2003, p.162). From a Graphic Design viewpoint, appropriation is the modernisation of existing materials, while plagiarism is a direct form of theft “Plagiarism is regarded as a form of piracy, the stealing of someone else’s work. Appropriation, on the other hand, is now regarded as making sophisticated use of existing material” (Heller, Finamore & AIGA, 1997, p.4). Art history defines appropriation as “The direct duplication, copying or incorporation of an image (painting, photograph, etc) by another artist who represents it in a different context, thus completely altering its meaning and questioning notions of originality and authenticity” (Read, Stangos & Credo Reference, 1994, p19). Although there are various contexts in which appropriation is defined, there is the general idea that the practice makes use of work belonging to somebody else. Cultural appropriation is the act of taking or using something from its source culture for use by another culture (Young, 2005). Scafidi (2005) provides a more detailed account of cultural appropriation “taking-from a culture that is not one’s own-of intellectual property, cultural expressions or artifacts, history, and ways of knowledge” (p.9) while, Coombe (1993a) defines it as “the depiction of minorities or cultures other than one’s own, either in fiction or non-fiction” (p.250). Cultural appropriation is generalised as an affront against its source culture, “Cultural appropriation is seen as inherently bound up with the oppression of minority culture” (Young, 2008, p.ix), as it may cause offense “these appropriations may also be experienced as insults, if not serious affronts, to people for whom these expressive forms have histories and traditions” (Heller, Finamore & AIGA, 1997, p.18) and alter views of authenticity. While there are forms of cultural

- 38 - cultural appropriation appropriation that conform to this perception, there are views that some forms of cultural appropriation can be beneficial to its source culture. There are ongoing debates about the moralities of cultural appropriation, but in order to identify acts of cultural appropriation, distinctions need to be made between its source culture and the appropriating culture “The concept of cultural appropriation has no application unless insiders and outsiders, members and nonmembers of a culture, can be distinguished” (Young, 2005, p.136). i. Forms of Cultural Appropriation Some forms of cultural appropriation are considered appreciative appropriation, where the transformed work adds value to its source culture “it may simultaneously benefit the source community seeking to preserve or define its identity” (Scafidi, 2005, p.97). This preservation of identity acknowledges the works origin, while cultivating involvement for outside cultures with the source culture “Cultural products do, however, provide a starting point for recognition of the source community as well as a means of allowing outsiders a degree of participation in and appreciation of that community” (Scafidi, 2005, p.8). However, this acknowledgement and involvement can alternatively draw assumptions that some forms of cultural appropriation can be representations of the source culture “an act of representing a culture is not an act of appropriating from it” (Young, 2008, p.8), which leads to the question of what forms of cultural appropriation are considered appropriation, and which are representative. Other forms of cultural appropriation can be detrimental to its source culture “Not only does misappropriation put the source community at risk of harmful or offensive stereotyping, but it also threatens to devalue cultural products through inappropriate, acontextual exposure or familiarity” (Scafidi, 2005, p.106). Coombe (1993b) addresses the detrimental effects of the cultural appropriation of the First Nation peoples’, illustrating how after many years of cultural violence, works

- 39 - cultural appropriation produced by contemporary First Nation people, have been devalued and criticised as inauthentic and lacking ‘Indianess’ qualities “when they write or paint, their work is often criticized for not being ‘authentic’ or sufficiently ‘Indian’” (Coombe, 1993b, p.268). This devaluation has created displacement within First Nation people “First Nations peoples feel themselves alienated from their artists and entrepreneurs, who appropriate these same spiritual commodities to be bought and sold on the market” (Coombe, 1993b, p.276) and has created great offense as the commodification of their cultural products used to promote new religious ideals, misrepresents their ideals of spirituality “The use of Native motifs, imagery, and themes in the “spiritually” marketed as New Age religion is particularly offensive, both because of its commodification and its distortion of Native traditions. That which is spiritual cannot be sold and must be treated with care and respect” (Coombe, 1993b, p.278). ii. Applications of Appropriation The application of appropriation can further be defined by its execution, some are innovative, others are non-innovative. Non-innovative appropriation occurs when artists appropriate cultural elements with the intention to replicate aesthetic qualities “not creating a new category of artwork, but adding to a category that already exists. They attempt to succeed by the standards already established within the culture from which they are appropriating” (Young, 2006, p.458). This form of appropriation raises questions of authenticity, where artist sometimes promote their works as genuine native compositions “Sometimes non-aboriginal artists have successfully passed off their works as aboriginal products” (Young, 2006, p.461). It can be difficult to determine the authenticity of many non-innovative appropriations “there is no reliable way for viewers to tell, just by looking at a painting, whether it is by a member of an aboriginal culture or by an outsider”

- 40 - cultural appropriation

(Young, 2006, p.461), so much that experts have had great difficulty distinguishing between the ‘copy’ and the original. “Ray Eldridge, the distinguished African-American jazz trumpeter... once bet Leonard Feather, the music critic, that he could reliably tell the difference between jazz performances by African-Americans and non- African-Americans. If anyone could, Eldridge could...Put to the test, he failed miserably. In blind listening situations, he misidentified the cultural origins of the performer more that half of the time” (Young, 2006, p.460).

This form of appropriation can be harmful, as it can be a misrepresentation of its source culture, and in some cases, impair its commercial significance “Such fraud can harm the economic interests of insiders” (Young, 2006, p.468). Innovative appropriation occurs when appropriated works are transformed in a manner that has no resemblance to its original purpose in its source culture. Young (2006) gives an example of innovative appropriation by Picasso, whose 1907 masterpiece, Les Demoiselles d’Avignon, was inspired by African carving “Picasso was engaged in innovative content appropriation when he borrowed ideas from African carvers...Although African carving influenced Picasso, he did not produce a work that belongs to any tradition of African carving” (Young, 2006, p.458). This application of transformation ties in closely to the rationale of cultural appropriation as a means for individual artists to explore their artistic capabilities by exploring foreign cultures in their works, and raises the question about what contexts of culturally appropriated works are considered authentic, or inauthentic.

2.2.3 Authenticity There is continual debate regarding the term authentic “The term ‘authenticity’ is used in so many different contexts that it may very well resist definition” (Golomb, 1995, p.7). From a legal standpoint, authenticity relates to intellectual property rights. Art history reflects upon authentic traditional art as “a piece 1) made by a member of a small-scale society, 2) the society’s traditional style,

- 41 - cultural appropriation and 3) intended for a traditional social or religious function” (Shiner, 1994, p.226). However, when an artist transforms appropriated cultural forms in such a manner it becomes an expression of self-exploration, the transformed works are viewed as authentic to the artist “Authenticity...is the property of the product of an artist’s individual genius” (Young, 2008, p.47). Picasso was one such artist whose artistic explorations led to his transformative appropriated cultural forms of African carvings, reflective of his individuality and creative intellect “works that are an expression of an artist’s individual genius are characterized by personal authenticity” (Young, 2008, p.47). Coleman (2001), presents an alternative framework to mainstream thoughts of indigenous art and authenticity, raising questions of authority to identify and acknowledge the authenticity of cultural products. Coleman argues cultural objects created for the purposes of financial gain by indigenous cultures are regarded by its relating culture as authentic. Aboriginal groups have presented counter-claims that challenge Western philosophical preconceptions about authenticity...have claimed that works that are “obviously” inauthentic from a Western perspective are in fact authentic (Coleman, 2001, p.385).

This presents a different ideological framework from Western principles, and Coleman’s argument is supported by Shiner (1994), whose debate raises questions of authenticity based upon decision, rather than discovery “it is common practice to attack the authenticity of reproductions or even of original works simply on the basis that they are made for sale” (p.227), which highlights as the product was not produced for the purposes of ‘traditional’ practices and, from the Western philosophical viewpoint it is considered inauthentic11. Although the basis of Coleman’s research focuses on a number of Aboriginal art scandals that occurred during 1996 and 1999, her model suggests indigenous cultures hold a

11 Inauthentic means to not be a true representation of a cultural product, and should not be confused with ‘forgery’. Forgery implies to deceive, while inauthentic in this context, means to not possess certain characteristics that would otherwise define itself as ‘authentic’

- 42 - cultural appropriation different perspective to authenticity to that of the Western world. Many indigenous cultures view its cultural art forms as authentic representations of its identity, and when cultural appropriation occurs, there is risk of misrepresentation through inauthentic expressions of identity “The appropriation of cultural goods by outsiders to the original culture may lead to faulty portrayal of the members of that culture through misrepresentation” (Heyd, 2003, p.38), thereby altering its cultural significance and authenticity.

2.2.4 Representation/Misrepresentation Another concerning factor occurs when the origins of appropriated products are misrepresented. Misrepresentation of the origins of arts and crafts is common. According to one estimate, aboriginal Australians paint only about half of the didgeridoos sold. Many fewer are cut by an aboriginal craftsman. Nevertheless, almost all the instruments are sold as “authentic aboriginal didgeridoos” (Young, 2006, p.468).

The misrepresentations of origin can create offense to the source culture, as appropriating artists presume to represent their works as authentic native products “Insiders artists are justifiably upset when works by outsiders are represented as works by insiders” (Young, 2006, p.468). This can also harm outsiders, who acquire cultural objects on the belief that it originated from the native culture “Outsiders are also harmed. Collectors of, for example, Australian aboriginal art and the art of North American First Nations, often want to know that an artwork has been produced by an insider” (Young, 2006, p.468). Many artists and designers utilise “Art” as a vehicle to appropriate indigenous cultural products, utilising western frameworks that regard art as a means of expression as a necessary method to encourage individual creativity.

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What is becoming increasingly evident within film and television in this country is that there remains the myth of “Art for Arts sake”. This mythology promotes an ideal that one can participate in image creation, construction, re-presentation from a neutral position of Art which operates beyond the parameters of political analysis. Pakeha film makers and Media institutions continue to present Maori images unproblematically and then too often defend their representations through postmodernism or postcolonial frameworks (IRI, 1997).

Pihama (1994) presents an example which depicts how New Zealand Maori were badly misrepresented in the movie by Jane Campion, The Piano, its portrayal of Maori in the movie heavily constructed with colonial ideologies. A clear example of the types of definitions and control in regard to imagery of Maori people can be seen in the recently acclaimed film The Piano. There is little doubt in my mind that Jane Campion is a film maker of great ability and repute. However, the depiction of Maori people in the film leaves no stereotyped stone unturned. What we have in The Piano is a series of constructions of Maori people which are located firmly in a colonial gaze, which range from the `happy go lucky native’ to the sexualised Maori woman available at all times to service Pakeha men. The perception of Maori people given in The Piano is that our tipuna were naive, simpleminded, lacked reason, acted impulsively and spoke only in terms of sexual innuendo, with a particular obsession with male genitalia. For Maori people The Piano is dangerous. It is dangerous in its portrayal of Maori people linked solely to a colonial gaze, that is uncritical and unchallenging of the stereotypes that have been paraded continuously as the way we were. (Pihama, 1994, p.239).

2.2.5 Rationale There are two motivational factors for initiating cultural appropriation that concerns this research; economic gain and artistic expression. Some argue that cultural appropriation is a form of artistic expression and exploration, others view it as a means of economic benefit by providing new, untapped resources for commodification “members of the public copy and transform cultural products to suit their own tastes, express their own creative individuality, or simply make a profit” (Scafidi, 2005, p.9). When cultural objects are appropriated for artistic expression and exploration, it is generally considered that it occurs because the artist finds merit in the cultural

- 44 - cultural appropriation product “Presumably, artists who appropriate content from a culture do so because they find something of value in that culture” (Young, 2005, p.141). The artist presumably intends to develop their personal artistic ability, aided by exploration of new and foreign ideas “artistic creation and expression is often a form of enquiry” (Young, 2005, p.140). It has been argued that artistic exploration is an essential development of self-realisation, which allows artists to explore technical processes of cultural works through their own individual transformations. The creation of a work of art is frequently a privileged form of expression. The argument for this conclusion starts with the premise that the creation of artwork is often essential to an individuals self-realization. Artists often use their works to understand matters that they find to be of pressing importance... explore the issues that they investigate through their art (Young, 2005, p.140).

Although the intent to explore cultural products may be for artistic development, there still maintains the ability to offend the source culture. Offense may be further generated if artists appropriate cultural products when there are more accessible forms of exploration available to the artist, “Artists who engage in cultural appropriation not as a means to self-realisation, but only for pecuniary reasons, may very well act wrongly, particularly if inoffensive ways of creating art are available to them” (Young, 2005, p.141). From an economic viewpoint, the intention is, to explore indigenous cultures in the aim of finding inspiration and ideas for commodification “In their quest for distinction in competitive markets, it is not surprising that designers of trademarks have looked into more exotic locales and to other cultures to find signifying forms that are not already in commercial use” (Heller, Finamore & AIGA, 1997, p.18). The results of this can be especially offensive to its source culture, “This practice may be viewed as an invasive violation by those whose cultural forms become commodified and invested with alien meanings” (Heller, Finamore & AIGA, 1997, p.18), as its transformations of its cultural products become charged with foreign meaning which may de-value its cultural significance and alter meaning.

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2.2.6 Control However culturally appropriated works are transformed or promoted, due to the nature of many cultural products, many cultures have difficulty maintaining control of how their cultural products are treated and transformed “Because cultural products, like intellectual properties, are non-competitive, intangible goods, it is often difficult or impossible to control their proliferation and use” (Scafidi, 2005, p.53). The lack of control is also shaped by the fact that cultures are ever-changing and progressive and, if there is a lack of a distinct tangible and verifiable agency to act on its behalf, the application of appropriation is more difficult to maintain “Since cultural groups are often loosely organized networks with shifting membership or degrees of affiliation, they tend to lack a single authoritive voice that might channel cultural appreciation or prevent cultural appropriation” (Scafidi, 2005, p.10). This difficulty also raises issues regarding as to who should benefit from the exposure and transformation of their cultural products; “Perhaps the most contentious internal issue of all is how to regulate the general public’s access to the cultural goods of a particular community-and who should benefit economically from their distribution” (Scafidi, 2005, p.10). Although the control of culturally appropriated works is difficult to maintain, the source culture may still hold strong reservations about the result of the transformation “While source communities often have little control over the pattern of cultural appropriation, they nevertheless express strong and sometimes conflicting reactions to the outside use of their cultural products” (Scafidi, 2005, p.99), which can affect the reception of the transformed appropriations. These reservations are predicated on the source culture possessing the authority to acknowledge authenticity of appropriated works “While a source community may be unable to prevent nonconforming use or outsider appropriation, it can at least charge that the modified or stolen cultural product is not original or genuine”

- 46 - cultural appropriation

(Scafidi, 2005, p.54), which may alter the perceptions of the transformed works and the intentions of the appropriating culture.

2.2.7 Design Responsibility When appropriating cultural forms, designers should consider reasons for appropriation “When appropriating forms from the past each designer must carefully assess whether he or she is continuing tradition, honouring the past, or debasing the original by separating it from its symbolic meaning and historical context” (Heller, Finamore & AIGA, 1997, p.5) and acknowledge the contributions of the source culture “When outsiders appropriate content from a disadvantaged minority culture, the source of the appropriated material ought to be fully and publicly acknowledged” (Young, 2005, p.141). If the source culture is not recognised, it may cause unnecessary offence “a failure to acknowledge sources is a gratuitous and unnecessary source of (perhaps additional) offense that can render otherwise unobjectionable cultural appropriation wrong” (Young, 2005, 141), and create problems for the marketability of the transformed appropriated product “cultural appropriation rarely occurs without at least some consideration of the significance of the original product, if only to ensure its marketability” (Scafidi, 2005, p.94). In order to minimalise offense afforded to source cultures of culturally appropriated works, consideration needs to be taken when appropriating cultural forms “Before outsiders can appropriate a cultural product, they must first recognize its existence, source community and value” (Scafidi, 2005, p.9) with an awareness of the symbolic and cultural significance of the appropriated works, recognising the transformation of culturally appropriated works may be considered representations of the source culture “In many discussions of cultural appropriation, concerns have been raised about outsiders who represent in their artworks individuals or institutions from another culture” (Young, 2008, p.7).

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2.2.8 Cultural Appropriation Summary From the literature, it becomes clear cultural works of many indigenous do not fit neatly into the Westernised framework of intellectual properties. Due to this, many are at risk of losing their native identities along with perceptions of authenticity, and are left facing many issues regarding control and exploitation of its cultural forms. Their inability to control the appropriation of their cultural goods is predicated on the fact that many fail to have a single authority representing their culture. This attributes to the level of protection needed, fall outside Western frameworks. Still more likely to fall outside the realm of intellectual property are the creative expressions of an unincorporated group, such as a particular race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, profession, avocation, class, or even gender or age category. The intangible products of these cultural groups, whether created deliberately or as a by-product of social interaction over time, tend to fail the tests of agency and novelty common to the utilitarian and ethical theories of intellectual property protection (Scafidi, 2005, p.21).

However, recent years has seen a review of intellectual property rights, with the intention to protect indigenous cultural products and safeguard traditional knowledge from loss, providing some hope for indigenous cultures to safeguard their cultural products. The American legal system, however, has already begun to seek a balance between cultural appreciation and cultural appropriation of Native American handicrafts, and legal scholars have considered the proposal that protection of indigenous artworks should be expanded on both a national and a global basis” (Scafidi, 2005, p.22).

In the meantime, as there are various forms of appropriation that are less invasive or offensive, considerations can be made to minimise negative effects. One such method could be to treat cultural works with respect to its significance to its source culture, which could prove to be beneficial to all parties involved. Also, acknowledging the source culture can enhance indigenous cultures' identity while benefiting the appropriating artist and outsiders, by providing as

- 48 - cultural appropriation association for each to recognise. However, as culturally appropriated works can easily be viewed as authentic representations of the source culture, and possessing possible negative or derogatory implications, care needs to be employed. From the literature, it becomes clear the less invasive form of cultural appropriation are works transformed in a manner viewed as innovative appropriation. The culturally appropriated works are transformed to the extent that the products no longer have significant cultural value to its source culture, which in turn, generates a new and fresh value to the product, creating a new visual identity of the product.

- 49 - 2.3 Appropriating Cook Island Motifs

There is little investigation into the appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms therefore, this investigation reflects on the appropriation of other indigenous cultures. The literature considers the appropriation of cultural arts similar to that practiced in Cook Island culture, specifically, the appropriation of New Zealand Maori tattoos. The aim is to provide insight into the possible issues facing the Cook Islands. Furthermore, the research considers the resurgence in Cook Island visual arts by its descendants in the aim of preserving their cultural identity. This is addressed with ta-tatau, which has seen a recent interest by Cook Islanders as a form of reaffirming their identity and connection to their heritage. The research will also address the ownership value placed on tivaevae by Cook Island women, and how Cook Islanders view the practice and their designs as a means of expressing their culture and identity. The aim of this is to identify the methods employed by some Cook Islanders' in the hopes of protecting their cultural works from appropriation and, acknowledge the significance of tivaevae as representations of identity.

2.3.1 Ta-tatau Motifs As foreign agencies are continuously seeking new visual forms and symbols for branding, they often look to indigenous cultures for sources of inspiration. This occurrence has been prevalent in tattooing across many cultures, in particular, the New Zealand Maori ta-moko. The appropriation of its indigenous cultural symbols for tattoos has generated great offense to Maori, seen recently with the creation of a Playstation game, The Mark of Kri, and its male Maori warrior wearing a moko kawaii, a style of tattoo worn only by women. The intentions of the creators of the game was to exhibit warrior-like qualities that made the character appear fearsome and powerful. However, the image of the character has generated much offense to Maori, coupled with the moko kawaii, the plunging of the taiaha, and the lack of consultation with Maori (Bailey, n.d).

- 50 - appropriating cook island motifs

Recent years has seen a renewed interest in cultural practices with expressed interest in symbols and designs by younger generations. This has also been seen in Cook Island ta-tatau, where Cook Island descendants are embarking on explorations with ta-tatau, re-affirming links to their culture and their native identity. Today many more Cook Islanders are wearing traditionally inspired ta-tatau, a practice that is no longer the social stigma it used to be. This renaissance is helping uncover the rich heritage of ta-tatau few people knew existed. For many proud wearers of ta-tatau getting a ta-tatau is a personal journey that will remain with them forever (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322).

As the interest in ta-tatau grows, traditional designs are becoming more accessible "Cook Island patterns and motifs are now more commonplace and traditional designs are being rediscovered and redefined" (Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.322). Although there are some who prefer to maintain the continuity and preservation of traditional ta-tatau designs, "I prefer not to change traditional designs. When you change a design, it is no longer traditional it is yours" (Michael Tavioni, as cited in Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.325), there are those who view the transformation of traditional motifs into styles encompassing the past while embracing the new. Some of the ta-tatau of the past are not relevant today. So what we've got to do is develop designs suitable for the professionals of today and have a closer look at re-designing some of our old designs (Tetini Pekepo, as cited in Utanga & Mangos, 2006, p.326).

2.3.2 Tivaevae Designs & Motifs The interest by outsiders in exotic locations and their cultural symbols and values, has led to indigenous cultures seeking options of protecting their intellectual property. In the case of the Cook Islands, the protection of their tivaevae designs and motifs is no different, and although it has been argued that there is no precedent for copyrighting motifs and designs, Cook Island women vigilantly protect their designs.

- 51 - appropriating cook island motifs

One woman in Rarotonga said that a woman must register a tīfaifai design with the local government officials to “patent” it. Although local authorities say that such a procedure doesn’t exist, the woman’s statement indicates her strong feelings about the importance of originality (Hammond, 1986b, p.270).

The preservation of originality are highly regarded, where Cook Island women will often destroy the patterns to stop others from stealing and claiming the designs as theirs. Some women create only one or a few tīfaifai with a particular design and then destroy the pattern in order to preserve the originality of the design. As one Tahitian woman recalled, “My mother made three tīfaifai with a basket of fruit. She gave one to me, one to my cousin, and one to her friend. Then she tore up the pattern.” By so doing, the woman ensured the uniqueness of her gifts (Hammond, 1986b, p.270).

Cook Island women guard their designs from the prospects of appropriation and are only shared with those who are trusted “many women closely guarded their patterns and shared them only with close friends or family members (Jones 1973:12-13). Even today, many Hawaiian women are reluctant to have their quilts photographed” (Hammond, 1986b, p.271). The importance placed on the preservation of originality and ownership of tivaevae designs stems not only from its authenticity as a form of cultural expression, the designs are symbolic to the identities of those who create them. In recent times, many Polynesians have utilised their skill to gain financial reward, therefore, the importance of protecting their works from outsiders is paramount to the commercial success and viability of their arts. Many women will sign their works by incorporating a unique trademark into all their designs. The significance of the tīfaifai design as a symbol of personal identity is further illustrated in a relatively recent phenomenon among some Hawaiian women who sell their designs for commercial profit. Such women may “sign” their quilts by incorporating a distinctive artistic feature, such as a star, into all their designs. Thus, when another duplicates the design, she also replicates the original artist’s artistic signature. Original work by the artist herself may, in addition, bear her embroidered signature (Hammond, 1986b, p.271).

- 52 - appropriating cook island motifs

This method of incorporating a visual symbol into their designs may be unrecognisable to those who appropriate the design, therefore, the personal signature of the original artist is replicated in the appropriated works which enables the creator to identify and affirm the work originally belonged to them. The use of tivaevae as communication tools enables its creators to express information about themselves and associated activities they are involved with. It enables them to shape and present their identities to others, and the multiplicity expressed through the multi-faceted aspects of the tivaevae reveal the interesting and intriguing nature of their culture “Today, Polynesian women are still actively involved in constructing and communicating information about themselves through tīfaifai and associated activities...Polynesian women exercise many options for self expression through tīfaifai” (Hammond, 1986b, p.277). Therefore when appropriated by outside cultures, meaning and value are lost and can be misrepresentative of the Cook Island identity, “As used by an insider, an image may have rich symbolic significance. It may be the insigne of a clan or a deity. As used by an outsider, the same image is simply a strong graphic design” (Young, 2006, p.467), devaluing its cultural significance and misrepresenting its source culture. While tivaevae are regarded as forms of great cultural value and expressions of their identity, there remains little investigation into the appropriation of Cook Island tivaevae motifs and designs by brands. However, it has been suggested that brands are capable of influencing and shaping national identity through advertising practices and utilising resources from the source culture. Brand resources used in the construction of national identity are not only acquired from commercials that are unashamedly designed to appeal to a particular sense of national pride and that incorporate overt references to certain cultures and particular cultural practices" (Bulmer & Buchanan-Oliver, n.d, p.7).

- 53 - appropriating cook island motifs

Therefore it can be argued that the appropriation of Cook Island tivaevae designs by brands and the transformations occurring through appropriation, can alter the perceptions of its identity by consumers. Although there is a vast amount of literature pertaining to brands and cultural appropriation, there is little research into the influence of brand advertising practices using cultural cues to build their brand identity on younger generations perceptions of identity, "there is little understanding of the relationship between young consumers and the brand resources they are exposed to in the process of learning about national identity" (Bulmer & Buchanan-Oliver, n.d, p.10), and none specific to the appropriation of Cook Island cultural designs and the consequence to Cook Island younger generation perceptions of native identity.

2.3.3 Appropriating Cook Island Motifs Summary When cultural objects are created within its source culture, they are embedded with symbolic meaning, representative of the customs, traditions and identity of its culture, while when appropriated by an outsider, the product may merely be appropriated for its aesthetic qualities. The challenge facing many indigenous cultures is finding methods to help protect their cultural designs and motifs, and this is no different with the Cook Islands. With the introduction of Christianity in the early 19th century, came the destruction of much of its cultural practices and designs causing the greatest impact on ta-tatau. However, recent years has seen a renewed interest from Cook Island descendants, embarking on voyages of personal growth and re-affirmation of cultural identity. While the influence of early European settles during the 19th century created social upheaval within the Cook Islands, their influence did enable people of the Islands to learn and adopt new skills and art forms, in particular, tivaevae.

- 54 - appropriating cook island motifs

However, the women of the Cook Islands transformed this art into personal and symbolic expressions of their cultural identity. With the renewed interest in many of the traditional design of the Cook Islands, has also drawn interest by foreign agencies, who are constantly looking for new sources of inspiration, many times looking at exotic locations for new "points of difference" for their products and services. However, the appropriations and the transformations of the cultural designs that occur, more often than not are conducted with little consultation to the source culture, and with very little knowledge of the cultural significance and its embedded meanings, resulting in transformed cultural designs that either have very little resemblance to its originating design, or worse still, transformed in such a manner that is not only transforms its meaning and purpose, but creates offense as it wrongly represents the source culture. Options for foreign agencies who appropriate cultural designs and symbols is to ensure the integrity of the source culture by ensuring that transformation that occurs either has no symbolic or aesthetic reference to its source culture, innovative appropriation, or if it opts to replicate the aesthetic value of the appropriated work, ensure the representations of the source culture are appropriate and accurate, while ensuring the designs are not used or portrayed in such a manner as to create profound offense "The challenge in designing for new cultural groups is to develop appropriate representations that will maintain the integrity of those represented and communicate positively their place in society" (Martinson & Chu, 2003, p.229).

- 55 - 2.4 Young Adult Visual Identity

The research will explore youth visual identity, considering briefly the period of most change experienced by young adults. From here, the research will consider the varying forms of visual expression utilised by younger generations for asserting their identity, and consider the relationship between brand advertising and youth, highlighting the influences brands have on shaping youth identity. The purpose is to identify what forms of visual identity young adults utilise to express themselves, and if cultural cues used by non-source cultures alter perceptions of their ethnic identity.

2.4.1 The Formation of Identity in the Young Adult Arnett (2000) asserts the period of most exploration and experimentation with identity for youth is the period of emerging adulthood “emerging adulthood is the period from (roughly) 18 to 25, most identity exploration takes place in emerging adulthood rather than adolescence” (p.473). This is the period of greatest change, and the formation of identity begins its transformation with possibilities to experiment with unrestrained compulsion “Emerging adulthood has been characterized as an age of possibilities that involves heightened identity exploration and risk-taking” (Padilla-Walker et. al., 2008, p.451). This concept lends itself to support ideas that identity is influenced by cultural experiences “Like adolescence, emerging adulthood is a period of the life course that is culturally constructed, not universal and immutable” (Arnett, 2000, p.470) rather than generalised attributes. As this period presents emerging adults with greater possibilities to explore and experiment, it also provides the opportunity to visually express their identity uninhibited by practices in later life that may curb distinction. Emerging adulthood is a time in life when many different directions remain possible, when little about the future has been decided for certain, when the scope of independent exploration of life’s possibilities is greater for most people than it will be at any other period of the life course (Arnett, 2000, p.469).

- 56 - young adult VIsual Identity

2.4.2 Visual Identity Visual expression for emerging adults revolves around style, it is depicted in the music they listen to, the clothes they wear, the communication devices they use, the at forms they relate to and the genres they model themselves upon “Style has become the most prominent cultural medium for expressing the identity aspirations of youth culture” (Kjeldgaard & Askegaard, 2006, p.233). All of these forms of expression enable youth to visually express who they are and are means of differentiation, establishing their uniqueness to a homogenised society. A method of visual expression commonly practiced by emerging adults to demonstrate their identity is body art “experiment with their own visual identity and for many this may involve, body piercing, tattoos and radical hair colours or styles” (Sparkman, 2002, pp.3-4). While many adults view the practice as an act of defiance and nonconformity, “adults frequently consider them as signs of deviant behaviour” (Armstrong & Murphy, 1997, as cited in Blair, 2007, p.40), emerging adults view the art forms as graphic expressions of their identity “Teens view their tattoos as objects of self-expression” (Blair, 2007, p.40). Tattooing provides emerging adults with a canvas, which they have the authority to exercise control, transforming their bodies into bold declarations of their identity “A tattooed body, as a site of representation, acted as a surface to display one’s identity to others” (Blair, 2007, p.41). Recent years has seen increased interest in tattooing, which has been embedded in youth culture since the 1990s “Tattoos are particularly popular with teenagers who explore their identity through experimentation with their outward appearances and, since the 1990s tattoos have become an established part of youth culture” (Riley & Cahill, 2005, as cited by Blair, 2007, p.39). While body art is the most prolific in expressing identity for emerging adults, “Studies of youth subculture have shown the importance of the body in defining membership of a group and communicating it both within and outside the group” (Schroeder & Salzer-MÖrling, 2006, p.157), other forms of visual expression are

- 57 - Young Adult VIsual Identity seen in clothing, music, technology and arts “played out in a set of highly stylized arenas of clothing, grooming, music, communication technology” (Kjeldgaard & Askegaard, 2006, p.233). Graffiti art and tagging are forms which have created controversy and uproar within many communities, however, younger generations view the art form as a method of self-identity, seeking acknowledgement and identification “The infectious allure of underground graffiti art has spread through our youths around the world. Their silent rebellion reflects a search for visual autonomy in a visually saturated world, which needs to be acknowledged” (Sparkman, 2002, p.3).

2.4.3 Young Adults & Brands Bulmer & Buchanan-Oliver (n.d.), give a description which exhibits the link between brand advertising and identity, “Brand advertising is conceptualised as a resource used in the ongoing construction of national identity and as a catalyst in creating experiences that engender a sense of national community” (Bulmer, Buchanan-Oliver, n.d, p.2). It has been argued in order for brands to position themselves as valuable commodities that enhance, or define identities, “Brand stories may help consumers construct the story of their own lives, that is, their identity” (Bulmer, Buchanan-Oliver, n.d, pp.3-4), the appropriation of cultural symbols and values are drawn from the intended audience’s environment, “Some researchers argue that advertisements are most effective when the symbols, characters, and values depicted in the advertisements are drawn from the intended audiences cultural environment, which allows the audience to better identify with the message and the source of the message” (Appiah, 2001, p.9). A study by Ritson & Elliot (1999) examines the relationship of brand advertising with younger generations. Younger generations’ capability to incorporate advertising meaning and symbols into everyday occurrences “their ability to use advertising meanings for the purpose of social interaction” (Ritson

- 58 - Young Adult VIsual Identity

& Elliot, 1999, p.263) making this generation the most highly sought consumers by brands. Riston & Elliot (1999) term this generation as “advertising literate” as they are perceived as the most responsive to brands “This generation of young consumers has been singled out as the most brand conscious ever by virtue of the depth and breadth of their brand knowledge and preferences” (Achenreiner & John, 2003, p.205), as they are more likely to associate themselves with brands that expresses who they are, reinforcing their identities. While it has been common practice for brands to appropriate cultural symbols and values, there is little known about the effects of culturally appropriated objects used in brand advertising on younger generations “There is little if any information on the effects of high culturally embedded advertisements on adolescents” (Appiah, 2001, p.9). There needs to be more research in regards to the appropriation of Cook Island motifs and designs by brands who utilise these symbols in their advertising practices and products, and into the effects of shaping and influencing identities of younger generations caused by exposure to brands, brand advertising and products. It has been argued that although there is little evidence, there are suggestions that tension is created between the younger generations' traditional culture and the new culture expressed through brands. At a broader level, there is more to be done to complete out understanding of the effects of brand communications on other types of non-brand community identity. There are questions about how members of a national community learn about identity...there is little understanding of the relationship between young consumers and the resources they are exposed to in the process of learning about national identity...There are tensions between the pull of their traditional culture and the attractions of the new one" (Bulmer & Buchanan- Oliver, n.d, p.10).

2.4.4 Young Adult Visual Identity Summary From the research it has been identified that the most influential period of change and shaping of identities for individuals is during their late teens to mid-

- 59 - Young Adult VIsual Identity twenties. During this time, emerging adults are less inhibited by rules, regulations and structure, and are more likely to rebel against the conformities of society in search of individuality, uniqueness, and acknowledgement. There are many forms of visual expression used as vehicles of their identity, the most significant being body art. Emerging adults view this practice as a means of identification and a means of control, as their bodies are blank canvases for which they are responsible and have authority of. While body art has been seen as controversial and as acts of defiance, which is the reason why many teenagers engage in the practice, style plays a significant role in shaping of their identities. This can take shape in their clothing, the music they listen, the genres they are associated with; goth, punk, rock, hip-hop, etc; and even art; graffiti, tagging. These visual expressions allow younger generations the opportunity to explore and experiment with their identities. It is also significant to understand how brand advertising influence and shape identities, as many brands appropriate cultural symbols to establish relationships with consumers. Brands understand younger generations are the most valued consumers, as their capabilities of understanding and relating to the messages expressed through brand advertising is echoed into their everyday life, where younger generations are at ease talking and sharing experiences with fellow peers. However, it has become apparent that more research needs to be conducted in the effects of brand advertising and younger generations, as there is little evidence of its impact on younger generations’ ethnic identities. This leads to question the effects of brand advertising appropriating cultural symbols and values has on source cultures.

- 60 - 2.5 literature review Conclusion

As there was little research dealing directly with Cook Island motifs, appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms and Cook Island young adult visual identity, the research considered literature from both indigenous and colonial sources. Where the literature could not be identified, the scope of research was broadened. This was apparent with young adult identity, as it was initially intended to examine the visual identity of Cook Island young adults. The same issue was experienced with appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms. The research considered cultural appropriation from the Western perspective and, extended to consider the appropriation of other cultures from the indigenous perspective. This enabled the research to utilise perspectives from other indigenous cultures and, acknowledge the Cook Islands encounters similar issues to other indigenous cultures. The period of time that caused the greatest social upheaval and cultural violation to the Cook Islands was in the early 19th century during the introduction of Christianity. The period almost saw the complete destruction of valuable cultural knowledge and traditions. Remarkably, some of its more remote islands, managed to maintain some aspects of these traditions, which has enabled contemporary Cook Islands to refer back to in search of re-establishing their native history. From the research it becomes clear there is a great deal of cultural meaning and value vested in Cook Island designs and motifs. The representations of their identity is expressed through their visual arts, and the historical context of their origins attributes its significance as symbols of status, expressions of diverse cultural practices, and expressions of identity communicated through their designs. The resurgence in interest in their arts signifies the culture's desire to instigate autonomy and aspirations for preserving their identity, ensured by its descendant's understanding and willingness to embrace its maoritanga.

- 61 - literature review conclusion

While the introduction of Christianity instigated great social upheaval within the Cook Islands, it also initiated trends and developments in new arts. The most significant of all for visual arts was the tivaevae. Cook Island women embraced the art form, investing their own interpretations and practices. The tivaevae became the tool which they were able to use to communicate their identity and express the multiplicity of their culture, transforming the quilts embodying their uniqueness and style. Their style was unique to other Polynesian cultures, while Hawaii designs were much more abstract and Tahiti was more geometric, Cook Island tivaevae was representational. Their understanding of colour, form, movement and dimension were projected based upon traditional styles and themes, reflecting the interchangeability of their culture and environment. The compositions possessed attributes of rotational balance, rich in colour, that created remarkable effects of striking movement. The mana embedded in the compositions was representative of the respect and understanding of ownership of designs. However, many designs today are not attributed to a single person as the interchangeability of their culture and their sociability has caused the exchange of designs within its many communities. However, contemporary Cook Island society is understanding the importance of protecting their designs from appropriation, and are employing personal techniques to ensure ownership of designs are recognised. The cultural appropriation of their cultural products has also led to an interest in using Western frameworks to protect their designs from outsiders, and although their cultural properties do not fit into the Western framework, they are looking to other cultures for guidance in the resolution of this matter. The issues surrounding cultural appropriation is not only predicated upon the idea of ownership, there are concerns outsiders will benefit financially from their works and hinder the marketability of their authenticity. This also presents other problems, while authenticity may be questioned regarding the designs, it may also initiate concerns

- 62 - literature review conclusion about the authenticity of their identity. As their designs are appropriated, the transformations that occur can alter perceptions of their identity, through misrepresentation. This misrepresentation can create great offense to the Cook Islands and can harm their identity, by presenting inappropriate experiences that distort the authentic nature of their culture. The possibilities of misrepresentation through the transformations of culturally appropriated works can also create harm to outsiders, misleading them into preconceived notions of the Cook Islands, altering the authentic experience of its culture. It becomes clear there is very little control afforded to many indigenous cultures to protect their cultural products, however, there is a social and moral responsibility that is becoming more visible and embedded into the constructs of contemporary society. While cultural appropriation used to be considered a necessary act that enabled societies to progress and express appreciation for fine arts, in many cases it is now considered plagiarism and theft. Techniques are being employed that generate the least amount of cultural harm to indigenous cultures, and from the literature it becomes clear that in order for this to occur, appropriators need to be considerate of the source culture, paying attention to the cultural significance and meaning embedded in the works. It seems that the most effective occurrence of transformation is when cultural objects are treated as innovative appropriations. The products are separated from its original symbolic meaning and value, so they no longer possess any cultural significance or distinctive aesthetic qualities that can be attributed to its origins, therefore the association with the product no longer relates to its source culture. While cultural appropriation can generate offense to the Cook Islands and its marketability to other cultures, it can also alter the perceptions of their identity viewed by its younger generations. As emerging adults are more susceptible to brand advertising, they are more willing to express themselves and to generate social order and acceptance within their peer groups through the associations with

- 63 - literature review conclusion brands. However, there is little research into the effects brands have on younger generations perception of identity, therefore it can only be assumed that when products are culturally appropriated from their native culture, the effects it has on outsiders and those living within the Cook Island culture, can create similar experiences for emerging Cook Island adults.

- 64 - 3. study of tivaevae & Motifs

The lack of literature pertaining to the cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs, appears to be due to the generalisation of Cook Island designs as Polynesian. In this classification, Cook Island designs lack the authority of individuality and authenticity. To determine authenticity and distinguish Cook Island designs from other Polynesian designs, the research will investigate what elements feature in Cook Island designs. To make these determinations the research involved three stages of investigation. The first investigation analyses which motifs are most commonly used by analysing a series of Cook Island tivaevae whose designs and compositions are commonplace within Cook Island society. The second investigation explores the composition of Cook Island tivaevae, focusing on the various elements and arrangements within its composition. The research will also extend to Polynesian tivaevae to establish authority of designs being distinctive to the Cook Islands. The third investigation will make comparisons between the results of the second investigation of Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae in order to identify differentiation of Cook Island designs. From these investigations, it is expected conclusions will be drawn in the aim of establishing what motifs are commonly used in Cook Island tivaevae.

- 65 - 3.1 Identification of motifs

Although the literature identified the uniqueness of Cook Island tivaevae to other Polynesian tivaevae, “They are recognizable by their complex symmetry and intricate geometric patterns. These patterns are most abstract in Hawaii, most geometric is Tahiti and more representational in the Cook Islands” (Kuchler, 2003, p.97-98), there is little research determining motifs unique to the Cook Islands. Much of the problem appears to be motifs featured in many Cook Islands designs are categorised as Polynesian “Flowers have always been a feature of Pacific Island identity and culture and appear in many Pacific motifs such as on Cook Island tivaevae (quilts), contemporary art, and clothing styles" (Bedford, Longhurst & Underhill-Sem, 2001, p.7). Given the research on Polynesian tivaevae, this study sought to identify motifs common to Cook Island tivaevae. However, the motifs cannot be categorised as unique to the Cook Islands as there was insufficient access to other Polynesian tivaevae to make valid distinctions. The Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae used for this research possessed two or more characteristics: rotational symmetry; representational forms; flora and fauna motifs; embroidery, “Cook Island quilts are further distinguished by rich multicoloured embroidery” (Kuchler, 2003, p.97-98); and colour, "distinguished by splashes of colour, representative of native flowers such as the hibiscus blossom, and set against the recurrent colours of nature” (Leenhardt, 1950, p.104).

3.1.1 Methodology To identify what motifs are commonly seen in Cook Island tivaevae, an investigation of 67 Cook Island tivaevae from five sources were analysed (Fig.3.1). Three sources for this investigation came from books; Lynnsay Rongokea's, The Art of Tivaevae: Traditional Cook Island Quilting (2001 ); Tokoroa Tivaivai Tivaevae Artists (2006 ), by Ngamata Enoka and Moeroa Maea, and Tifaifai and

- 66 - identification of MOTIFS

Quilts of Polynesia (1986) by Joyce Hammond. The other sources came from the private collections of Mrs Moeroa Maea and Mrs Teatuanui Teau. The study examines which motifs are most commonly used by analysing 67 Cook Island tivaevae whose designs are commonplace within Cook Island society. The selection of the 67 Cook Island tivaevae was determined by each possessing two or more characteristics identified in the literature as features of Cook Island tivaevae; representational forms, flora and fauna motifs, rotational symmetry, intricately stitched embroidery and, contrasting colours. The study examined the 67 tivaevae to identify the dominant motif in each. Motifs were identified as dominant based upon size and repetition. 67 motifs were counted and grouped into three categories; flora, animals and objects. Within these categories, further categorisation involved identifying the types of motifs within its parent category.

- 67 - identification of MOTIFS

Fig. 3.1 Cook Island tivaevae motifs. (See Appendix 5 for full reference list).

- 68 - identification of MOTIFS

3.1.2 Results

Table 3.1 Motifs recorded in 67 Cook Island Tivaevae Flora No. Animals No. Objects No.

Hibiscus 7 Crab 1 Fan 1 Lily 5 Butterfly 1 Crown 1 Water Lily 4 Peacock 1 Lantern 1 Tiger Lily 3 Sea Urchins 1 Stars 1 Xmas Lily 1 Turtles 3 Gardenia 2 Mermaid 1 Chrysanthemum 11 Anthurium 1 Grapes 1 Orchid 4 Poinsettias 1 Coconut 1 Rose 3 Zinnia 1 Bouquet 2 Blue Marie leaves 1 Taro leaves 1 Horse head plant 1 Other - unnamed 5

Total 55 8 4

Of the 67 Cook Island tivaevae analysed, 55 used flora motifs, 8 used animal motifs with the remaining 4 using object motifs (Table 1). Of the flora motifs there were 20 species identified and one classification as unnamed flora. chrysanthemum12 is most popular with 11 occurrences, followed by hibiscus13 with 7, lily with 5, orchid and water lily14 with 4 each, and tiger lily15 and rose16 with 3 each. There were 5 occurrences of unnamed flora used. Of the remaining flora classifications, each were used once in Cook Island tivaevae. Of the remaining 12 tivaevae, 8 used animal motifs. There were 5 species and one mythical creature

12 Matarita 13 Kaute 14 Riri vai 15 Riri taika 16 Roti

- 69 - identification of MOTIFS identified. Turtle is the most popular animal motifs with 3 occurrences. The remaining 4 tivaevae used object motifs.

3.1.3 Findings From the results of the analysis, flora featured prominently as motifs in Cook Island tivaevae. Of this group, the most occurrences seen were chrysanthemums, hibiscus, lilies, orchids, water lilies, tiger lilies and roses. However, there are four species of Lily, indicating this group had the highest number at 13, therefore lilies (with its various species) featured in more tivaevae than any other group. Flora motifs representing food collectively amounted to three, consisting of grape, coconut and taro leaves. The results indicate there are six flora groups that feature frequently in Cook Island tivaevae. Although animals did not feature strongly Cook Island tivaevae, the crab, sea urchin, butterfly and turtle motifs, are significant to acknowledge as the literature identified sea life and butterflies as sources of inspiration. It is also feasible to include mermaid into this group, although a mythical creature, has associations with the sea. The collective amount of these motifs were seven. From the results of object motifs, stars and crown totalled two. Although object motifs have not been addressed previously, there is acknowledgment the crown and the star are used "The taorei technique allows for many intricate geometric design variations through the use of colour combinations, creating popular designs of flowers (chrysanthemums, roses, lilies), the turtle, the crown and the Star of David" (Rongokea, 2001, p.17), substantiating their inclusion in this study.

3.1.4 Identification of Motifs Discussion This study sought to identify motifs common to Cook Island tivaevae. The major findings indicate that flora motifs prominently feature in Cook Island tivaevae. Within this category, lilies demonstrated the highest use followed by

- 70 - identification of MOTIFS chrysanthemums. The literature identified hibiscus as a motif that has been used for many generations and its occurrences in this study substantiates its use is significant to qualify as a common Cook Island tivaevae motif. Orchids were also identified as featuring in four tivaevae. Results also demonstrate subjects of sea life are commonly used, substantiated by the claim that the designs for Cook Island tivaevae draw inspiration from its environment "Patterns reflect the environment, especially plants and flowers, but also turtles, sea life and butterflies" (D'Avella, 1998, p.118). Although stars and crown were identified and acknowledged their inclusion in this study, the low numbers demonstrate they are not motifs commonly seen in Cook Island tivaevae. Findings indicated lilies, chrysanthemum, hibiscus, orchids and sea life as motifs most commonly used in Cook Island tivaevae. The next chapter investigates if the motifs can be considered as representations of their identity.

3.1.5 Future Research The findings of this study provide a first step in examining motifs common to Cook Island tivaevae. Future research could extend the findings by analysing other Polynesian tivaevae motifs to substantiate the motifs identified in this study as distinctive to the Cook Islands.

- 71 - 3.2 Analysis of Cook Island Tivaevae

Literature has indicated Cook Island tivaevae are unique and distinguishable to other Polynesian tivaevae, and the previous study identified lilies, chrysanthemum, hibiscus and orchids as floral motifs commonly used in Cook Island tivaevae. This study aims to extend this research, examining attributes commonly seen in Cook Island tivaevae to substantiate evidence of their representational value to the Cook Islands. However, the attributes cannot be categorised as unique to the Cook Islands as there was insufficient access to other Polynesian tivaevae to make valid distinctions. This study examined four Cook Island tivaevae. The four tivaevae (Figs. 3.2- 3.5) were selected from the 67 analysed in the previous investigation (Chapter 3.1). They were selected as they exhibited qualities commonly associated with Cook Island tivaevae; colour, embroidery, representational forms, rotational symmetry and, flora and fauna motifs. All of which have been identified in the literature as characteristics commonly seen in Cook Island tivaevae. The representational form attribute is extended to depiction; illustrative or geometric and; realism, easily identifiable as its subject matter. Two other characteristics were added to this study; border and grid. The relevance of the border attribute relates to its use in other Polynesian tivaevae as identified in the literature “unlike Tahitian and Hawaiian quilts, Cook Island tivaevae do not have borders” (Kuchler, 2003, p.110). The addition of the grid characteristic allows for identification of complex arrangement.

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Fig 3.2 Tivaevae 1. (Rongokea, 2001, p.61). Fig 3.3 Tivaevae 2. (Rongokea, 2001, p.118).

Fig 3.4 Tivaevae 3. (Rongokea, 2001, p.51). Fig. 3.5 Tivaevae 4. (Private Collection, Mrs Teatuanui Teau).

3.2.1 Methodology To substantiate Cook Island designs as authoritive representations of the Cook Islands, a study of four Cook Island tivaevae possessing attributes distinguished as commonplace in Cook Island tivaevae was explored. The four Cook Island tivaevae were selected from the 67 analysed in the previous study (Chapter 3.1). The limitation of this research predicated upon insufficient access to other Polynesian tivaevae, therefore the number of Cook Island tivaevae analysed was based upon access to other Polynesian tivaevae that possessed two or more attributes identified as commonplace with Cook Island tivaevae; colour,

- 73 - analysis of cook island tivaevae embroidery, representational forms, rotational symmetry and, flora and fauna motifs, border and grid. The study explored elements of the tivaevae for individual analysis. Each category was chosen to give clearer indication of the attributes featured, with some elements explored further for the purpose of identifying levels of intricacy. Table 3.2 gives a description of the elements analysed. In order to conduct a comprehensive analysis, two of the attributes identified were extended; representational form and, flora and fauna motifs. The representation form attribute was translated to depiction and realism. The aim was to identify styles used for representation of subject matter and to acknowledge if the motif closely resembled its subject. The flora and fauna motifs are classified as motif, for the purpose of acknowledging other subject matter as the dominant motif present. The grid attribute was added with sub-categories of columns and rows, to enable identification of level of complexity involved with arrangement of motifs.

Table 3.2 Description of Attribute Analysed Attribute Description Rotational Does the tivaevae have rotational balance - no dominant orientation Grid Does the composition use a regular grid Columns How many Rows How many Are the forms illustrative: characteristics defined by organic and fluid curves, Depiction irregularities in shape and line or; geometric: characteristic defined by regular lines or shapes. Motif What does the dominant motif represent Realism Are the motifs easily recognisable as its subject matter (species) No. of Motifs Total number of motifs - including the different varieties Variety How many different motifs are there, excluding plant stems Colour How many colours are used Is embroidery used as part of its visual aesthetic (stitching which secures designs to the Embroidery base is not considered) No. Styles How many different embroidery styles are there Border Does it have a decorative border

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3.2.2 Results

Table 3.3 Analysis of Cook Island Tivaevae Attribute Tivaevae 1 Tivaevae 2 Tivaevae 3 Tivaevae 4 Rotational Yes Yes Yes Yes Grid Yes Yes Yes Yes Columns 5 4 4 4 Rows 5 4 4 4 Depiction Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Motif Tiger Lily Chrysanthemum Chrysanthemum Gardenia Realism Yes Yes Yes Yes No. of Motifs 24 18 12 56 Variety 2 2 2 2 Colour 8 2 15 10 Embroidery Yes No No No No. Styles 3 0 0 0 Border No No No No

From the results of this investigation, there are seven attributes which have been clearly identified with all four tivaevae. They all exhibit rotational symmetry and utilise a regular grid. The motifs are easily recognisable as its subject matter and the dominant motif in each tivaevae utilise flowers as its subject matter. They also all contain the same number of varieties of motifs and all elements of form were illustrative. None of the tivaevae use a border. Three of the four tivaevae utilised the same number of rows and columns. Tivaevae 1 was the only composition that utilised the attribute of embroidery, with three differing embroidery styles identified. The greatest variation of elements between the tivaevae were the total number of motifs and the number of colours used. Tivaevae 4 has the greatest number of motifs at 56, followed by Tivaevae 1 with 24, Tivaevae 2 with 18 and Tivaevae 3 with 12. Tivaevae 1 has eight colours, Tivaevae 2 has two colours, Tivaevae 3 had the highest total of colours at 15 and Tivaevae 4 has ten colours.

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3.2.3 Findings From the results of the analysis of the four tivaevae, an interpretive analysis was conducted to establish the significance of the elements identified and to demonstrate if the relevance of the elements is evidence of their representational value to the Cook Islands. The interpretations are supported by images illustrating the method of visual exploration. i. Rotational All four tivaevae possess the element of rotational symmetry, where each tivaevae can be rotated and maintain its look. The rate of rotation for three of the tivaevae is 90° as seen in Fig. 3.6. There is a variation in Tivaevae 2 (Fig. 3.7), which works on 180° intervals. The rotational balance is enhanced by the proximity and interlocking of elements, expressing unity through the visual connections of its motifs based upon structure and order.

Fig 3.6 Tivaevae 1 rotated 90˚ Fig 3.7 Tivaevae 2 rotated 180˚

- 76 - analysis of cook island tivaevae ii. Grid All four tivaevae use a regular grid, cross-sectioned by diagonals (Figs. 3.8- 3.11). The amount of columns and rows created by the grid, generates calculated control ensuring harmony and balance is maintained. This dissection also gives opportunity for the elements to express distinction with the grid enhancing the relationship of the elements within the composition.

Fig 3.8 Tivaevae 1 grid. Fig 3.9 Tivaevae 2 grid. Fig 3.10 Tivaevae 3 grid. Fig 3.11 Tivaevae 4 grid.

iii. Depiction The forms within all four tivaevae are illustrative, using fluid and irregular line to create lively and free-flowing arrangements. Although Tivaevae 3 & 4 are constructed by thousands of small squares, the arrangement enables the forms to express its organic origins. The use of line, irregularity and fluidity expresses freedom, personality and differentiation. iv. Motif All of the tivaevae feature flowers as the dominating motifs in the compositions. Tivaevae 2 & 3 are the chrysanthemum, Tivaevae 1 is the tiger lily and, Tivaevae 4 is a gardenia17 (Figs. 3.12-3.15). Three of the motifs are in the top four categories established in the previous investigation of identifying motifs commonly used in Cook Island tivaevae (Table 3.1). The illustrative nature of the forms depict realism, allowing easy recognition of the species represented by the motifs (Figs. 3.16-3.18). The sense of realism

17 Tiare maori

- 77 - analysis of cook island tivaevae expresses clarity and simplicity, providing contrast and tranquillity to the complexity of the compositions.

Fig. 3.12 Form detail of Fig. 3.13 Form detail of Fig. 3.14 Form detail of Fig. 3.15 Form detail of Tivaevae 1. Tiger Lily. Tivaevae 2. Chrysanthemum. Tivaevae 3. Chrysanthemum. Tivaevae 4. Gardenia.

Fig. 3.16 Tiger Lily Fig. 3.17 Chrysanthemum. Fig. 3.18 Gardenia. (Flickr, 2008d). (Flickr, 2008b). (Flickr, 2008c).

All four motifs utilise different techniques to achieve realism. The solidity of the motifs in Tivaevae 1 are animated by the organic nature of the petals and leaves branching from the arrangements. Tivaevae 2 possesses greater organic forms, utilising negative space to generate clarity and recognition of its subject while the interaction of the shapes is enhanced by the complexity of its cutting technique. The harshness of the squares used in Tivaevae 3 and 4 are softened by its arrangement, allowing the motifs to express its organic origins. The number of motifs in each tivaevae greatly vary. This appears to be due to the size of the motifs and the arrangements based upon its grid. Tivaevae 3 and 4 show the greatest variation in numbers and as can be seen, the motifs in Tivaevae 3 are generous in size in comparison to Tivaevae 4. Although the amount of motifs is dependant on the size of the motifs, each tivaevae utilise the entire space of the canvas, leaving only a blank edge framing the compositions.

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All four tivaevae use two different motifs (Figs. 3.19-3.22). This variation adds interest and contrast to the composition, which is seen with the variation of motifs used in the other three tivaevae. The use of two motifs allows for distinction between the dominating motifs and its supporting elements.

Fig. 3.19 Tivaevae 1 motifs. Fig. 3.20 Tivaevae 2 motifs. Fig. 3.21 Tivaevae 3 motifs. Fig. 3.22 Tivaevae 4 motifs. v. Colour Tivaevae 1 uses 8 colours (Fig. 3.23) however, the intricacy of the embroidery appears to alter the intensities of some of its colours. The blue background provides contrast and acts as the foundation of the composition, tying the various colours and elements together. The contrasting coloured motifs generate a dynamic and arresting composition with the arrangement of colour; orange and deep violet together in the centre; yellow/red, red/blue, blue/brown and, brown/ yellow on the outer edge, adding interest and harmony to the composition. The colours used for the embroidery, works in harmony with the motif colours, adding contrast which gives a very tactile, textural quality and, depth and dimension.

Fig 3.23 Colour range of Tivaevae 1. Fig 3.24 Colour range of Tivaevae 2.

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Tivaevae 2 uses two complimentary colours (Fig. 3.24). The rich indigo and warm yellow provides contrast and interaction between the foreground and background. The complexity of the arrangement is simplified through its use of minimal colour palette. Tivaevae 3 uses 15 colours (Fig. 3.25). The mahogany background of the motifs creates depth, linking the various elements into a unified, cohesive composition. The contrast of the background with the elements in the foreground generates a sense of interaction with the colour systems working in harmony with each other adding interest. Each diagonal segment of the composition contains its own colour palette, generating a kaleidoscope of colour expressing a dynamic composition.

Fig 3.25 Colour range of Tivaevae 3.

Tivaevae 4 uses 10 colours (Fig. 3.26). The bright blue is used for the background, creating depth, while linking the various colours and elements into a unified and cohesive composition. The contrast of the background with the elements in the foreground generates a sense of interaction. Each diagonal segment contains the same colour palettes drawn from the 10 identified, producing a harmonious composition.

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Fig.3.26 Colour range of Tivaevae 4. vi. Embroidery Although all four tivaevae analysed use stitching for its construction, only Tivaevae 1 utilises embroidery as a featured aesthetic (Fig. 3.27). There are three main stitching styles, each with its own purpose to realistically render attributes of the flower. The 'v' shaped stitching mimics the dots seen on the tiger lily (Fig.3.28), while the stitching lines through the middle of the petals mimics the texture seen on tiger lilies. The stem like stitches with the anthers in the centre of the lilies resembles those seen in tiger lilies. The stitching on the leaves of the flower adds contrast and makes the form appear real and 3-dimensional, generating interest and bringing the composition to life. The arrangement of the stitches enhances the realism, adding colour and shading, generating a vision of 3-dimensionality.

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Fig. 3.27 Embroidery detail of Sample 1. Fig. 3.28 Tiger Lily (Flickr, 2008d).

vii. Border None of the tivaevae used a decorative border, opting for utilisation of space to frame and add tranquility to the dynamic compositions.

3.2.4 Cook Island Tivaevae Discussion The visual investigation of the four Cook Island tivaevae were conducted for the purpose of recognising elements, techniques and styles used in the compositions in order to identify the strengths and attributes are commonly used. From this investigation there were many attributes which appear to feature prominently in Cook Island tivaevae. The Cook Island tivaevae communicate various aspects of its culture and influences of designs are embodied in the attributes featured. The significance of the rotational attribute exhibits an innovative communication technique, expressing unity with the interlinking of elements in an ordered fashion generating a sense of interaction and vitality. Its complex arrangements coexisting in spatial harmony with the elements, expressive of the relationship between Cook Island people and the environment. The sections achieved by the use of grids exhibit qualities of individuality seamlessly connected,

- 82 - analysis of cook island tivaevae expressing ideas of the vitality and value of relationships, while order and structure are softened by the irregular forms it sustains, communicating ideas of freedom. Inspiration draws from the environment, with flowers featuring as prominent design elements. The compositions are saturated with the floral motifs, communicating ideas of passion and vitality, while its illustrative qualities communicate ideas of understanding and appreciation of their surroundings, expressing a culture in harmony with nature. Hierarchy of the elements exhibits qualities of distinction while their interaction communicates a vivacious and dynamic culture. The interaction between the elements generate a sense of depth and plays with the concept of the background and foreground continuously shifting. The arrangements within the composition generates a sense of growth and life in harmony with its elements. The understanding and play with colour generates dynamic and compelling compositions. The extensive colour palettes exhibit a great mastery and love for colour, cleverly utilised to enhance and bring life to its elements, generating a sense of interaction and dimensionality. However, there is also no issue with utilising a minimal colour palette, as seen in Tivaevae 2, its minimal colour palette enhances and draws focus to the complexity of the design and its cutting technique. The passion for colour exhibits a great understanding of its power as a visual tool to bring life to its elements, while the intricate embroidery adds textural and sculptural value, expressing the idea of realistic interpretation. The lack of decorative borders are compensated with utilisation of space, allowing the designs to appear unrestrained and liberated. In order to determine if these attributes are distinctive of Cook Island tivaevae, the following analysis of four Polynesian tivaevae will assist in providing a comparison with those identified in the Cook Island tivaevae.

- 83 - 3.3 Analysis of Polynesian tivaevae

Literature has indicated Cook Island tivaevae are unique and distinguishable to other Polynesian tivaevae, and the previous study identified attributes shared by the Cook Island tivaevae analysed. This study aims to extend this research, examining attributes seen in Polynesian tivaevae to provide a comparison to the attributes identified in the previous study. However, the attributes cannot be categorised as unique to Polynesia as there was insufficient access to other Polynesian tivaevae to make valid distinctions. This study examined four Polynesian tivaevae. These Polynesian tivaevae were selected as they were identified as possessing attributes considered distinct to Polynesia tivaevae; borders "unlike Tahitian and Hawaiian quilts, Cook Island tivaevae do not have borders" (Kuchler, 2003, p.110); connecting patterns "The large connecting patterns were produced by folding and cutting fabric, similar to the technique used in Hawaii, the snowflake style" (Campbell, 2005, p.31). They were also selected as they exhibited attributes identified in the literature as common to Cook Island tivaevae; colour, embroidery, representational forms, rotational symmetry and, flora and fauna motifs. The representational form attribute is extended to depiction; illustrative or geometric and; realism, easily identifiable as its subject matter. Two other characteristics were added to this study; border and grid. The addition of the grid characteristic allows for identification of complex arrangement.

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Fig. 3.29 Tivaevae 5. (Hammond, 1986a, p.38). Fig. 3.30 Tivaevae 6. (Hammond, 1986a, p.36).

Fig. 3.31 Tivaevae 7. (Hammond, 1986a, p.33). Fig. 3.32 Tivaevae 8. (Hammond, 1986a, p.32).

3.3.1 Methodology To substantiate Cook Island designs as authoritive representations of the Cook Islands, a study of four Polynesian tivaevae was explored (Figs. 3.29-3.32). The Polynesian tivaevae were selected from Joyce Hammond's Tifaifai and Quilts of Polynesia (1986). The limitation of this research predicated upon insufficient access to other Polynesian tivaevae, therefore the number of tivaevae analysed was based upon access to Polynesian tivaevae that possessed two or more attributes identified as commonplace with Cook Island tivaevae. This investigation uses the same methodology as Chapter 3.2.

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3.3.2 Results

Table 3.4 Analysis of Polynesian Tivaevae Attribute Tivaevae 5 Tivaevae 6 Tivaevae 7 Tivaevae 8 Rotational Yes Yes No Yes Grid Yes Yes No Yes Columns 2 2 0 2 Rows 2 2 0 2 Depiction Geometric Geometric Illustrative Geometric Motif Jasmine Constellation Anthurium Peacock Realism Yes Yes Yes Yes No.of Motifs 45 53 27 11 Variety 3 4 2 3 Colour 2 2 7 2 Embroidery No No No No No. Styles 0 0 0 0 Border Yes Yes Yes Yes

From the results of this investigation, there are three attributes which have been clearly identified with all four Polynesian tivaevae. The dominant motifs are recognisable as its subject matter, they all used borders and none used embroidery. There were six instances where attributes where identified in Tivaevae 5, 6 & 8; rotational symmetry, grid, same number of columns and rows, depiction and same amount of colours used. There were three instances where values and attributes varied with all four tivaevae; the dominating motif in all tivaevae differed; each tivaevae have different number of motifs and; each have different number of variety of motifs.

3.3.3 Findings From the results of the analysis of the four Polynesian tivaevae, an interpretive analysis was conducted to establish the significance of the elements identified and to demonstrate what elements are commonly featured. The interpretations are supported by images illustrating the method of visual exploration.

- 86 - analysis of polynesian tivaevae i. Rotational

Fig. 3.33 Tivaevae 5 rotated 180°. Fig. 3.34 Tivaevae 8 rotated 180°.

Tivaevae 5, 6 and 8 possess the element of rotational symmetry, where the tivaevae can be rotated and maintain its look. The rate of rotation for two of the tivaevae is 90° as seen in Fig. 3.33. There is a variation in Tivaevae 8 (Fig. 3.34), which works on 180° intervals. The rotational balance is enhanced by the proximity and interlocking of the elements, generating a sense of unity with its complex arrangement coexisting in spatial harmony with the elements. Tivaevae 7 does not have rotational symmetry, when the composition is rotated the arrangement is not the same. ii. Grid

Fig. 3.35 Tivaevae 5 grid. Fig. 3.36 Tivaevae 6 grid. Fig. 3.37 Tivaevae 8 grid.

Tivaevae 5, 6 and 8 use a regular grid, cross-sectioned by diagonals (Figs. 3.35-3.37). The grids divide the composition in half vertically, horizontally and diagonally. The simplicity of the grid allows for large areas of the canvas to be generously explored while controlling the elements to ensure harmony and balance is maintained. The divisions also gives opportunity for the elements to express distinction and individuality while enhancing the relationship of the elements,

- 87 - analysis of polynesian tivaevae interlocked to convey interaction and vitality. Tivaevae 7 doesn't use a grid, opting for a loose and random arrangement of its motifs. iii. Depiction Tivaevae 5, 6 and 8 are geometric, characterised by regular lines and shapes. The regularity of the forms expresses consistency and uniformity with structural balance reoccurring through its form. Order is softened by the organic stylisation of its geometric forms. Tivaevae 7 is illustrative, using fluid and irregular line to create lively and free-flowing forms. iv. Motif

Fig. 3.38 Detail of Tivaevae 5 Fig. 3.39 Detail of Tivaevae 6 Fig. 3.40 Detail of Tivaevae Fig. 3.41 Detail of 7 Tivaevae 8

Fig. 3.42 Jasmine. Fig. 3.43 Constellation. Fig. 3.44 Anthurium. Fig. 3.45 Peacock. (Flickr, 2007). (Flickr, 2006). (Flickr, 2009). (Flickr, 2008a).

Tivaevae 5 and 7 feature floral motifs, Tivaevae 6 features constellations, while Tivaevae 8 features an animal motif (Figs. 3.38-3.45). Although the flower motif is clearly identifiable in Tivaevae 5, its simplistic geometric form and lack of detail makes it difficult to clearly acknowledge its specimen. Comparison to its subject matter was possible after translation of its Hawaiian title, Pikake, meaning Jasmine. The geometric forms of Tivaevae 5, 6 and allows for recognition of its

- 88 - analysis of polynesian tivaevae subjects, while the organic stylisation of Tivaevae 7 depicts the most realistic rendition. The number of motifs in each tivaevae analysed greatly vary. This appears to be due to the size of the motifs and the intricacy of arrangements. Tivaevae 6 has the highest number of motifs with 53 followed by Tivaevae 5 with 45, Tivaevae 7 with 27 and, Tivaevae 8 with 11. Tivaevae 8 has the lowest occurrences and possessed the largest motifs of all the tivaevae analysed. Although the amount of motifs is dependant on the size of motifs, each tivaevae utilise the entire space of the canvas, with space afforded between the arrangement of the elements and its border.

Fig. 3.46 Tivaevae 5 motifs. Fig. 3.47 Tivaevae 6 motifs.

Fig. 3.48 Tivaevae 7 motifs. Fig. 3.49 Tivaevae 8 motifs.

Tivaevae 5 and 8 each have three different motifs while Tivaevae 6 has four and Tivaevae 7 has two (Figs. 3.46-3.49), adding contrast and interest. However, the complexity involved and amount of varying motifs makes difficult to distinguish the dominating motif, this is most visible in Tivaevae 6 with four different motifs. Although its message may be to convey the vastness of the universe, the focal point of the composition rests in the centre, which consists of the repetition of three different motifs.

- 89 - analysis of polynesian tivaevae v. Colour

Fig. 3.50 Colour range of Tivaevae 5. Fig. 3.51 Colour range of Tivaevae 6.

Tivaevae 5 uses two colours for its composition (Fig. 3.50). Although tonal similarities create a sense of monotony, the play with tone illustrates interaction between the foreground and background. The medium blue background generates a sense of coolness and tranquillity, pacifying the complexity of the arrangement of the composition and affording its intricacy to take centre stage. Tivaevae 6 uses two complimentary colours (Fig. 3.51), generating contrast and interest. Although the intricacy of the forms are not as extensive as Tivaevae 5, the complimentary colour palette draws attention to the forms within the composition, utilising negative space to enhance the simplicity of its elements. Tivaevae 7 used 7 colours (Fig. 3.52). The density of the deep mahogany adds dimensionality and creates a solid foundation for the elements, enhancing interaction between the foreground and background. The variance of coloured motifs exhibits vitality and rhythm, generating a dynamic composition. The contrast afforded by the green adds interest and breaks up the monotonous tones of red adding a textural quality, bringing depth and dimension to the composition.

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The orange border helps to tie all the elements together with the repetition of colour portraying unity and harmony.

Fig. 3.52 Colour range of Tivaevae 7. Fig. 3.53 Colour range of Tivaevae 8.

Tivaevae 8 uses two complimentary colours (Fig. 3.53) . The warm earthy brown provides a sense of stability for its light-hearted counterpart, generating interaction and compatibility. Its minimalistic palette draws attention to the detailed cutting technique of the design, with its use of negative space adding interest and depth. The simplicity of colour draws attention to the elements within the compositions, recognising minimal colour palettes are an effective method of enhancing the complexity of the design and its cutting techniques. Where colour has been explored more extensively, it is utilised to enhance its elements and generate depth, creating interaction and vitality. vi. Embroidery Although the results affirm none of the Polynesian tivaevae used embroidery, it is worth mentioning the closest resemblance of an embroidery stitch is seen in Tivaevae 7. However, its use is minimal and appears as lines (Fig. 3.54). The lack of detail enables the motifs to express themselves through their form.

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Fig. 3.54 Embroidery detail of Tivaevae 7. vii. Border All of the tivaevae use a border to frame their compositions, with similar scallop styles. The use of borders enclose the elements, generating unity and holding the varying elements together.

Fig. 3.55 Tivaevae 5 border.

Fig. 3.56 Tivaevae 6 border.

Fig. 3.57 Tivaevae 7 border.

Fig. 3.58 Tivaevae 8 border.

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3.3.4 Polynesian Tivaevae Discussion The visual investigation of the four Polynesian tivaevae was conducted for the purpose of recognising elements, techniques and styles used in the compositions in order to identify attributes commonly used. From this study there were three attributes featured in all four Polynesian tivaevae analysed; depiction, borders and no embroidery. Although one of the four Polynesian tivaevae uses a different stylisation from the other three, they all attempt to depict realistic renditions of its subject matter, communicating appreciation and understanding. The use of borders in all Polynesian tivaevae expresses unity, consistency and cohesion, the elements linked together with its border mimicking shapes within the composition exhibiting consistency and connection. The framing of the compositions present a worthy contribution to the compositions, its organic stylisation revolving around the elements generating a sense of security and balance. The lack of embroidery as a visual aesthetic exhibits aspirations for simplicity communicating clarity and independence. While these attributes communicate appreciation, relationships and independence, other messages are communicated in each tivaevae, expressing differentiation and diversity. Three of the Polynesian tivaevae analysed also possessed attributes of rotational symmetry, grid, same number of columns and rows, depiction and same number of colours used. The significance of the rotation attribute exhibits an innovative communication technique, expressing unity through the visual connections of its motifs based upon structure and order while variation in rate of rotation expresses diversification. This is enhanced by the use of simplistic grid structures which allows elements to explore and utilise space, creating instinctive and harmonious compositions. The depiction of the motifs are geometric, expressing consistency and uniformity, although the abstraction afforded to its forms do little to present realistic renditions of its subject matter. It appears the

- 93 - analysis of polynesian tivaevae purpose of this is to consider the cutting and design techniques of the composition as a whole, rather than its individual stylised forms, expressing the compositions are more than merely a collection of elements. This concept is reinforced by the use of minimalistic and monotone colour palettes. Where a variety of colour exists, it is used in a manner to express vitality and rhythm, creating an illusion of interaction between the elements and its environment. The minimal use of embroidery communicates simplicity and clarity, allowing the compositions to express themselves through their form.

- 94 - 3.4 Cook Island & Polynesian Tivaevae

This component of research involves a comparison of the results of the previous two investigations. The results of the visual analysis of Cook Island tivaevae are compared to the results of the visual analysis of Polynesian tivaevae. The purpose of this investigation is to identify attributes distinctive to Cook Island tivaevae. The investigation will also consider if any attributes are shared between Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae.

3.4.1 Results

Table 3.5 Attributes of Cook Island and Polynesian Tivaevae Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Rotational Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Grid Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Columns 5 4 4 4 2 2 0 2 Rows 5 4 4 4 2 2 0 2 Depiction Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Geometric Geometric Illustrative Geometric Motif Tiger Lily Chrysanthemum Chrysanthemum Gardenia Jasmine Constellation Anthurium Peacock Realism Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No. of Motifs 24 18 12 56 45 53 27 11 Variety 2 2 2 2 3 4 2 3 Colour 8 2 15 10 2 2 7 2 Embroidery Yes No No No No No No No No. Styles 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Border No No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes

From the previous two investigations, the results show Cook Island tivaevae feature more attributes than other Polynesian tivaevae (Table 3.5). The attributes in Cook Island tivaevae are; rotational, grid, depiction, motif, realism and, none had borders. The motif in the Cook Island tivaevae are all flowers. The attributes in Polynesian tivaevae are; realism, borders and, none had embroidery. One attribute seen in all the Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae was the element of realism. Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae attempt to present realistic renditions of its subject matter but both have stylistic differences. The Cook Island tivaevae opt

- 95 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae for illustrative renditions of forms in all the tivaevae analysed, while Polynesian tivaevae predominantly opt for geometric interpretations.

3.4.2 Findings i. Rotational

Table 3.6 Cook Island & Polynesian Rotational Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Rotational Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes

All of the Cook Island tivaevae utilise the element of rotational symmetry, while three Polynesian tivaevae (T5, 6 and 8) possessed the attribute (Table 3.6). The rate of rotation for both Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae is 90°, while in each group, there was one tivaevae that had a variation of rotational, working on 180° intervals. The proximity of elements bound together in harmony, affords appreciation of the composition as a whole and not as a collection of separate elements, communicating a unified entity. ii. Grid

Table 3.7 Cook Island & Polynesian Grid Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Grid Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Columns 5 4 4 4 2 2 0 2 Rows 5 4 4 4 2 2 0 2

All of the Cook Island tivaevae utilise regular grids, while three Polynesian tivaevae (T5, T6 and T8) possessed the attribute (Table 3.6). The use of grids indicates understanding of structure and order, enabling elements opportunity to exhibit qualities of distinction while the interlocking of attributes expresses connection. The Cook Island tivaevae involved more complex grid systems,

- 96 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae illustrating calculated control regulating the complex arrangements of its elements. The Polynesian tivaevae utilised simpler grid systems allowing for greater exploration of space while the lack of grid in Tivaevae 7 generates a free-flowing arrangement of its motifs. iii. Depiction

Table 3.8 Cook Island & Polynesian Depiction Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Depiction Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Illustrative Geometric Geometric Illustrative Geometric

All four Cook Island tivaevae are illustrative while three Polynesian tivaevae (T5, T6 and T8) employed geometric stylisation, Tivaevae 7 used illustrative techniques (Table 3.7). The use of illustrative stylisation in all four Cook Island tivaevae and the Polynesian tivaevae (T7) provides differentiation captured by the irregularity and fluid nature of line. The geometric forms in the three Polynesian tivaevae are characterised by their regularity of line and shape, with structural balance maintained through repetition, expressing consistency and uniformity. iv. Motif

Table 3.9 Cook Island & Polynesian Motif Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Motif Tiger Lily Chrysanthemum Chrysanthemum Gardenia Jasmine Constellation Anthurium Peacock Realism Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No. of Motifs 24 18 12 56 45 53 27 11 Variety 2 2 2 2 3 4 2 3

All of the Cook Island tivaevae feature flowers as the dominant motifs, while two Polynesian tivaevae (T5 and T7) featured flowers (Table 3.8). Tivaevae 6 featured constellations and tivaevae 8 featured peacocks. Although it is difficult to recognise the specimen of the subject matter in Tivaevae 5, both Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae express aspirations of realism.

- 97 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae

The number of motifs in Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae varied greatly, with higher numbers of motifs seen in Polynesian tivaevae. Also, the Polynesian tivaevae had odd number of motifs while the Cook Island tivaevae have even numbers. The total number of motifs in both groups depended upon the size of the motifs. The motifs are repeated and the entire canvas are saturated with motifs. The variation of motifs in the Cook Island tivaevae were the same with all four analysed while the number of various motifs in the Polynesian tivaevae differed. The Cook Island tivaevae use of two varieties of motifs, indicates hierarchy and balance with the dominant and secondary motifs coexisting to produce a harmonious composition. The various numbers of motifs in the Polynesian tivaevae makes it difficult to identify the dominant motif and this is especially apparent in Tivaevae 6. v. Colour

Table 3.10 Cook Island & Polynesian Colour Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Colour 8 2 15 10 2 2 7 2

With the exception of Tivaevae 2, the Cook Island tivaevae utilise a much more extensive colour palette than three of the Polynesian tivaevae (Table 3.9). The use of colour generates dynamic and captivating compositions, cleverly animating its static imagery, precipitating interaction and dimensionality. Tivaevae 7, a Polynesian tivaevae also adopts a larger colour palette, and corresponds to the Cook Island use of colour to create a dynamic composition. The minimalist colour palette of Tivaevae 2 corresponds with its capabilities of drawing attention to the complexities of the design and cutting techniques as expressed in the Polynesian tivaevae.

- 98 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae vi. Embroidery

Table 3.11 Cook Island & Polynesian Embroidery Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Embroidery Yes No No No No No No No No. Styles 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Embroidery was not employed in any of the Polynesian tivaevae and was identified in only one of the Cook Island tivaevae (Table 3.10). Its use adds a textural quality and its intricacy enhances the realistic nature of the illustrative forms while the colour and shading created adds dimensionality, bringing the composition to life. vii. Border

Table 3.12 Cook Island & Polynesian Border Attribute Attribute Cook Island Tivaevae Polynesian Tivaevae T1 T2 T3 T4 T5 T6 T7 T8 Border No No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes

Borders were not employed in any of the Cook Island tivaevae but was identified in all of the Polynesian tivaevae (Table 3.11). The borders in the Polynesian tivaevae generate unity by enclosing all the elements, maintaining the idea of structure and balance.

- 99 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae

3.4.3 Cook Island and Polynesian Tivaevae Discussion The comparison of the four Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae was conducted for the purpose of recognising elements, techniques and styles commonly used in both groups. It was also designed to identify techniques and styles utilised predominantly in Cook Island tivaevae. From these findings, it is clear Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae have distinct stylistic preferences. The study revealed Cook Island tivaevae featured more attributes than Polynesian tivaevae. Three elements were identified that featured prominently in Cook Island tivaevae and, either lacked, had opposite values or was only identified in one of the four Polynesian tivaevae; depiction, motif and colour. One element; border, featured in Polynesian tivaevae and did not in the Cook Island tivaevae. These results indicated styles, subjects and techniques exhibited differentiation between Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae. The Cook Island tivaevae employed illustrative stylisation techniques, conveying differentiation and personality while the Polynesian tivaevae are characterised by geometric stylisation, expressing consistency and uniformity. While Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae all express aspirations of realism, the Cook Island tivaevae are more successful aided by its illustrative renditions. Although embroidery only featured in one of the Cook Island tivaevae, its lack of connection to Polynesian tivaevae gives consideration to its role in Cook Island tivaevae. Its use and application enhances the realism afforded to the forms within the tivaevae, its ability to change colour intensities and create shading, enhancing the tactile effect of the composition while adding depth. Cook Island tivaevae draw inspiration predominantly from flowers, capturing the essence of life and vitality through realistic renditions enhanced by its use of colour. This substantiates flowers as a prominent source of inspiration for Cook Island tivaevae, while the motivation for Polynesian tivaevae extends to a much broader scope of subjects for inspiration.

- 100 - cook island & polynesian tivaevae

The extensive colour palettes seen in the Cook Island tivaevae, and its application attains distinction, animate the two-dimensional forms to create dazzling compositions, expressive of passion, vitality and their environment. While the Polynesian tivaevae minimal colour palettes enhanced and strengthened the complexities of its arrangements, drawing attention to the cutting techniques, expressing understanding of hierarchy and clarity. The utilisation of borders in the Polynesian tivaevae exhibits stability, structure and balance, while the Cook Island tivaevae opt for space to frame the compositions, exhibiting structure and calm. Polynesian tivaevae also had greater variation of motifs, proving difficult to determine the dominant motif in some cases, which may be indicative of equality. Cook Island tivaevae were more restrained with the variety of motifs, all used two variations, indicating a sense of hierarchy, expressing ideas of elements collaborating in harmony. This is reinforced by the use of rotational symmetry by all four Cook Island tivaevae, illustrating the importance of relationships and balance, stabilised by structure and order. The Polynesian tivaevae also exhibit this quality in three of its tivaevae, exhibiting understanding of its use as an innovative communication tool. However, the Polynesian tivaevae employed simpler grid systems than its counterparts, affording motifs to radiate from its constraints while interlocked with its surroundings communicating ideas of individuality strengthened through collaboration. The Cook Island tivaevae opt for more complex grid systems exhibiting clarity of elements and the relationships formed.

- 101 - 3.5 study of tivaevae & MOTIFS Conclusion

The lack of literature pertaining to the cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs may be attributed to the generalisation of Cook Island designs as Polynesian. Therefore, this investigation set out to determine what differentiations are evidence of Cook Island's distinction to other Polynesian cultures. From the literature, evidence suggests the most recognisable forms of Cook Island's visual expression of identity is tivaevae. While Kuchler (2003) identifies attributes considered distinctive to Cook Island tivaevae, this investigation sought to analyse these attributes and other features which could be considered as distinct to Cook Island tivaevae. It also aimed to identify if Cook Island tivaevae motifs could be considered as authentic representations of Cook Island visual identity. Although there were limitations to this research, it became clear that there were significant occurrences of flowers in Cook Island tivaevae. The high numbers of flowers represented in Cook Island tivaevae strongly suggests their natural affiliation and association with flora, suggesting the relationship is evidence of the significance of flowers as representations of visual identity. The flowers identified as having the highest occurrences in Cook Island tivaevae were lilies, chrysanthemums and hibiscus, and can be considered as authentic representations of Cook Island visual identity. From the analysis of elements in Cook Island tivaevae, flowers were identified as the dominant motifs in all four tivaevae, with Chrysanthemums featuring in two of the four tivaevae. The tivaevae were saturated with the floral motifs illuminated by stylistic renditions. These illustrative expressions communicated a culture in harmony with nature, appreciative and understanding of the wildlife surrounding their society. The interaction of the environment and culture is reinforced by hierarchy and interaction between the elements, coupled with the mastery of colour communicating a vivacious culture continuously shifting and in harmony with the elements. Minimal colour palettes affords recognition to the mastery and complexity of cutting and design techniques, while the understanding

- 102 - study of tivaevae & MOTIFS conclusion of colour as a powerful visual tool is enhanced by use of embroidery techniques, cleverly adding texture and sculptural value to intensify the realism of the motifs. Although the compositions are engulfed with motifs, its complex arrangements coexist in spatial harmony communicating ideas of liberation and expressive of the relationship between Cook Island culture and the environment. This is enhanced by the structure and order afforded to the compositions by the use of complex grids and conveys individuality seamlessly connected. From the analysis of elements in Polynesian tivaevae, inspiration draws from a much wider scope of subjects, extending from flora and fauna to constellations. Polynesian tivaevae are saturated with motifs while its artistic renditions embrace geometric stylisations, communicating ideas of equality. However, one tivaevae opted for an illustrative rendition, exhibiting ideas of appreciation of its subject, endeavoured by the realism afforded to the motifs by all the Polynesian tivaevae studied. The simplified geometric motifs allows for recognition of the compositions as a complete and unified entity, communicating a culture in harmony with its elements and the components which structure its society, reinforced by minimal use of colour, ensures attention is drawn to the entire composition and the detail afforded to its arrangement. Where colour has been explored it expresses ideas of the interaction between culture and environment, while communicating rhythm and vitality. The motifs utilise their allocated space exhibiting clarity and independence while the grid systems exhibits structure and order, communicating the value of individuality in harmony with its associations. The organic stylisation of the borders softens the geometric forms it embraces and communicates security and a unified culture. From the comparative analysis between Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae, although there are some attributes shared amongst both groups, it becomes clear Cook Island artistic expressions exhibited qualities that were distinct from the

- 103 - study of tivaevae & MOTIFS conclusion

Polynesian tivaevae analysed, suggesting their aesthetic attributes are not shared with other Polynesian tivaevae. While Cook Island employed illustrative stylisation of motifs, Polynesian tivaevae predominantly opted for geometric renditions. This exhibits two different characteristics; Cook Island communicating differentiation and versatility, Polynesian conveying monotony and reliability. While both Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae aspire to express realism of its subject matter, Cook Island tivaevae employed other artistic techniques not seen in the Polynesian tivaevae. The acknowledgment of embroidery as an effective tool with the illustrative stylisations of the Cook Island tivaevae, generated greater realism while the mastery of colour communicates appreciation, vitality and passion. The utilisation of space to frame the compositions in the Cook Island tivaevae conveyed tranquility to its dynamic and ornate arrangements while the Polynesian tivaevae opted for organic stylisations of borders suggesting stability. Cook Island tivaevae had an obvious preference for flowers as sources of inspiration and their creative capabilities differed from the Polynesian tivaevae. The Polynesian tivaevae communicated structure, equality, unity, independence, stability, interaction and vitality. Although Cook Island tivaevae expressed similar ideas as the Polynesian tivaevae, the level of communication extended to express individuality, passion, vitality and liberation.

- 104 - 4. study of cook island visual identity

There is lack of literature pertaining to the visual identity of Cook Island young adults, identification of visual forms considered distinct to the Cook Islands, cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs and, brands association with Cook Island young adult identity. This research addresses these issues. In order to determine if cultural visual forms are utilised in Cook Island young adult identity, identification of visual forms by Cook Island young adults considered to distinctive to the Cook Islands was examined. The significance of these visual forms was examined to establish if there was a strong cultural association with the forms, and if they were relevant to the identity of Cook Island young adults. The research also explored brands that utilised imagery affiliated with Polynesian cultures, specifically the hibiscus, to identify what associations were made by Cook Island young adults. Consideration of brands also led to understanding Cook Island young adults view of cultural appropriation and, sought to determine if cultural appropriation occurred with Cook Island designs and understand its function in Cook Island visual identity.

- 105 - 4.1 Participant Visual Questionnaire

The research set out to determine what visual forms are considered distinctive to Cook Island culture. This led to the exploration of tivaevae in the aim of identifying visual forms considered by Cook Island young adults as significant to Cook Island culture and to determine if there is a distinction between Cook Island tivaevae and other Polynesian tivaevae. The research also investigated whether Cook Island young adults identified with images due to cultural connections or association with brands.

4.1.1 Methodology Ten participants of Cook Island descent within the age of 18 to 25 years from the Waikato region, New Zealand, participated in this survey. The surveys were conducted on 17th August, 2009. There were four men and six women participants. The questionnaires dealt specifically with Cook Island tivaevae, consisting of images pertaining to the Cook Islands and other Polynesian cultures. The participants were given a questionnaire of five questions (Table 4.1). Participants are identified in this investigation as; Participant 1, Participant 2...Participant 10; or, P.1, P.2, ...P.10. The order of the participants does not correspond with the order of the participants in the following research.

- 106 - participant visual questionnaire

Fig 4.1 Participant Visual Questionnaire 2009

Q1. Which of the words below best describes the significance of a tivaevae? (Participants were asked to circle as many as they thought applied). Value Status Individuality Beliefs Identity Family Relationships Singular Decoration

Art Culture Mana Ownership Recognition Value ($) Technology Rites of Unity Passage

Q2. Which four motifs do you identify as Cook Island? (Participants were asked to tick the ones they thought applied).

A B C D

E F G H

I J K L Of the ones you chose, can you rank them most and least identifiable as Cook Island? (1=highly; 2=moderately; 3=least). (Participants were asked to write the number next to the motif).

Q3. From the three designs shown, can you identify which of these is a Cook Island tivaevae? (Participants were asked to circle a,b,or c).

A B C

- 107 - participant visual questionnaire

Q4. What do you identify with in these images? The brand/label or, the designs/motifs (Participants were asked to circle one).

Q5. In the previous question you were asked to select what you identified with the images - Can you briefly explain your reasons?

Fig 4.1 Participant Visual Questionnaire 2009 (continued from previous page)

The four motifs from Cook Island tivaevae in Q2 were: C - taro leaves; E - chrysanthemum; H - hibiscus and; K - hibiscus. The Cook Island tivaevae in Q3 was C. The brands chosen for Q4 were selected for their images of the hibiscus, identified in the literature as a flower used for designs in Cook Island tivaevae.

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4.1.2 Results

1. Which of the words below best describes the significance of a tivaevae? P1: Identity, decoration, art, culture. P2: Identity, art, culture P3: Value, art, culture, beliefs, identity P4: Beliefs, identity, family, decoration, art, culture P5: Beliefs, identity, family, decoration, art, culture P6: Individuality, culture P7: Matched words across the list P8: Individuality, beliefs, identity, family, decoration, art, culture, mana, ownership, value ($), unity P9. Individuality, beliefs, identity, family, art, culture, unity P10: Value, beliefs, identity, family, art, culture, recognition, unity

2. Which four motifs do you identify as Cook Island? P1: Selected 3 of 4 Cook Island motifs; ranked 1, 2, and 3. The non-Cook Island ranked 4 P2: Selected all the correct motifs; ranked 1, 2, 3, & 4 P3: Selected 4 motifs; 2 were Cook Island motifs; both ranked 1. The other 2 both ranked 3 P4: Selected 3 of 4 Cook Island motifs. All selected ranked 1 P5: Selected 5 motifs, 4 were Cook Island; all ranked 1. The fifth motif was ranked 2 P6: Selected 3 of 4 Cook Island motifs; one ranked 1, the other two ranked 2. The non-Cook Island ranked 3 P7: Selected all correct motifs; three of four ranked 1, the fourth ranked 2 P8: Selected 2 of 4 Cook Island motifs; both ranked 1. One of the non-Cook Island ranked 1, the other ranked 2 P9: Selected 2 of 4 Cook Island motifs; both ranked 1. The non-Cook Island ranked 2, and 3 P10: Selected 3 of 4 Cook Island motifs; one ranked 1, the other two both ranked two. The non-Cook Island ranked 1

- 109 - participant visual questionnaire

3. From the three designs shown, can you identify which of these is a Cook Island tivaevae? All participants identified the correct tivaevae.

4. What do you identify with in these images? P1: Brand/label P2: Designs/motifs P3: Brand/label P4: Brand/label P5: Brand/label P6: Designs/motifs P7: Designs/motifs P8: Brand and the designs P9: Designs P10: Designs/motifs

Four participants identified with brand/label. Four identified with designs/ motifs. One identified with the brand and the designs. One identified with the designs and wrote "The flowers in the design".

5. Can you briefly explain your reasons P1: Commented although the designs are eye catching, it’s the brand/label that makes it unique. P2. Commented they liked the flowers P3: Commented they liked the brands because they are recognised world-wide and labels are commonly seen. P4: Commented they liked the brands. P5: Commented it was the brands they buy and wear.

P6: Commented they had seen most of the designs in a lot of tattoos and tivaevae. P7: Commented the flowers enhance the beauty within their culture, and represents who they are. P8: Commented they had seen these in NZ and Australia P9: Commented the hibiscus as a significant symbol for Cook Island P10: Commented the designs/motifs identify him as an Islander

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4.1.3 Findings Findings are drawn for each of the questions addressed in the questionnaires based on the evidence of the results.

1. Which of the words below best describes the significance of a tivaevae?

Fig 4.2 Significance of Tivaevae Recognition Unity Status Value ($) Technology Ownership Singular Relationships Mana Individuality Family Beliefs Rites of Passage Value

S Culture ignificance Art Decoration Identity 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 How many times chosen

Of the ten participants, the results (Fig 4.2) show culture was identified by all ten participants; nine selected art and identity each; seven selected beliefs; six selected family; five selected decoration; four selected individuality and unity each; three selected value; recognition, mana and value ($) and ownership were selected twice each; status, singular, relationships and, rites of passage were all selected once and; technology was not selected. There was one participant who matched the words with other words in the list, linking relationships to culture, value to art, status to value ($), individuality

- 111 - participant visual questionnaire to rites of passage, identity to mana, family to unity, singular to ownership and, decoration to recognition.

2. Which four motifs do you identify as Cook Island?

Fig 4.3 Identification of Cook Island Motifs P. 1 P. 2 P. 3 P. 4 P. 5 P. 6

Participants P. 7 P. 8 P. 9 P. 10 0 1 2 3 4 Number of Motifs Identified

Four participants were able to identify all four Cook Island motifs, four others identified three Cook Island motifs, while the remaining two identified two (Fig 4.3).

Fig 4.4 Count of Cook Island Motif Selection 1 M otifs 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 How many times chosen

Motif 3 and 4 were selected by all ten participants, while motifs 1 and 2 were selected each by five participants (Fig 4.4).

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Fig 4.5 Identifiability Rank of Cook Island Motifs 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 Graph Key: 1 1 = Highly 2 2 = Moderately 3 3 = Least 4 4 = Participant added 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 How many times chosen

Motif 4 was ranked by all the participants as highly identifiable as Cook Island (Fig 4.5).

3. From the three designs shown, can you identify which of these is a Cook Island tivaevae? From the results, all participants were able to identify the Cook Island tivaevae.

4. What do you identify with in these images? Four participants identified with the designs/motifs, demonstrating evidence of their affiliation with Cook Island culture. Four other participants indicated they identified with the brand/label, demonstrating lack of cultural connection to the imagery. One participant identified with both the brand and the motifs, acknowledged the flowers, indicates the associations of flowers with the Cook Islands. One participant identified with the designs and acknowledged the flowers in the design.

- 113 - participant visual questionnaire

5. Can you briefly explain your reasons From the four participants who identified with the brand/label, the strongest reasons for selections were world-wide recognition and uniqueness, supported by comments that they were the brands they buy and wear and are easily recognised. The participant who identified with the design, pinpointed the hibiscus and conveyed its representational value to the Cook Islands. The participant who identified with the brand and the design indicated they had seen these in NZ and Australia. From the four who identified with the design/motif, the reasons for selection were representational value, they are seen in tattoo and tivaevae designs and, they liked the flowers.

4.1.4 Participant Visual Questionnaire Discussion The questionnaire proposed to establish if participants were able to identify images and motifs specific to the Cook Islands. It also sought to determine if they acknowledged images due to association with brands or, if they identified with its cultural link. The purpose was to identify if there is a stronger representation of identity through association of Cook Island culture or with brands. All participants indicated culture describes the significance of tivaevae and nine also identified art and identity, suggesting Cook Island young adults view tivaevae as artistic expression of culture and identity. This is supported by the selection of decoration by five participants, indicating tivaevae as visual extensions of their culture. The selection of family and belief indicates understand its connection to Cook Island ideology and acknowledge tivaevae as an important component of family. However this is overshadowed by the lack of association with relationships, suggesting they do not understand the significance of the collaborations or the bonds formed with the women who create them. The selection of individuality suggests as an activity distinct to the Cook Islands supported by the selection of unity, advocating the distinction provided by

- 114 - participant visual questionnaire individuality provides a means of expressing a unified culture. The low association of value indicates participants either do not understand the cultural meaning or, perceive value from an economic standpoint. Lack of understanding the cultural meaning embedded in Cook Island tivaevae is substantiated by the lack of association with mana, recognition and rites of passage. This could indicate participants do not link tivaevae with cultural knowledge and its authority as an activity embedded with traditional knowledge. The lack of association with recognition indicates participants may not view tivaevae as medium widely acknowledged. However, if value is perceived from an economic standpoint it is substantiated by the lack of association with ownership, value ($), status and singular, indicating tivaevae are not viewed as financial or personal assets. Technology was not acknowledged by any of the participants indicating Cook Island young adults view the practice as a traditional art form. The findings exhibited evidence of the associations of flower motifs with Cook Island culture. There was an unmistakable acknowledgement of the hibiscus, substantiated by confirmation of its authority as the most representative form of Cook Island identity. The findings also indicate there is an unmistakable recognition of Cook Island tivaevae, exhibiting evidence of cultural awareness and its relevance in Cook Island society. The assertion of the representational value of the hibiscus motif to the Cook Islands was substantiated by the affiliation of images with Cook Island culture. However, evidence also indicated a comparable association of images to brands. Testimony demonstrated lack of cultural connection to the imagery and indicated attitudes toward exclusivity and recognition. Although the evidence indicated there is an even association with Cook Island culture and brands, the evidence highlighted the cultural connections of tivaevae and the hibiscus motif, precipitates acknowledgement of its authority as representative forms of Cook Island identity.

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From the findings of this study it is clear Cook Island young adults view Cook Island tivaevae as expressive representations of identity, substantiated by evidence of cultural awareness and its relevance in Cook Island society. The findings indicate Cook Island young adults are able to discern a Cook Island tivaevae from other Polynesian tivaevae and, the association of the hibiscus as the most distinctive representative form substantiates its value to Cook Island culture. It is clear Cook Island young adults associations with their culture leads to reference back to their culture for sources of visual representations of identity. However the proportional association with brands indicate Cook Island young adults also draw from brands for visual representations of their identity, substantiating culture and brands as comparable sources of visual identity.

- 116 - 4.2 Participant interviews

The research set out to determine what visual imagery Cook Island young adults associate as representations of their identity in order to determine if cultural affiliation is present in the visual forms used for portrayal of identity. Exploration of Cook Island visual arts was investigated to identify what forms are considered to be most recognisable and distinctive to Cook Island culture. This led to the acknowledgement of its significance and if the physical manifestations are connected to the identity of Cook Island young adults. The research also explored Cook Island young adults' perception of cultural appropriation in order to determine if instances of cultural appropriation occurs and if they considered it as a contribution to Cook Island society or if they view is as an act of diminishing identity.

4.2.1 Methodology Participants of Cook Island descent within the ages of 18 to 25 years from the Waikato region, New Zealand were interviewed. The interviews were conducted on 17th August, 2009. There were four men and six women participants. The interviews lasted approximately 20 minutes each and were recorded in digital video. Before the participants were interviewed, the researcher presented an overview of this investigation. Table 4.1 lists the questions for the interview.

Table 4.1 Interview Questions Q1 What images/motifs/symbols represent your identity? Q2 What are Cook Island's most recognisable forms of its visual arts? Q3 What is the significance of these visual arts you have identified? Q4 Can you identify any images/symbols/motifs specific to the Cook Islands? Q5 Do you associate any of these as representations of your identity? Q6 What do you think cultural appropriation is? Q7 Have you been exposed to instances of cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs? Q8 How do you feel about Cook Island art being appropriated by non-Cook Islanders?

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4.2.2 Results

1. What images/motifs/symbols represent your identity?

Table 4.2 Participant Representations of Identity Identity Image/Motif/ Reason component Symbol I’m a pretty diverse guy so for me I’d have to say...I go to church, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. The symbol there would Religion Temple/chapel be the...the temple or the chapel. That would be a big part of my P1 Sports Rugby, touch identity, and there’s my culture, just the Cook Island culture, and so Ethnicity Not specified just anything really that represents the Cook Islands, big part of my identity...um. Play sports so, more specifically rugby and touch so that’s definitely a part of my identity I’m a bit of a rough looking guy...um...I reckon my bigness really... P2 Ethnicity Bigness represents who I am..that I’m Raro...but I do get mistaken for Samoan or Maori but I tell them that I’m Raro Clothing Mossimo The clothing I wear, the shoes...um, perfumes, for clothing...ah Mossimo...it’s a brand I like, and um...shoes, Lee shoes, um and for P3 Shoes Lee perfumes...probably Boss perfumes if it’s a fragrance and it’s the Perfume Boss brand...it’s just the perfume I like...that’s it I like wearing the mareko Cook Island pareu...cos when you wear it in public and people see it they know like the pareu is what Cook Pareu, tiare and P4 Ethnicity Island people wear. I like wearing Tiare Maori flowers because that’s tipani flowers the national flower of the islands and the most recognised one, with the tipani too P5 Not specified Flowers That’s how people remember me Coming from a sporting background, for me it would be the Cook Cook Island Sports Island national flag. and, I think the one of the most important P6 national flag, image to me for being a Cook Islander would be ummm...the uto, Ethnicity uto the coconut and the roots and what I’ve read from it tells us how our nation grew from that Syndicate fight Sport Represents me like a fighter yeah boxer, what about like cars club and that...yeah like painting cars represents me as a automotive P7 Career Car paint refinisher...yeah and..umm...yeah...oh island music...can you say Ethnicity Island music that...yeah defines me as a islander, a cook islander and who I am Our culture is beautiful, so the tipani flower symbols us and um P8 Ethnicity Tipani flower being a beautiful culture, its bright, us cook islanders are bright and so yeah so that why I think symbolises us the old flag that’s got the uto on it, the uto represents our growth of P9 Ethnicity The flag, uto generation, the roots represents me as our ancestors P10 Ethnicity Tipani flower Represents me, my personal identity, being cook island

From the results of the interviews (Table 4.2), four participants acknowledged flowers as representations of their identity; three identified the tipani flower and one of the three also identified the tiare18 flower. One of the four also identified

18 Gardenia

- 118 - participant interviews pareu19. Two participants identified flags; one participant specified the Cook Island national flag. Two participants identified uto20 as representations of identity. One participant identified the temple, rugby and touch as representations of identity. One participant identified three brands as representations of identity. One participant identified a sport club, car painting and island music as representations of identity. One participant identified size. Of the four participants (P.4, P.5, P.8 and P.10) who acknowledged flowers, participant 4 identified tipani and commented flowers were how people remembered them. Participant 10 identified tipani, commenting they represented them as being a Cook Islander. Participant 5 identified tiare flowers as the national flower and the most recognised, while participant 8 identified tipani flowers as symbolic representations linking the flower's beauty and brightness to the Cook Islands. The two participants who identified flags (P.6 and P.9) both also identified uto. Participant 6 explained the flag was the most important image to them as a representation of being Cook Island while the uto represents the growth of their nation. Participant 9 also identified the flag as being a representation of the growth of their nation, while its roots represented their ancestors. Participant 1 acknowledged the temple as one identity component while sports played a significant role in their identity and although did not specify any images pertaining to Cook Island culture, acknowledged the Cook Islands as a big part of their identity. Participant 3 identified three brands as visual representations of their identity and linked the brands to items of clothing and personal products, acknowledging they were brands the participant liked.

19 Wrap or sarong. 20 Young coconut tree

- 119 - participant interviews

Participant 7 identified a sports fighting club, car painting and Cook Island music as representations of their identity. The participant commented the fight club represented them as a boxer while car painting represented them as a career. The Cook Island music component was explained as a representation of the participant being Cook Island. Participant 3 identified size as representation of identity, commenting size represents them as Rarotongan however, the participant also acknowledged being mistaken for Samoan or Maori.

2. What are Cook Island's most recognisable forms of its visual arts?

Table 4.3 Participant Identification of Cook Island Visual Arts Art/Activity Reason Tivaevae, drums, I think the tivaevae...that ah...definitely a part of Cook Island identity as well as P1 flower ei the Cook Island drums and ah...even the head ei...the flower ei...yeah Tivaevae, ukelele, P2 drums, dancing, Not specified tatau Dance, drumming, P3 Not specified pareu, tivaevae Pareu, tivaevae, P4 Not specified drumming, dancing Tivaevae, dancing, P5 Not specified pareu Would be the tivaevae and our um pictures of the hibiscus, like we see it Tivaevae, hibiscus, P6 everywhere, even on popular brands we see them, and but yeah on our tivaevae, pareu, mumu we normally have it on our...oh and pareu and um mumu dresses Tivaevae, dance, are we supposed to explain about the ukelele or nah....everyone just knows that P7 ukelele, drums that’s Cook Island yeah, and ah the island drums A lot of um people in New Zealand know us as the culture that always has P8 Drums, dances drums um especially even our Cook Island dancing too Costumes, páre, P9 The women’s hats they wear to church on Sundays mumu Not much cultures do tivaevae and me growing up seeing that most of the mamas here at this church have only did tivaevae and that’s something that the P10 Tivaevae Cook Island culture is well known for and that’s recognisable for the cook island culture

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From the results of the interviews (Table 4.3), tivaevae were identified by eight participants. Drums and dance were identified by five participants. Pareu was identified by four participants. Ukelele21 and mumu22 were identified twice. Costumes, páre23, tatau24 and ei25 were identified once. The eight participants who identified tivaevae, participant 1 commented it was part of Cook Island identity while, participant 10 commented not many other cultures make tivaevae and it is a form the Cook Island's are recognised for. Participant 6 comments the hibiscus is seen everywhere, on popular brands and on Cook Island tivaevae. The remaining five who identified tivaevae did not specify reasons. Of the five participants who identified drums and dance, participant 8 commented they are most recognisable as many people in New Zealand recognise the Cook Island's as the culture who always has drums and links this recognition to dancing also. Participant 7 comments everyone knows its Cook Island and links this to the ukelele also. Of the four participants who identified pareu, only participant 6 gives an explanation, linking it to the comment regarding tivaevae and hibiscus. Participant 6 also links pareu with tivaevae and hibiscus. Of the four remaining art/activity identified, only pare was explained further. Participant 9 commented pare are the hats women wear to church.

21 Hawaiian word for small guitar. Cook Island word is ukarere 22 Dress 23 Hat 24 A presentation of scriptures from the Cook Island Bible to a congregation. 25 Necklace of flowers

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3. What is the significance of these visual arts you have identified?

Table 4.4 Participant Response to Significance of Visual Arts/Activities Art/Activity Reason Well the Cook Island drums...um...it’s probably the most um....like the one instrument the Cook Islands are well known for...is for playing the island Drums, ukelele, P1 drums, but as well as the ukelele...the ukelele is definitely one and...I’m not tivaevae sure if Cook Islanders are the only ones that make tivaevae but I know that its definitely a custom for the ladies...yeah make tivaevae as part of our identity Tivaevae, ukelele, just showing who you are is the most important thing in life is it, I think it is, P2 drums, dance like um when people do their tatau is just like they’re praying to lord um...and Tatau stuff in, in their own language, like Cook Island, Samoan, Tongan...um..yeah It’s a Cook Island cultural thing that’s been around for generations...and it just P3 Drum, dance represents the Cook Island culture Because when the Island mamas do it, they do like what they want, sometimes they put like their island on it, like Aitutaki, Mangaia, and then that’s like their P4 Pareu, tivaevae significance, the island. and the tivaevae because usually on it it’s something from the island, whether it’s the flowers or the leaves or the trees our mamas make it for like 21st or our ooras [presentation of gifts] at our P5 Tivaevae weddings The flower can represent the beauty of our culture...and our, the tivaevae shows P6 Tivaevae our heritage, it goes like back from when our ancestors, and our tivaevae show our generations in the family Tivaevae, dance, P7 It’s part of our culture and its just been our culture for years ukelele, drums Promotes who we are and we like to share with other cultural people too and the P8 Drums, dances non-cook islanders that this is how we do our culture Costumes can be used for dancing ...traditional dancing which they have in the constitutions. um...the mumu...the ladies...it’s a traditional dress...traditional dress...um because it kind of represents who you are and what you love doing, P9 Costumes, mumu like the costumes, I know our...a lot of the young people in our community they love to dance, so, if you have a costume it also relates to who you want to be and tells the people out there that you are Cook Island and you love to do what you are doing Identity, individuality, that’s something that just belongs to the cook island P10 Tivaevae culture, or that I know of...yeah individuality

Table 4. 5 Significance of Visual Arts/Activities Identified No. of Art/Activity Reason Participants Custom. Representational. Ceremonial. Beauty. Heritage. Genealogy. 7 Tivaevae Traditional. Identity. Individuality. Ownership 5 Drums Recognition. Culture. Traditional. Cultural wealth 4 Dance Recognition. Culture. Traditional 1 Pareu Custom. Representation. Identity 3 Ukelele Recognition. Culture. Traditional 1 Costumes Traditional. Identity. Pride 1 Mumu Traditional. Identity. Pride

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From the results (Table 4.4) seven arts/activities were identified (Table 4.5). Of those, tivaevae was identified seven times and had the highest number of significance attributes. Drums was identified five times, dance was identified four times and ukelele three times. Pareu, costumes and mumu were identified once each. Of the seven participants who identified tivaevae, participant 1 commented it was a custom for island women supported by participant 4 acknowledgement of island mamas making them, adding the images on tivaevae come from plants and flowers of the islands the mamas belong to. Participant 6 also comments on their representational value acknowledging the historical knowledge and genealogy embedded in tivaevae. Participant 5 relates their significance to ceremonies and participant 7 comments it is a traditional activity. Participant 10 relates the significance of tivaevae to identity, individuality and belonging to the Cook Islands. Of the five participants who identified drums, participant 1 identified its significance as recognisable to the Cook Islands. Participant 3 acknowledged its significance as a traditional cultural form. Participant 7 also commented it is a traditional form while participant 8 commented its significance relates to how Cook Islanders like to share their knowledge with others by showing them. The ukelele was identified by three participants with participant 1 commenting it is an object recognised as Cook Island and participant 7 acknowledging it as a traditional form. Costume and mumu were each identified once. Participant 10 acknowledged the significance of costumes relates to its role with traditional dancing and the mumu as traditional dress, representing who they are.

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4. Can you identify any images/symbols/motifs specific to the Cook Islands?

Table 4.6 Participant Identification of Images/Symbols/Motifs Response Reason It’s kinda hard with the instruments just cause other cultures use them as well... P1 Drums, ukelele the ukelele and the drums..but...mmm. Couldn’t say that there was one specific thing that only Cook Islanders have Singing, drums, P2 Doesn't specify dance, ei P3 Drum, dance Doesn't specify Tattoos, flowers - The Cook Island tattoo because it mostly tells of your genealogy where your P4 tipani, tiare maori from Flowers - tipani, P5 Because it shows our beauty tiare maori I think that the biggest part that we see like everywhere would be the flowers P6 Flowers - hibiscus yeah the hibiscus Tiare flower, palm P7 trees, coconut trees, Doesn't specify lagoons Cook islanders always have different colours of pareus and you see them around P8 Tie-dyed pareu too in NZ Flowers - hibiscus, yes the flower...um the hibiscus flower, the tiare maori flowers that a lot of P9 tiare maori young people and our elderly people use today Palm tree, coconut I don’t see much cultures with that specific flower only the cook island culture tree, flowers - um...the palm tree, the sunset...oh not so much the sunset, the palm tree yes, P10 hibiscus, tiare and the three coconuts, the three coconuts on some of the labels in Auckland maori, tipani but yeah just the tiare tipani and all those designs and all that

From the results (Table 4.6), plants were identified by six participants. Of those six, three identified tipani, five identified tiare maori, three identified hibiscus, two identified coconut trees and two identified palm trees. One of this group also identified lagoon. From the remaining four participants, three identified drums, two identified dance; ei and singing were both identified once. Of the participants who identified flowers, participant 5 links the hibiscus and tiare maori to tipani, commenting it was because they express the beauty of the Cook Islands. Participant 10 links the tipani, hibiscus and tiare maori as flowers not seen with many cultures. Participant 9 acknowledges flowers, specifying hibiscus and tiare maori, as being used by a lot of young people and their elderly people.

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The two participants who identified the coconut tree (P.7 and P.10), participant 10 comments the image of the three coconuts are seen on some of the labels in Auckland, but does not acknowledge what the labels are. The three participants who identified drums (P.1, P.2 and P.3) only participants comments on reasons, however could not identify one specific thing that only Cook Islanders have. The remaining forms; dance, ei, ukelele and singing, were not specified by any of the participants reasons for why they are specific to the Cook Islands.

5. Do you associate any of these as representations of your identity?

Table 4.7 Cultural Representations of Identity Response Object Reason P1 Not specified Not specified Not specified P2 Yes Ukelele Especially the ukelele, because I like the uke P3 Yes Cook Island music Not specified When you go to the islands, you see everyone wearing it there, P4 Yes Flower wear it when they dance and then they akaei [greet people with ei] people when you go over, like they put the ei on the tourist P5 Yes Not specified Not specified Wearing the flower in my hair and going to like functions, especially if its like not a pacific island function wearing the P6 Yes Flower, pareu flower and probably dressing myself up in the pareu would show that I am Cook Island P7 Thinks so Not specified Not specified P8 Yes Pareu I was brought up tie-dying pareu I reckon the tiare maori represents myself, who I am, my family, P9 Yes Tiare maori the roots from where I come from and also the leaves represents what I love doing P10 Yes Sunset, tiare maori Not specified

From the results (Table 4.7) eight participants said yes. Of the eight, four identified flowers with two specifying tiare maori and one also added sunset. Two of the eight who said yes identified pareu, one identified ukelele and one identified Cook Island music. One participant thought so and one participant did not specify. Of the four who acknowledged flowers as representations of their identity, participant 4 commented it was because when you go to the islands everyone

- 125 - participant interviews wears them. Participant 9 specified tiare maori, explaining it represents them, where they come from, their family and what they love to do. Participant 6 commented flowers and pareu represents being Cook Island. Participant 10 does not specify reasons for flowers or the sunset as cultural representations of identity. The participant who identified ukelele (P.2), commented it was because they like the ukelele. Participant 3 identified Cook Island music but did not specify why.

6. What do you think cultural appropriation is?

Table 4.8 Participant Explanation of Cultural Appropriation Response Reason/Example For example, when um...other other ah countries tried to use the Maori haka Someone uses part as...I don’t know something that they do, like for example I seen...I watched P1 of another culture the football team over in America they did kamate...an um...I thought that was cultural appropriation there Don't really know P2 None given what it is When different cultures, European people...using the P3 None given Cook Island drums or European people doing island dance Don't know how to P4 None given put it into words Don't really know P5 None given how to explain it It would be the warriors, the rugby league team, using um...pacific drums, like Used an example to P6 Cook Island drums to represent the, even though their symbol is Maori, it could explain be a cultural appropriation. Other cultures P7 None given stealing our ideas Taking stuff from P8 one culture to None given another I don't know how to P9 None given explain it The Samoan culture playing the drums...like the show, one of the shows on tv, channel 3, I don’t remember the name of the show but it shows that Samoan Used an example to P10 people are playing the drums and I don’t know if that’s their culture and I don’t explain know if it belongs to them but I feel that it belongs to the cook island culture and that’s what cultural appropriation means to me

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From the results (Table 4.8), four participants either did not know what it was or had difficulty trying to explain26. Of the remaining six participants, three used examples for explanations while the remaining three gave descriptions. Of the three who gave examples, two identified the Cook Island drums as appropriated although one was unsure if the drums belonged to Samoan or the Cook Islands however, felt the drums belonged to the Cook Islands. The other participant gave an example of Maori haka being appropriated by an American football team. Of the three who gave descriptions, one referred to other cultures using the Cook Island drums and Europeans' doing island dance. The other two participants explained cultural appropriation as taking or using parts of another culture.

26 For those participants who were unsure of what cultural appropriation is, the interview was paused after this question and the researcher gave a description of cultural appropriation.

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7. Have you been exposed to instances of cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs?

Table 4.9 Participant Exposure to Cultural Appropriation Response Appropriation Reason I went to the tamiki tour in Rotorua and there were Maoris' P1 Yes Drums playing the island drums Ukelele, drums, I’ve just seen heaps of people playing the uke, drums...ah...even P2 Yes tattoos copies some tattoos from Samoans, this fellas pakeha European people in Tokoroa...ah...with Cook Island design Drums, dance, tattoos on their bodies...and...yeah...just with the schools and P3 Yes tattoos that, the different cultures that do Cook Island, like dancing, drumming P4 Probably Not specified Not specified P5 Don't know Not specified Not specified Like tattooing, example would be um Robbie Williams, having a maori...ah pacific maori design on him...and the Billabong brand P6 Yes Tattoos, hibiscus and the Roxy brand they have the hibiscus flower with the brand, and...yea some design dresses have some cultural um flower materials on them Seeing like island tattoos on European people and that...yeah I’ve P7 Yes Tattoos seen the odd person P8 Yes Not specified Not specified I’ve noticed some of the brands that have the Cook Island flowers P9 Yes Flowers, hibiscus such as Roxy, Ripcurl and some surfboards that have the kind of wave and also the hibiscus that blends in If you’re talking about the hibiscus, if it’s the hibiscus, yes, I’ve P10 Yes Hibiscus, tattoos seen it in many billabong, many Samoan designs, tattoos...yea just the hibiscus, no other designs

From the results (Table 4.9), eight participants answered yes, two others either did not know or weren't aware of it. Five of the eight participants identified tattoos, while three identified hibiscus. Drums was identified as appropriated by three participants and, ukelele was identified by one participant identified while another participant identified dance. Three participants did not specify what was appropriated. The five participants (P.2, P.3, P.6, P.7 and P.10) who identified tattoo, participant commented about people copying tattoos from Samoa. Participants 3 and 7 commented they had seen European people with Cook Island designs.

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Participant 6 commented on Robbie Williams having a maori/pacific maori tattoo design. Participant 10's comment applied to the hibiscus. The three participants (P.6, P.9 and P.10) who identified hibiscus, participant 6 commented on seeing billabong and roxy with the hibiscus. Participant 9 also commented seeing roxy, ripcurl and surfboards with Cook Island flowers. Participant 10 also commented seeing the hibiscus with billabong. Of the three participants (P.1, P.2 and P.3) who identified drums, participant 1 commented seeing Maori' playing island drums, while participant 2 commented on seeing heaps of people playing the drums and ukelele. Participant 3 commented different cultures doing Cook Island drumming and dance.

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8. How do you feel about Cook Island art being appropriated by non-Cook Islanders?

Table 4.10 Participant Views of Cook Island Cultural Appropriation Response Reason I guess it’s how they use it, if they can say specifically that it is Cook Island...um P1 It's okay origin, then I guess its okay, and if they using it in good ways...they not ah...trying to downgrade the Cook Island customs and traditions It's kind of To me I feel its kind of degrading us, because it’s not actually us out there P2 degrading to us promoting our stuff, its other people...yeah, so that’s what I think It shouldn't be I think it shouldn’t be done because of them not being of Cook Island descent and P3 done it’s just wrong in my eyes Don’t really like it because when the tivaevae is made, its takes a long time and its P4 Don't really like it hard work, and then for people to just take it, and then...like use it, it’s just taking the hard work of our people and just...like saying it’s nothing Think that it's I think that it’s um good, because um, like pakeha’s are proud of like using stuff that P5 good belong to us and our people...yeah We should be overwhelmed by it, because its just showing that our culture has taken an interest in non-Cook Island people, especially with the flowers and our We should be P6 tivaevae and um and non-Cook Island people...oh with food, yep, especially food overwhelmed our um donuts, and yeah I think its real good our culture has taken an influence of non-Cook Islanders, it just shows that our culture is out there I don't think it's Nah I don’t think it’s right, I think it should only be on Cook Islanders because it’s P7 right our culture and its our designs so it should only be for us...yeah Thinks it's a good I’m glad they want to promote our culture, and do what we do and yeah, so I am P8 idea fully stoked about that I don’t have a problem with that, I reckon that’s good for them, and also for us I don't have a P9 Cook Islanders, that’s putting our culture out and also for them to learn what problem with it they’re using of our cook island culture which us as cook islanders use of theirs I think its good that that our culture has been exposed in that way and everybody is able to take it with them, like the tivaevae, throughout my whole years, I’ve seen that pakeha...pakeha people like the tivaevae and that’s really good for us P10 I think it's good Cook Island people and the amount of work that our mamas and papas put into... oh...mama...put into these tivaevae it’s really good for them and I love seeing the designs and stuff being shared amongst New Zealanders and stuff...yea

From the results (Table 4.10), four participants viewed it negatively, five were positive and one participant acceptance was conditional. Of the four participants (P.2, P.3, P.4 and P.7) who viewed it negatively, participants 3 and 7 gave reasons pertaining to ethnicity with one specifying it belonged to them as a Cook Islander. Participant 2 specified it was derogatory to them as somebody was promoting their culture while the participant 4 viewed it as diminishing the cultural wealth of the product. Of the five participants (P.5, P.6, P.8, P.9 and P.10) who viewed it positively, participants 5, 8 and 9 acknowledged it was helping to promote their

- 130 - participant interviews culture with participant 6 indicated it meant their culture has a positive influence on other cultures. Participant 10 viewed it as a method to share their cultural wealth and a form of exposure. Participant 5 also expressed how other cultures are proud of using their cultural forms.

4.2.3 Findings Findings were drawn for each of the questions addressed in the interviews based on the evidence provided by the results.

1. What images/motifs/symbols represent your identity? Evidence of the results indicated six participants associated objects or elements relating to the Cook Islands as representations of their identity. Participant 2 identified a personal attribute, linking it to the cultural component of their identity. Participant 5 identified flowers but did not link it to an identity component. Participant 1 identified Cook Island culture as the identity component but did not specify any elements. Participant 3 did not identify culture as an identity component, selecting Mossimo, Lee and Boss as representations of identity. Apart from participants 3 and 5, eight participants specified Cook Island culture as an identity component utilised to draw representations from for visual identity. The elements attributed to identity exhibits higher numbers with flowers, specifically tipani and tiare maori. The significance of tipani predicates upon recognition as symbolic representation of Cook Island culture with, tiare maori acknowledged as the national flower. Flags and uto were identified as representations of identity, substantiated by cultural meaning signifying links to ancestry and genealogy. The significance of uto as a visual form extends to its representation of the growth of Cook Island society, while the roots are symbolic to the strength of their development.

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While Cook Island culture was a significant component to visual identity, the evidence precipitates it is not the only component from which Cook Island young adults draw representation from. The evidence indicated religion, sports, career and brands are associations made with identity. Although these components lacked numbers to determine their relevance, the acknowledgement of only brands in one participant signified lack of cultural association with visual identity. 2. What are Cook Island's most recognisable forms of its visual arts? Evidence of the results indicate tivaevae as Cook Island's most recognisable visual art, substantiated by its identification by eight participants. Evidence exhibited acknowledgement of its function with identity and identified as a renown Cook Island activity. The connection of tivaevae and pareu with pictures of hibiscus substantiates the use of flower motifs by Cook Island visual arts while the association of images of hibiscus with popular brands signifies the hibiscus promoted in non-Cook Island products. Pare was identified by one participant and was association with the women who wore them to church on Sunday. Performing arts were identified as a recognisable Cook Island visual art substantiated by the identification of drums and dance by five participants. The results identified drums and dance as renown Cook Island activities and was extended to include ukelele. 3. What is the significance of these visual arts you have identified? Evidence of the results identified tivaevae with the highest significance attributes, precipitating participants' knowledge of its importance and relevance to the Cook Islands. Participants recognised it was a customary activity capturing the beauty of the Cook Islands, embedded with cultural meaning. The tivaevae was also acknowledged as a traditional form linking contemporary society with its ancestors, representative of its history and ritualistic activities. Tivaevae was also considered as representations of identity, exhibiting qualities precipitating distinction, prompting recognition and esteem.

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Drums, dance and ukelele were identified as renown Cook Island traditional cultural forms and identified as a forms utilised to share and promote cultural wealth with other cultures. Costume was acknowledged for its contributions to traditional dance while mumu was acknowledged as a form of traditional attire. 4. Can you identify any images/symbols/motifs specific to the Cook Islands? The results indicate plants featured prominently as images/symbols/motifs. Participants recognised the connection with flora and acknowledged the tipani, tiare maori and the hibiscus as subject matter used prominently in Cook Island motifs. The association and identification of flowers indicates the connection and significance of flowers with Cook Island society, while recognition of specific flowers precipitates distinction. The association of coconut trees, palm trees and the lagoon substantiates the significance of the environment as symbols of Cook Island culture. Although the recognition of three coconuts identified as specific to the Cook Islands, was acknowledged as being promoted in labels, the labels were not specified. The identification of drums, dance, ukelele and singing signifies connections with performing arts as visual expressions. 5. Do you associate any of these as representations of your identity? The evidence from the results participants readily accept cultural objects as representations of their identity. The perception is these objects provide differentiation, recognition and exhibits pride. This is substantiated by participants who associated pareu and flowers as representations of identity, with two participants specifying the tiare maori flower. The flowers were acknowledged as representative of the Cook Islands, while recognised as an item worn by residents of the Cook Islands. Flowers were also acknowledged as representation of family and heritage. The ukelele was associated as representation of identity and was acknowledged as an instrument they like. Cook Island music was associated as representations of identity, although reasons were not specified.

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6. What do you think cultural appropriation is? From the results, four participants either did not know what it was or had difficulty trying to explain27. Of the remaining six participants, three used examples for explanations while the remaining three gave descriptions. The results of the six participants indicated their knowledge of cultural appropriation and confirmation of a general understanding of its meaning. Three participants gave examples of what they viewed as cultural appropriation. Two of these participants used examples of Cook Island drums being appropriated by Maori and Samoan cultures, linking its use in sports and on a television show. The example given by participant 1 identifies the Maori haka being appropriated by an American football team. The three participants who gave definitions of cultural appropriation, viewed it as an act of taking from one culture to another, with one participant acknowledged it as an act stealing their (Cook Island culture) ideas. 7. Have you been exposed to instances of cultural appropriation of Cook Island designs? The results confirmed acts of cultural appropriation with participants identifying specific items pertaining to Cook Island culture. From the seven participants who specified what forms were appropriated, the highest occurrence of cultural appropriation occurred with Cook Island tattoos. The participants who acknowledged cultural appropriation tattoos, two participants linked it to Europeans appropriating Cook Island tattoos, while two others acknowledged the appropriation of Maori and Samoan tattoos. The appropriation of the hibiscus, acknowledged by participants as a Cook Island flower, was substantiated by its use on specific brands; billabong, roxy and ripcurl. Surfboards were also acknowledged as appropriating hibiscus.

27 For those participants who were unsure of what cultural appropriation is, the interview was paused after this question and the researcher gave a description of cultural appropriation.

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The appropriation of Cook Island drums and the ukelele was substantiated by participants view the objects are of Cook Island origin and predicates ownership to Cook Island society. 8. How do you feel about Cook Island art being appropriated by non-Cook Islanders? Although there were six participants who accepted cultural appropriation, one of the six expressed concern for preservation of Cook Island customs and traditions, and expressed its origins should be acknowledged. The remaining five who accepted cultural appropriation expressed pride when other cultures appropriated Cook Island culture and viewed the acts as methods of promoting and sharing their cultural wealth with others. The four participants negative views of cultural appropriation was predicated upon ownership, indicative of authority to access of cultural goods. Participants candidly expressed only Cook Islanders have right to access of cultural goods.

4.2.4 Participant Interview Discussion The research set out to determine if cultural forms attributed to Cook Island young adults' visual identity and the cultural significance of the forms identified. The research also addressed issues regarding cultural appropriation to determine if Cook Island young adults could identify acts and establish its function in Cook Island identity. Evidence of the findings indicated a greater association with elements pertaining to Cook Island culture as representations of Cook Island young adult visual identity, demonstrating a significant link to Cook Island culture as part of the portrayal of identity. The findings indicate flowers are held in high esteem as representations of Cook Island young adults' visual identity, predicated as memorable representations of Cook Island culture, symbolising family and heritage. The acknowledgement

- 135 - participant interviews hibiscus, tipani and tiare maori as prominent Cook Island motifs with tiare maori recognised as a national flower and tipani as symbolic representations demonstrating the beauty of the islands, verifies flowers connection with Cook Island society, channelling distinction. Therefore it can be argued tipani, tiare maori and hibiscus are authoritive representations of Cook Island identity. The findings indicate flags and uto are viewed as representations of identity, substantiated by their cultural value as forms embedded with historical references linking contemporary society with its maoritanga. The significance of the coconut as a visual form substantiates environmental inspiration of Cook Island cultural symbols, corroborated as representative of the growth of Cook Island society while the roots are symbolic to the strength of their development. The significance of these visual forms indicate Cook Island young adults' understanding of cultural value embedded with forms representative of the Cook Islands. The findings also indicated religion, sports, career and brands as sources of representations of visual identity. Although these components lacked numbers to discuss the strength of these images in comparison to cultural forms, the acknowledgement of brands as representation in one participant is of interest. Although this occurrence only appeared with one participant it cannot be ruled out as insignificant, as it could indicate the primary source of visual representation for other Cook Island young adults identity are brands. The acknowledgment of tivaevae as Cook Island's most recognisable visual art demonstrates participants' awareness of the associations of tivaevae with the Cook Islands. This was substantiated by its recognition as a Cook Island activity easily recognisable as a component of Cook Island identity. The authority of tivaevae as representative of Cook Island culture was precipitated by Cook Island young adults' view awareness of its cultural significance, demonstrating their knowledge of maoritanga embedded in the art form. The significance of the hibiscus

- 136 - participant interviews identified in Cook Island visual arts acknowledges its authority as a Cook Island motif, while recognition of its use in brands confirms its widespread use. The association of performing art activities with Cook Island visual arts precipitates an awareness of culture intertwined with craft and art, evidence of attitudes that performing arts are visual expressions of Cook Island culture. The significance of performing arts indicates Cook Island's interest to involve others to participate in their cultural experience. The lack of understanding of cultural appropriation by some participants may be due to the term being rarely used while, those who understood the term acknowledged it as an act of taking from one culture to another. Participants also referenced the appropriation of other cultures, indicating their knowledge of cultural appropriation. The findings demonstrated acts of appropriation of Cook Island culture does occur. The most notable acts were the appropriation of Cook Island tattoos, the hibiscus and the Cook Island drums. The findings indicated cases of European appropriation of Cook Island tattoos while Billabong, Roxy and Ripcurl were identified with the appropriation of hibiscus acknowledged as a Cook Island flower and, appropriation of Cook Island drums were identified to have occurred by Maori and Samoan cultures. Acts of appropriation of Cook Island culture was substantiated by attitudes their origin are vested to Cook Island ownership. The findings indicated positive and negative affiliations with cultural appropriation. Participants who were accepting expressed attitudes deeming acts of cultural appropriation as beneficial to the Cook Islands as it provides opportunities to promote their culture while allowing others to participate with their cultural wealth. This was substantiated by Cook Island's interest to encourage the spread of their cultural knowledge and the pride experienced when other cultures draw inspiration from their culture. While there is an acceptance of cultural appropriation, evidence also indicated a concern for the preservation of

- 137 - participant interviews cultural customs and traditions, demonstrating expectations of cultural sensitivity and issues of cultural significance. This leads to the negative associations identified with the appropriation of Cook Island culture. The findings indicated concerns of ownership demonstrating issues regarding the authority and accessibility of Cook Island cultural goods. Findings of this study identified participants readily accept cultural objects as representations of their identity. The perception is these objects provide differentiation, recognition and exhibits pride. While Cook Island culture was a significant component to visual identity, the evidence precipitates it is not the only element Cook Island young adults draw representation from. Although forms associated with Cook Island culture was affiliated with higher than any other component, the lack of cultural association and affiliation to brands for sources of visual identity highlights an issue of potential cultural identity loss. The acceptance of appropriation of Cook Island cultural forms was based upon benefits to Cook Island culture. Conditions of its use predicated on recognition of origin and ownership and, cultural sensitivity.

- 138 - 4.3 study of cook island visual identity conclusion

The research set out to determine what visual forms are considered distinct to the Cook Islands and if its cultural forms attributed to the visual identity of Cook Island young adults. It also addressed brand association to determine its relevance to Cook Island young adult visual identity and the issues surrounding cultural appropriation. From the results of this research, evidence indicated unmistakable recognition of Cook Island tivaevae, substantiated by evidence of its significance confirming its authority as representative of the Cook Islands. The acknowledgement of tivaevae as expressions of identity emphasised hibiscus, tiare maori and tipane as authoritive representations of Cook Island identity, substantiated by their representational value as cultural extensions. The representational value of flowers corroborated with Cook Island young adults affirmation that culture conveys differentiation, recognition and pride. Cultural forms of distinction extended to flags and coconuts, recognised for their cultural value as symbolic representations of the foundation of contemporary society. The research presented evidence indicating associations with forms relating to Cook Island culture as representations of visual identity. The most significant were the hibiscus, tipani and tiare maori flowers, their validation as forms embedded with cultural meaning presents their authority as representative of Cook Island identity. Cultural forms were not the only means of representation for visual identity, the association with culture, sports, religion, career and brands, substantiates evidence of the diversity of Cook Island young adults. The identity component of interest was the association of visual identity with brands. While Cook Island young adults embraced cultural forms as affirmation of cultural identity, they also acknowledged brands as expressions of individuality. This raises the issue of brand association in the search for autonomy surpassing cultural references for Cook Island visual identity. Of particular interest was the affirmation of the widespread

- 139 - study of cook island visual identity conclusion use of the hibiscus. While the research confirmed its representative value of Cook Island identity, Cook Island young adults' association with brands identified lack of cultural connection. The affirmation of cultural appropriation of Cook Island tattoos, the hibiscus and the Cook Island drums drew attention to concerns of origin and ownership of cultural forms, precipitated by concerns of authority and accessibility. Evidence also indicated concern for preservation of culture demonstrated by expectations of cultural sensitivity. However, evidence indicated an appreciation of cultural appropriation substantiated by recognition of its uses of promotion and sharing of cultural wealth. The research indicated Cook Island young adults associated cultural images as representations of their identity and demonstrated the significance of cultural arts in the development of visual identity. However, cultural images were not the only reference points for Cook Island young adult visual identity. Of interest, brand association by Cook Island young adults is significant to acknowledge as the literature suggests evidence of brands appropriating cultural forms to develop relationships with young adults "Some researchers argue that advertisements are most effective when the symbols, characters, and values depicted in the advertisements are drawn from the intended audience's cultural environment, which allows the audience to better identify with the message and the source of the message" (Appiah, 2001, p.9). Therefore, there is the possibility of brands overshadowing cultural references for Cook Island young adult visual identity.

- 140 - 5. Conclusion

While Cook Island culture suffered social and cultural upheaval with the introduction of Christianity in the early 19th century, some islands maintained some traditional knowledge of cultural arts, facilitating modern society to reconnect with native history. In 1992, the Cook Islands hosted the South Pacific Festival initiating the resurgence of ta-tatau. This event signalled a shift toward reclaiming of cultural traditions in the aim for independence and preservation of identity, with many Cook Island young adults willing to embrace their maoritanga, incorporating traditional values with contemporary talents. The cultural meaning embedded in ta-tatau intertwined with contemporary practices resulted in a blending of past and present. The establishment of Christianity was not completely detrimental to Cook Island culture, introducing new trends in creative arts which the Cook Islands embraced, incorporating their own interpretations and customs. The most significant was the introduction of tivaevae, argued to have been introduced by the missionary wives in the early 19th century. Tivaevae became a symbolic artistic expression of Cook Island culture, with meaning vested into traditional arts transferred to this new form. Of significance is the association of embroidery and the layering of fabric to tapa, where binding was a technique used to suppress god idols' mana, while the preoccupation with colour was associated with the colour in tapa. Tivaevae replaced tapa as the principal form of traditional wealth, although maintains the cultural significance afforded to tapa. Tivaevae became a means of expressing their identity and the diversity of their culture, embodied with styles distinctive to the Cook Islands and embedded with symbolic meaning pertaining to their culture and environment. While tivaevae are embedded with mana representative of its esteem and signalling appreciation of ownership, the designs for many tivaevae patterns are difficult to attribute to one person as the patterns and designs have been passed on from generation to generation and, dispersed throughout its many

- 141 - conclusion communities. However, contemporary Cook Island society has realised the value of their designs and are adopting techniques to ensure ownership of designs are recognised. This development has stemmed from acknowledgement of outside cultures appropriating their designs for economic gain, diminishing the cultural significance of Cook Island tivaevae and raising concerns of authenticity and recognition. The issue of cultural appropriation also extends to the marketability of their culture and raises concerns regarding representations of their identity. In order to circumvent such occurrences, Polynesian women incorporate personal symbols into their works. However, as with many indigenous cultures this method is not sufficient to ensure security of their designs. This is predicated upon their works falling outside of Western framework of intellectual property. Like many other cultures, the Cook Island's face the same issue of protecting their work. While marketability is of concern when cultural arts are appropriated, the issue facing indigenous cultures like the Cook Islands is the transformations of cultural arts when appropriated. Although not all cultural appropriation is intended to cause harm to the source culture, the transformations that occur when cultural arts are appropriated can have detrimental repercussions for the source culture. Of concern is the misrepresentation of the source culture and the possibility of mistrust of authentic representations of identity. This misrepresentation and mistrust not only applies to misleading outsiders, it could extend to expatriate Cook Island young adults and lead to an eventual loss of Cook Island identity. The literature confirms young adults are more receptive to receiving brands, although little research analyses the effects of brand association with the formation of identity, therefore it could be surmised the effect of cultural appropriation on the source culture and outsiders can create similar experiences for Cook Island young adults.

- 142 - conclusion

The largest obstacle Cook Island society faces with cultural appropriation of tivaevae designs and motifs is the generalisation of their works as Polynesian, this appears to be due to the lack of information detailing motifs and designs specific to the Cook Islands. Therefore this study set out to provide new knowledge in the aim of affirming motifs distinct to the Cook Islands and establish their authority as representations of Cook Island identity. Although there were limitations to this research, the evidence of the research indicated flowers are prominent sources of inspiration for Cook Island tivaevae and considered as authentic representations of Cook Island visual identity. Comparing the findings of the identification of motifs, the participant questionnaire and the participant interviews, the most significant species identified as common to Cook Island culture was the hibiscus, while it is worthy to note the identification of motifs study also identified high occurrences of lilies and chrysanthemum. Of interest was the acknowledgement of tipani and tiare maori from the participant studies which validated the cultural meaning vested in these forms and presents their authority as representative of Cook Island identity. It is also worthy to note the chrysanthemum and lilies identified in the identification of motifs study were not acknowledged by the participants in this research. However, this should not be disregarded as representations of Cook Island identity as their occurrences in Cook Island tivaevae could be indicative of its use outside the scope of Cook Island young adult lifestyle. While the hibiscus can be considered as an authoritive representation of Cook Island visual identity, the acknowledgement of the chrysanthemum, lilies, tipani and tiare maori in the investigations are significant to concede as representative of Cook Island identity. However, as it cannot be surmised these flowers, including the hibiscus, are solely representative of the Cook Islands, more research into this would determine if they are distinctive to Cook Island culture. While the motifs have proven difficult to establish as distinct to the Cook Islands, their application in Cook Island tivaevae substantiates tivaevae authority

- 143 - conclusion as the most representational visual art of their identity with the artistic expressions endorsing their style as distinct from other Polynesian tivaevae. Cook Island tivaevae embraced their inspirations for designs and afforded as much realism as possible, paying tribute to its sources of inspiration. The motifs are illuminated by its artistic renditions coupled with design principles, communicating a culture in harmony with the wildlife surrounding their society, and expressive of their passion, vitality and independence. The stylised flower motifs in Cook Island tivaevae afforded unmistakable recognition and acknowledgment by the participants in this study as authoritive representations of Cook Island identity, substantiated by their representational value as extensions of their culture, corroborating with Cook Island young adults' affirmation that culture conveys differentiation, recognition and pride. However, the study also identified other reference points for Cook Island young adult visual identity. Of interest was the association with brands virtually equalled with cultural art when the brands utilised imagery possessing a Polynesian quality in particular the use of the hibiscus. This raised the issue of the search for individuality and distinction by Cook Island young adults may lead to brand association surpassing cultural references for visual identity, as participants who associated with brands identified a lack of cultural connection to the imagery. While there was an acknowledgement of the widespread use of the hibiscus by the participants in this study, there was little animosity towards those who utilised the form. This attitude extended to their views of appropriation of Cook Island visual arts, exhibiting acceptance of the practice as a means of promoting their cultural wealth. However not all participants felt the same way, some exhibited concerns of authenticity and ownership, and preservation of cultural traditions. The research conducted in this study identified Cook Island tivaevae as authentic representations of Cook Island identity, while its artistic stylisations affirmed its authority as distinctive to the Cook Islands. While the motifs could

- 144 - conclusion not be substantiated as distinctive to the Cook Islands, their cultural significance substantiates claims as representations of their identity. The validation of the hibiscus, tiare maori, tipani, chrysanthemum and lilies by Cook Island young adults and the evidence of the identification of motifs study, indicates their strong association with the Cook Islands. Although the widespread use of these forms, in particular the hibiscus, may not substantiate their authority as distinct to the Cook Islands, the stylistic renditions can be considered distinct. In light of this, consideration needs to be given to the appropriation of these artistic forms, as the possibility of Cook Island young adults affiliating more with brands than with culture is predicated on use of cultural images. While this research intended to identify if appropriation of Cook Island designs can lead to loss of Cook Island identity, the lack of literature and limitations of the research meant this was not possible to achieve. However, the research from this investigation did provide insight into the issues facing the Cook Islands concerning appropriation and awareness of the references utilised by Cook Island young adults as representations of their visual identity. Furthermore, the research provided insight into motifs commonly used within Cook Island culture and acknowledged the hibiscus, tipani and tiare maori are considered by Cook Island young adults as representations of their visual identity.

5.1 Future Research The findings of this study provides a first step in identifying motifs commonly used in Cook Island tivaevae. Future research could extend the findings by analysing other Polynesian tivaevae motifs to substantiate the motifs identified in this study as distinctive to the Cook Islands. Future research can also extend the findings of the analysis of the Cook Island and Polynesian tivaevae to substantiate if the creative capabilities seen in Cook Island tivaevae are solely practiced by the Cook Islands. This research also provided insight into what visual forms

- 145 - conclusion

Cook Island young adults utilise as representations of their identity, establishing culture and brand association as the most influential in the formation of their visual identity. Therefore, future research could extend the findings by analysing Cook Island motifs and the appropriation of these motifs by brands to determine which of the two are greater sources for the formation of Cook Island young adult visual identity. Furthermore, this leads to the consideration of exclusion cultural references in the formation of their visual identity which, future research could consider the extent of this occurrence and determine if this contributes to cultural identity loss.

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- 157 - Appendix 1

The pa-maunga motif is held to be the marking of Te-Muna- korero. The motif is called pa-maunga28 in honour of the mountain ranges of Hawaiki (Gudgeon, 1905, p.217; Buck, 1944, p.130). Buck (1944) names this motif as papavaro, and documents the motif to have been tattooed on “the abdomen and front of thighs, sometimes back” (p.130). The puapua-inano motif, is attributed to chief Kaki, whose canoe, the Katopa-‘enua, was next to arrive, landing at Taravao (Gudgeon, 1905, p.217; Buck, 1944, p.130). The komua motif is accredited to Irakau, who arrived on the Ui-tariao29 canoe through the Taketake passage. Gudgeon translation of komua means “the forward thrust of a spear” (Gudgeon, 1905, p.218; Buck, 1944, p.130). The paeko motif is attributed to the Ariki30 Te-Erui-o-te-Rangi, who was said to arrive in a double canoe by the Ava-tapu. One side of the canoe was named Te Rangi-matoe, and the other Te Toenga-rangi (Gudgeon, 1905, p.218; Buck, 1944, p.130). The punarua motif is held to be the marking of the chief Ruatapu, who is said to have “asserted his mana over all the tribes of the island”, and, whose canoe, the Tue-moana, was said be the last of the ancestral canoes (Gudgeon, 1905, p.218; Buck, 1944, p.130).

28 Gudgeon (1905) terms this motif pa-maunga, Buck (1944) labels it papavaro. 29 Gudgeon (1905) spells as “Ui-tario”. 30 High chief.

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The ruru or the kau motifs wraps around the wrist below the manuta`i motif (Buck, 1944, p.130-131).

The mokora motif is tattooed on the back of the hand and the fingers (Buck, 1944, p.130).

The pa`oro motif is tattooed from the knee to the ankle (Buck, 1944, p.131).

The vava`anga motif is tattooed just above the knee (Buck, 1944, p.131). The pote`a motif is tattooed on the thigh above the vava`anga in sets of four to encircle the limb (Buck, 1944, p.131).

The tuata`iti motif (fig.16) “mesial lines along spine and oblique lines extending to mid-axillary line; resembles Aitutaki’s manuta`i motif” (Buck, 1944, p.131).

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The puvakevake motif is held to represent the three original tribes of Mangaia, tattooed on to the chest, shoulder and upper arm (Buck, 1944, p.131). The manuta`i motif encircles the forearm with lower points toward the hand (Buck, 1944, p.131). The motupoki motif is a curved double line that follows the curve of the hand between the thumb and the forefinger with the ends on the “proximal phalanx of the thumb and forefinger” (Buck, 1944, p.131). The maurua motif (fig.17) is named after a star and tattooed on the abdomen (Buck, 1944, p.131). The purauti motif (fig.18) is a face motif with the curved base towards the ear and the apex toward the nose (Buck, 1944, p.131).

The ngutu motif (fig.19) a female pattern on the upper lip (Buck, 1944, p.131).

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The poe rauiti (fig.20) a facial tattoo with the point towards the ear (Buck, 1944, p.131).

The mokomoko motif (fig.21) is a heel pattern of curved line on either side of Achilles tendon (Buck, 1944, p.131).

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This questionnaire deals specifically with Cook Island tivaevae.

Which of the words below best describes the significance of a tivavae? please circle as many as you think.

Value Art

Status Culture

Individuality Mana

Beliefs Ownership

Identity Recognition

Family Value ($)

Relationships Technology

Singular Rites of Passage

Decoration Unity

1

Which four motifs do you identify as Cook Island? please circle or tick. Of the ones you chose, can you rank them most and least identifiable as Cook Island. 1 = highly; 2 = moderately; 3 = least. 2 Appendix 4

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a b c

From the three designs shown, can you identify which of these is a Cook Island tivaevae? please circle a, b, or c.

3

What do you identify with in these images?

The brand/label The designs/motifs

4

- 163 - appendix 4

In the previous question you were asked to select what you identified with the images.

Can you briefly explain your reasons?

Thank you for taking the time to complete this questionaire.

5

- 164 - Appendix 5

Hibiscus (kaute). Tivaevae Orhids. Tivaevae tataura. taorei. (Hammond, 1986a, (Rongokea, 2001, p.38). p.8).

Tiare Maori (Maori Turtle Carapace Turtle. flower). Tivaevae manu. Paka 'Onu 'Onu. Tivaevae (Rongokea, 2001, p.104). taorei. (Hammond, 1986a, p.10). Hibiscus (Kaute). Lily. Tivaevae tataura. Tivaevae tataura. (Enoka & Maea, 2006, (Rongokea, 2001, p.45). p.Bateseba Daniel).

Grapes. Tivaevae tataura. Poinsettias. Tivaevae (Rongokea, 2001, p.6). tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.97). Other flora. Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, 2001, p.8). Tiger Lily (Riri taika) (Rongokea, 2001, p.100). Gardenia (Tiare Maori). Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, 2001, p.46). Flower bouquet. Tivaevae tuitui tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.125). Water lily (Riri vai). Tivaevae tataura. Water lily. Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.44). (Rongokea, 2001, p.129).

Hanging lantern (Mori Other flora. Tivaevae tautau). (Rongokea, 2001, taorei. (Rongokea, 2001, p.43). p.110). Lily. Tivaevae taorei. (Rongokea, 2001, p.109). Crown. Tivaevae taorei. (Rongokea, 2001, p.65). Chyrsanthemum (Matirita). Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, 2001, p.22).

Water Lily (Riri Vai). Chrysanthemum (Matirita). Tivaevae tataura. Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.27). (Rongokea, 2001, p.83).

Chyrsanthemum. Tivaevae Chrysanthemum. Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, tataura. (Enoka & Maea, p.19) 2006, p.Rourukeu Mangi).

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Tiger Lily (Riri taika). Mermaid (Merio). Tivaevae Tivaevae taorei. tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, (Rongokea, 2001, p.130). p.31).

Horse Head plant (Rau mitimiti oroenua). (Rongokea, 2001, p.115) Rose (Roti). Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.84). Hibiscus. Tivaevae tataura. (Hammond, 1986a, p.33). Turtle back (Paka onu). (Rongokea, 2001,p.101). Chrysanthemum. Chrysanthemum. Tivaevae Tivaevae tataura. (Enoka tataura. (Enoka & Maea, & Maea, 2006, 2006, p.Roimata Fortes). p.Pkotea Ngatamariki). Tiare Ora Lily. Tivaevae tataura. Varu. Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.105). (Rongokea, 2001, p.26). Chrysanthemum Lily. Tivaevae taorei. (Matirita). (Private collection of Tivaevae taorei. (Rongokea, Mrs Teatuanui Teau). 2001, p.51).

Orchid. Tivaevae tataura. Turtle. Tivaevae taorei. (Enoka & Maea, 2006, (Enoka& Maea, 2006, p.Tuteretere Tokatema p.Teetu Teao Kawenga). John Teinangaro). Cattleya Orchid. Tivaevae Chyrsanthemum. tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, Tivaevae taorei. p.123). (Rongokea, 2001, p.124). Peacock. Tivaevae Taro leaves (Kape). Tivaevae tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.90). p.69).

Chyrsanthemum (Matarita). Tivaevae Orchid. Tivaevae tataura. manu. (Rongokea, 2001, (Enoka & Maea, 2006, p.118). Pio Tuakana). Flower bouquet. TIvaevae tuitui tataura. Xmas Lily (Riri iotepa). (Rongokea, 2001, p.52). Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, 2001, p.87).

- 166 - appendix 5

Fan. (Tairiiri). Tivaevae Anthuriums. Tivaevae tataura. manu. (Rongokea, (Rongokea, 2001, p.39). 2001, p.119).

Hibuscus. Tivaevae Rose (Roti). Tivaevae tataura. tataura. (Hammond, Rongokea, 2001, p.77). 1986a, p.35).

Blue Marie leaves. Rose (Roti). Tivaevae Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.114). 2001, p.23). Crabs. Tivaevae Other Flora. Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, tataura. (Enoka & Maea, 2006, 2001, p.86). Viriama Tuapou).

Chrysanthemum (Matirita). Tivaevae Sea Urchins. Tivaevae manu. tataura. (Rongokea, (Rongokea, 2001, p.91). 2001, p.35). Tiger Lily (Riri taika). Hibiscus (Kaute). Tivaevae (Rongokea, 2001, p.61). taorei. (Rongoka, 2001, p.72).

Butterfly. Tivaevae Coconut. Puru-Arari. Tivaevae manu. (Rongokea, tataura. (Rongokea, 2001, p.38). 2001, p.19). Zinnia. Tivaevae Other flora. Tivaevae tataura. tataura. (Rongokea, (Rongokea, 2001, p.62). 2001, p.95).

Stars. Tivaevae taorei. Other flora. Tivaevae taorei. (Rongokea, 2001, p.57). (Enoka & Maea, 2006, p.Ina Teaurima).

Chrysanthemum. Tivaevae tataura. Hibiscus (Kaute). Tivaevae (Enoka & Maea, 2006, taorei. (Rongokea, 2001, p.59). p.Io-A-Te-Are-Tini Dean).

Hibiscus (Kaute). Lily. Tivaevae tataura. (Enoka Tivaevae tataura. & Maea, 2006, p.Mareta (Enoka & Maea, 2006, SimionaMakiakama). p.Mrs Felesite Tunupopo).

- 167 - Appendix 6

Participant 1 Q1: Um...I’m a pretty diverse guy so for me I’d have to say...I got to church, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. The symbol there would be the...the temple or the chapel. That would be a big part of my identity, and there’s my culture, just the Cook Island culture, and so just anything really that represents the Cook Islands, big part of my identity...um. Play sports so, more specifically rugby and touch so that’s definitely a part of my identity. Yeah. Q2: Um...I think the tivaevae...that ah...definitely a part of Cook Island identity as well as the Cook Island drums and ah...even the head leis...the flower leis...yeah Q3: Well the Cook Island drums...um...it’s probably the most um....like the one instrument the Cook Islands are well known for...is for playing the island drums, but as well as the ukelele...the ukelele is definitely one and...I’m not sure if Cook Islanders are the only ones that make tivaevae but I know that its definitely a custom for the ladies...yeah make tivaevae as part of our identity Q4: Um...think just the same things that I’ve said really. It’s kinda hard with the instruments just cause other cultures use them as well...the ukelele and the drums.. but...mmm. Couldn’t say that there was one specific thing that only Cook Islanders have. Q5: Did not identify any images/motifs/symbols in Q4, just objects Q6: Think that is where someone uses part of another culture as like...like something they are doing. For example, when um...other other ah countries tried to use the Maori haka as...I don’t know something that they do, like for example I seen...I watched the football team over in America they did kamate...an um...I thought that was cultural appropriation there Q7: Ah...can’t say I have...oh wait actually, there was a...I went to the tamiki tour in Rotorua and there were Maori’s playing the island drums...but they said that...I thought it was good for them to identify that they were actually playing Cook Island drums as part of their items Q8: I guess it’s how they use it, if they can say specifically that it is Cook Island... um origin, then I guess its okay, and if they using it in good ways...they not ah... trying to downgrade the Cook Island customs and traditions.

Participant 2 Q1: Um...well I’m a bit of a rough looking guy...um...I reckon my bigness really... represents who I am..that I’m Raro...but I do get mistaken for Samoan or Maori but I tell them that I’m Raro. Q2: Um...tivaevae, ukelele, drums um...the dancing, the hula...um...even like um tataus at a church and stuff like that Q3: sorry what was that again... um...um...the meaning...just showing...just showing who you are is the most important thing in life is it, I think it is, like um when people do their tataus is just like they’re praying to lord um...and stuff in, in their own language, like Cook Island, Samoan, Tongan...um..yeah

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Q4: Singing....is that right? um...drum, dancing, um the leis... Q5: Um...is that like...(Interviewer had to interject and explain the question) yes definitely, especially the ukele, because I...I like the uke Q6: Well um...I don’t really know what it is...so um...i reckon it is umm...oh what is it? actually sorry (Interviewer had to interject and explain the question) ...oh well just people playing the uke really aye...there’s a lot of people out there playing that are actually playing the ukes. Well to me I reckon its good but you know I think it’s quite sad to see it slip away and not our people really play it, stuff like that Q7: Yes I have actually...um just yeah I’ve just seen heaps of people playing the uke, drums...ah...even copies some tattoos from Samoans, this fellas pakeha, just stuff like that its really weird to me. Q8: To me I feel its kind of degrading us, because it’s not actually us out there promoting our stuff, its other people...yeah, so that’s what I think

Participant 3 Q1: Um...the clothing I wear, the shoes...um, perfumes, for clothing...ah Mossimo...it’s a brand I ike, and um...shoes, Lee shoes, um and for perfumes... probably Boss perfumes if it’s a fragrance and it’s the brand...it’s just the perfume I like...that’s it Q2: It’s ah...cultural dances, the dancing, the....the drummings...um....um...the pareos they are making....they make...the...the pillow cases...the island designs on pillow cases they do....and...that’s it. Q3: Um...for the...Cook Island drumming and that...and the dancing and that... it’s...it’s a Cook Island cultural thing that’s been around for generations...and it just represents the Cook Island culture...that’s it. Q4: Um...palm trees...ah...flowers...flowers....um...nah...just stop it....(laughter)... Q5: Nah...I don’t...that doesn’t represent...the drums they don’t represent me... nah...I don’t...oh...Cook Island music...oh that’s something else aye...yeah...that’s about it, just Cook Island music...but then that comes back to the drums and that... the ukeleles...that’s it...that’s about it Q6: Um...when different cultures....say...say for European people...um...using the Cook Island drums or European people doing Cook Island dancers... Q7: mmm...yep...European people in Tokoroa...ah...with Cook Island design tattoos on their bodies...and...yeah...just with the schools and that, the different cultures that do Cook Island, like dancing, drumming Q8: ah...I think it shouldn’t be done because of them not being of Cook Island descent and it’s just wrong in my eyes.

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Participant 4 Q1: Umm...well I like wearing the mareko Cook Island pareu...cos when you wear it in public and people see it they know like the pareu is what Cook Island people wear. I like wearing Tiare Maori flowers because that’s the national flower of the islands and the most recognised one, with the tipani too. Q2: The pareu, the tivaevae and the perfoming arts side, the dancing and the drumming. oh and the tattoos. Q3: Umm, the pareu because when you dye it and you get the...the...wee...the thing you put on it and the picture comes up, it’s because when the Island mamas do it, they do like what they want, sometimes the put like their island on it, like Aitutaki, Mangaia, and then that’s like their significance, the island. and the tivaevae because usually on it it’s something from the island, whether it’s the flowers or the leaves or the trees Q4: Oh, the flowers, the...mmm. the tipani ones, tiare maori...interview paused for participant. interviewed continued: ah the Cook Island tattoo because it mostly tells of your geneology where your from. Q5: Yep...the flower because when...when you go to the islands, you see everyone wearing it there, wear it when they dance and then they akaei people when you go over, like they put the leis on the tourist Q6: mmm...not sure what cultural appropriation is...interview paused for participant Interview resumed: ummmm I know a fair bit about it but I don’t know how to put it into words. Q7: I probably have been but I am not aware of it Q8: mmm....don’t really like it because when the tivaevaes...[hard to hear the word] its takes a long time and its hard work, and then for people to just take it, and then...like use it, it’s just taking the hard work of our people and just...like saying it’s nothing.

Participant 5 Q1: Umm, flowers because um that’s how people remember me Q2: Tivaevae, umm...interview paused for participant interview resumed: ummm...our Cook Island dancing, buying pareus...ah and tivaevae making Q3: Umm...interveiw paused for participant. interview resumed: umm like umm for our tivaevaes our mamas make them for... interview interrupted by cat. interview resumed: like for the tivaevaes, our mamas make it for like 21st or our ooras at our weddings Q4: Um flowers. um because it shows our beauty...um tipani or tiare maori

- 170 - appendix 6

Q5: yep. Q6: Um...i don’t really know how to explain it...[researcher asks if she understands it]..yes Q7: I probably have but I don’t really know Q8: Um..i think that it’s um good, because um, like pakeha’s are proud of like using stuff that belong to us and our people...yeah

Participant 6 Q1: Well coming from a sporting background, for me it would be the Cook Island national flag. and, I think the one of the most important image to me for being a Cook Islander would be ummm...the uto, the coconut and the roots and what I’ve read from it it tells us how our nation grew from that Q2: mmm...would be the tivaevae and our um pictues of the hibiscus, like we see it everywhere, even on popular brands we see them, and but yeah on our tivaevae, we normally have it on our...oh and pareu and um mumu dresses Q3: Umm...the flower can represent the beauty of our culture...and our, the tivaevae shows our heritage, it goes like back from when our ancestors, and our tivaevaes show our generations in the family Q4: Umm...hibiscus and um...mmm...yeah the flower mainly the flowers. I think that the biggest part that we see like everywhere would be the flowers yeah the hibiscus Q5: Ummm yes I do...ah wearing the flower in my hair and going to like functions, especially if its like not a pacific island function wearing the flower and probably dressing myself up in the pareu would show that I am Cook Island Q6: Ummmi don understand the question but just putting it into my own words is a bit difficult, so, but I have an example...it would be the warriors, the rugby league team, using um...pacific drums, like Cook Island drums to represent the, even though their symbol is maori, it could be a cultural appropriation. Q7: Umm...yes. the um like tattooing, example would be um Robbie Williams, having a maori...ah pacific maori design on him...and the billabong brand and the roxy brand they have the hibiscus flower with the brand, and...yea some design dresses have some cultural um flower materials on them Q8 I think its...like we should be overwhelmed by it, because its just showing that our culture has taken an interest in non-Cook Island people, especially with the flowers and our tivaevaes and um and non-Cook Island people...oh with food, yep, especially food oour um donuts, and yeah I think its real good our culture has taken an influence of non-Cook Islanders, it just shows that our culture is out there. Adds: I’m proud to be Cook Island.

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Participant 7 Q1: It’s that like the fight syndicate gears....yeah that represents me like a fighter yeah boxer, what about like cars and that...yeah like painting cars represents me as a automotive refinisher...yeah and..umm...yeah...oh island music...can you say that...yeah defines me as a islander, a cook islander and who I am and yea, that’s all Q2: Is that like the tiare flower and that yeah, kind of or like Polynesian groups... like palm tree... ah the ukelele...yeah..um...are we supposed to explain about the ukelele or nah.... just how everyone just knows that that’s cook island yeah, and ah the island drums, I don’t really know anything else Q3: Um...it’s part of our culture and its just been our culture for years Q4: The tiare flower, the plam...the coconut trees, the lagoons Q5: Um...do you mean like the palm trees and that...yeah, I think so. Q6: Um...just other cultures stealing our ideas, the cook island culture ideas and um using it for themselves Q7: Is that like seeing like island tattoos on european people and that...yeah I’ve seen the odd person Q8: Um...nah I don’t think it’s right, I think it should only be on cook islanders because it’s our culture and its our designs so it should only be for us...yeah

Participant 8 Q: Tipani flower...ah tipani flowers are beautiful, our culture is beautiful, so the tipani flower symbols us and um being a beautiful culture, its bright, us cook islanders are bright and so yeah so that why I think symbolises us Q2: I would say the drums, a lot of um people in New Zealand know us as the culture that always has drums um especially even our Cook Island dancing too, that’s ah one of them too..known to have real good dances, talented dances so yeah I would say the cultural dancing and the drumming and that Q3: Me being an islander and being brought up in cultural activities, dancing and drumming actually promotes who we are and we like to share with other cultural people too and the non-cook islanders that this is how we do our culutre Q4: I would have to say the tie-died pareus, us cook islanders always have different colours of pareus and you see them around too in NZ Q5: Um yes, I was brought up tie-dying pareus and it was used for you could use it to perform and stuff um even if you go to bed in it, its quite handy we even decorate, its good for decorations and um other things too. Q6: Um...taking stuff from one culture to another, and um some cultures take...i’m not being biased or anything but you know they always take...oh hang on...[paused for participant]

- 172 - appendix 6 taking from one culture to another, and other cultures they like to use our drum too, our drumming, especially the base and the [island word for drum?] and all the other stuff. and I see a lot of samoans wearing what we wear too, but not the revealing stuff, just like how we do our dresses and that, so sometimes us cook islanders take what the samoans got too Q7: Um...i’ve seen a lot of designs like billabong and all that, and hivana, but I think that’s a Hawaiian design, and I’ve seen design in flea markets, where they’ve used ummm put like puma, reeboks on the pareu..so Q8: Oh I think it’s a good idea, I’m glad they want to promote our culture, and do what we do andyeah, so I am fully stoked about that. Adds: being a cook islander is really really good, for me myself, I’m teaching my son about our culture and he’s picking it up, so if I was...to anyone out there, I would give it a go, learn your culture, it’s a good thing

Participant 9 Q1: Um...the old flag with the uto which represents our generation for today, the um...coconut, also well for me it represents our ancestors and the leaves the stableness of our generation of growth. the old flag that’s got the utu on it, the utu represents our growth of generation, the roots represents me as our ancestors, the coconuts will be the Q2: Costumes um...the pares, the hats, the women’s hats they wear to church on Sundays, and also the mumu dresses, um flower in the ear Q3: Costumes can be used for dancing ...traditional dancing which they have in the constitutions. um...the mumuus...the ladies...it’s a tradtional dress...traditional dress...um (researcher interjects] because it kind of represents who you are and what you love doing, like the costimes, I know our...a lot of the young people in our community they love to dance, so, if you have a costume it also relates to who you want to be and tells the people out there that you are cook island and you love to do what you are doing Q4: The different designs they have on other cultural backgrounds, samoans I always think that some of the stuff that they use is cook island and along as with tongan, but just have different meanings to the different symbols we have in relationships with theirs yes the flower...um the hibiscus flower, the tiare maori flowers that a lot of young people and our elderly people use today. Q5: Um...yes the tiare maori...i reckon the tiare maori represents myself, who I am, my family, the roots from where I come from and also the leaves represents what I love doing Q6: Ok...i understand what cultural appropriation is, its just I can’t put it into words Q7: Yes...i have...um...i’ve noticed some of the brands that have the cook island flowers such as roxy, ripcurl. and some surfboards that have the kind of wave and also the hibiscus that blends in

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Q8: I don’t have a problem with that, I reckon that’s good for them, and also for us cook islanders, that’s putting our culture out and also for them to learn what they’re using of our cook island culture which us as cook islanders use of theirs Participant 10 Q1: Um...for me the basic tipani, the basic flower that I wear in my ear, just seeing that represents me, my personal identity, being cook island, just the basic flower in the ear Q2: Um...tivaevaes...that’s about it tivaevaes being that not much cultures do tivaevaes and me growing up seeing that most of the mamas here at this church have only did tivaevaes and that’s something that the cook island culture is well known for and that’s recognisable for the cook island culture Q3: Identity, individuality, that’s something that just belongs to the cook island culture, or that I know of...yeah individuality Q4: The hibiscus, tiare tipani...the tiare tipani, the tiare maori, I don’t see much cultures with that specific flower only the cook island culture um...the palm tree, the sunset...oh not so much the sunset, the palm tree yes, and the three coconuts, the three coconuts on some of the labels in auckland but yeah just the tiare tipani and all those designs and all that Q5: Not so much the sunset...oh the sunset yes...the flower, the tiare, just the simple flower in my ear...yep I do Q6: Um...the samoan culture playing the drums...like the show, one of the shows on tv, channel 3, I don’t remember the name of the show but it shows that samoan people are playing the drums and I don’t know if that’s their culture and I don’t know if it belongs to them but I feel that it belongs to the cook island culture and that’s what cultural appropriation means to me Q7: If you’re talking about the hibiscus, if it’s the hibiscus, yes, I’ve seen it in many billabong, many samoan designs, tattoos...yea just the hibiscus, no other designs Q8: I think it’s good, I think its good that that our culture has been exposed in that way and everybody is able to take it with them, like the tivaevaes, throughout my whole years, I’ve seen that pakeha...pakeha people like the itvaevaes and that’s really good for us cook island people and the amount of work that our mamas and papas put into...oh...mama...put into these tivaevaes it’s really good for them and I love seeing the designs and stuff being shared amongst New Zealanders and stuff... yea

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