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What's at Stake in Zimbabwe
What's At Stake In Zimbabwe By all accounts, the conference In Geneva on scheme, whose main purpose was to destroy • Zimbabwe Is bound to collapse In failure. And all the ZANU-ZANLA and negotiate "Black majority rule" ! participants know It. Why are they there, and what that would be under their economic and political are they going to do next? The reasons why all the control. They tried to get this through especially In different participants are at Geneva reveal the late 1974 and early 1975, before Mozambique could history of Zimbabwe In the last few years. become a sound base for ZAN LA. However, in spite of severe repression by Zambia(which until this time Why is the US Government at Geneva(even if had been the guerrilla fighters main base area), unofficially)? ZANU-ZANLA survived and moved all its forces to Mozambique by December 1975. Until recently, the US Corporations and govern ment have operated under a policy (spelled out in Responding to the betrayal by political leaders in National Security Study Memorandum 39) that was exile, ZANU-ZANLA' formed a' jOint military front based on the premise that Blacks in Southern Africa with ZAPU troops, under the name of the Zimbabwe 'could never'come' to power through armed struggle. People's Army(ZIPA). In January 1976, ZIPA stepped The white governments of South Africa Rhodesia up the armed struggle inside Zimbabwe, which had 'South West Africa, Mozambique and Angola wer~ ,ebbed during the pe'riod of massive attacks on and there to stay. The US Corporations and government conspiracies against ZANU-ZANLA. -
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Get Statement
Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform IAN SCOONES This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivs 3.0 Unported License. Correct citation: Scoones, I. (2014). Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Photo credits: Photography is by B.Z. Mavedzenge. Front cover: Ruchanyu garden. Back cover: Rwafa maize crop ISBN: 978-1-4936-8062-7 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword vii About the author x Acronyms xi Section A: Agricultural and livestock production 1 1 Small farms, big farms 4 2 The golden leaf: boom time in Zimbabwe 9 3 The sweet smell of success: the revival of Zimbabwe’s 12 sugar industry 4 Farming under contract 17 5 Zimbabwe’s beef industry 21 6 Zimbabwe’s poultry industry: rapid recovery, but major 24 challenges 7 Mechanising Zimbabwean agriculture 27 8 Appropriate technologies? 30 Section B: The economy 33 9 Resource nationalism’: a risk to economic recovery? 36 10 Growth in jeopardy? Re!ections on Zimbabwe’s 2013 39 budget statement 11 An unbalanced economy 41 12 The new farm workers: Changing agrarian labour 44 dynamics 13 Transforming Zimbabwe’s agrarian economy 48 14 Credit and "nance 53 15 The whites who stayed in agriculture 55 iv Section C: Political dimensions 58 16 Robert Mugabe… what happened? 61 17 Missing politics? 65 18 Class and rural di#erentiation after land reform 71 19 Know your constituency: a challenge for all of 73 Zimbabwe’s political parties 20 Transforming the state: building security from below 77 21 Why nations fail: perspectives on Zimbabwe 81 -
From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues . -
CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment Of
Statutory Instrument 167 of 2020. Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 S.I. 167 of 2020 [CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 City/Town Old Name New Name Hellet Street Shuvai Mahofa Street IT is hereby notifi ed that the Minister of Local Government, Hughes Street Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa Public Works and National Housing has, in terms of section 4(1) of the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14], made the following Mutare Aerodrome Road Kumbirai Kangai Road notice:— First Street Maurice Nyagumbo Street Edgar Peacock Road Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 1. This notice may Be cited as the Names (Alteration)(Amendment Second Street Moven Mahachi Street of Schedule) Notice, 2020. Jelf Road Edgar Tekere Road 2. The Schedule to the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14] is amended in Part VII by the repeal of certain names of roads and substitution of the following— “PART VII ROADS, SQUARES, BUILDINGS, ETC., IN URBAN AREAS City/Town Old Name New Name Bulawayo 9th Avenue Simon Muzenda Avenue 12th Avenue Joseph Msika Avenue 6th Avenue up to end of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 6th Avenue Extension Way 8th Avenue Liberation Legacy Avenue 3rd Avenue Nelson Kutshwekhaya (N.K.) Ndlovu Avenue 4th Avenue through to 7th John Landa Avenue Street up to King George 5th Avenue Maria Msika Avenue 1st Avenue Lazarus Nkala Avenue 10th Avenue Nikita Mangena Avenue 11th Avenue Daniel Madzimbamuto Avenue 13th Avenue to include Clement Muchachi Road Anthony Taylor Ave 14th Avenue George Nyandoro Avenue Connaught Avenue Cephas Cele Avenue Cecil Avenue continuing Albert Nxele Way up to Wellington Road Fife Street and Queens Queen Lozikeyi Street Supplement to the Zimbabwean Government Gazette dated the 17th July, 2020. -
The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials
Fordham Law Review Volume 76 Issue 1 Article 8 2007 Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Katherine Hughes Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Katherine Hughes, Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials, 76 Fordham L. Rev. 323 (2007). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Operation "Drive Out the Trash": The Case for Imposing Targeted United Nations Sanctions Against Zimbabwean Officials Cover Page Footnote J.D. Candidate, 2008, Fordham University School of Law; M.A. Candidate, 2008, International Political Economy and Development, Fordham University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. I extend my deepest gratitude to the many Zimbabweans who welcomed me into their country. I would also like to thank Jim Leitner; Professors Rachel Vorspan, Jeanmarie Fenrich, and Susanna Chung; and Alasdair Ferguson for their invaluable support and comments. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol76/iss1/8 OPERATION "DRIVE OUT THE TRASH": THE CASE FOR IMPOSING TARGETED UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS AGAINST ZIMBABWEAN OFFICIALS KatherineHughes * In May 2005, representatives of PresidentRobert Mugabe's government initiated a slum-clearance campaign entitled Operation Murambatsvina, which displaced nearly one million Zimbabweans. -
Situation Report C U R I T Y
Institute for Security Studies T E F O U R T I T S S E N I I D U S T E S Situation Report C U R I T Y Date Issued: 3 May 2004 Author: Chris Maroleng1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change: Briefing notes Introduction Since attaining its independence from Britain in 1980, Zimbabwe has been ruled by one party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), led by the president, Robert Mugabe. Even though this country is considered a de jure democracy, credible opposition to ZANU-PF did not begin to emerge until the early 1990s, in a context of growing poverty and unemployment. The nationalist project represented by ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe has failed to provide the broad masses of its people with either human security or social peace. This deficiency is well treated by Patrick Bond and Masimba Manyanya in their most recent, comprehensive book, Zimbabwe’s plunge: Exhausted nationalism, neoliberalism, and the search for social justice, in which they observe that two decades after independence, fatigue associated with the ruling ZANU-PF’s misgovernment and economic mismanagement has clearly reached its nadir.2 The fact that Zimbabwe has reached a breaking point is also implied by Amanda Hammar and Brian Raftopoulos in their recent publication, Unfinished business: Rethinking land, state and citizenship in Zimbabwe. These authors note that the dramatic changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political and social landscape since early 2000 have come to be known as the “Zimbabwe Crisis”.3 The steady decline in living standards throughout the 1990s is identified generally as one of the main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction with the government that in September 1999 galvanised civic groups and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) into forming a political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), currently led by Morgan Tsvangirai. -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Monolingualism and Its Meaning in Two Kwazulu-Natal High Schools
Monolingualism and its Meaning in Two KwaZulu-Natal High Schools A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts of Rhodes University by Jacqui Carlyle May 2016 Abstract This study reports on the identity and attitudes of monolingual English speakers (MES) at two high schools in Durban, South Africa, in relation particularly to the role and meaning of monolingualism. Two bodies of data are used to investigate the attitudes of MES and are oriented towards four variables: English, African languages (particularly Zulu), monolingualism and plurilingualism. The attitudes to these variables reveal the impact on identity of language usage in Durban, and negotiations of the participants in trying to mitigate or justify attitudes that are counter to the embracing of diversity encouraged in modern South Africa. First, an attitude questionnaire provides quantitative data that is subjected to analysis, including a chi-squared test. Second, a narrative elicitation interview provides qualitative narrative data that is analysed in relation to APPRAISAL theory. Both analysis types are used to ascertain the presence of a monolingual mindset in the scholars’ responses, as well as to capture the ideological forces to which they are subjected as monolingual English speakers in the unique multilingual setting of Durban. In essence, the data points to a discourse of compromise and unease on the part of the participants - as they juggle with the effects of an English-centric monolingual mindset, and a more pervasive pluralism that embraces the Rainbowism of ‘the new South Africa’. This discourse of compromise is characterized on one side by insecurity and dissatisfaction with the language in education policy, and well as the monolingual upbringing of MES in Durban, and a lack of Language other than English (LOTE), in particular, Zulu. -
Parliamentary Performance and Gender
Parliamentary Performance and Gender Rumbidzai Dube, Senior Researcher November 2013 1 | Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A gendered analysis of the last year of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe indicates that the general facilitatory and inhibitory dynamics affecting ordinary women’s participation in politics and decision-making are the same dynamics that affect women in Parliament. Women who take an active role in governance and political life are confronted by inhibiting factors including patriarchy and the violent nature of the political terrain. Women who manage to attain political office would have clearly overcome enormous hurdles relative to their male counterparts. In Parliament, women still have to deal with the pervasive patriarchal attitudes that at times prevent them from fully participating. Even the President has proven himself not to be immune to the prejudices of his gender with recent remarks that the limited number of women appointees in ministerial posts was due to the lack of educated and qualified women.1 With this broad context in mind, this report examines the performance of female parliamentarians versus their male counterparts, and is complementary to and draws from RAU’s earlier report on parliamentary attendance. Some key findings highlighted in this report: • Women were a significant minority in the Seventh Parliament 34/210 in the House of Assembly and 23/93 in the Senate; • As a group, female MPs attendance was more impressive than that of their male counterparts. All of them, except one, scored attendance rates -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 -