Transformation and the War in Afghanistan
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Course Syllabus Summer Course
Course Syllabus Summer Course Instructor Information INSTRUCTORS DR. KIMBERLY KAGAN DR. FREDERICK KAGAN LTG (RET.) JAMES DUBIK, U.S. ARMY GUEST CO-INSTRUCTORS LTG (RET.) H.R. MCMASTER GEN (RET.) CURTIS SCAPARROTTI General Information Description: Lessons are daylong; some are divided into two blocks when they address different topics. Course Materials Required Materials Readings on Microsoft Teams Books and purchases: 1. Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2014) 2. Carl von Clausewitz, On War, eds. and trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984) 3. Toby Dodge, Iraq: From War to a New Authoritarianism (International Institute of Strategic Studies & Routledge: 2012) 4. Stanley A. McChrystal, My Share of the Task: A Memoir (New York, NY: Portfolio/Penguin, 2014) 5. Peter Paret, Makers of Modern Strategy: from Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2010) 6. Jim Scuitto, The Shadow War: Inside Russia’s and China’s Secret War to Defeat America (New York: Harper/Harper Collins, 2019) 7. Stephen Sears, Gettysburg (New York: Mariner Books Reprint, 2004) 8. John A. Warden III, The Air Campaign, Revised Edition (iUniverse: 1998) 9. Gettysburg film (https://www.amazon.com/Gettysburg-Tom-Berenger/dp/B006QPX6IG) 1 Lesson 1 July 25th TOPIC LANGUAGE & LOGIC OF WAR PURPOSE Gain foundational knowledge vital for the remainder of the course, including the levels of war framework OBJECTIVES How are militaries organized? What frameworks help us study war? How do you read a military map? 1. Learn the levels of war 2. -
The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions About the Pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler Abstract There has been a modest amount of progress made over the last two decades in piecing together the developments that led to creation of al-Qaida and how the group has evolved over the last 30 years. Yet, there are still many dimensions of al-Qaida that remain understudied, and likely as a result, poorly understood. One major gap are the dynamics and relationships that have underpinned al-Qaida’s multi-decade presence in Pakistan. The lack of developed and foundational work done on the al-Qaida-Pakistan linkage is quite surprising given how long al- Qaida has been active in the country, the mix of geographic areas - from Pakistan’s tribal areas to its main cities - in which it has operated and found shelter, and the key roles Pakistani al-Qaida operatives have played in the group over the last two decades. To push the ball forward and advance understanding of this critical issue, this article examines what is known, and has been suggested, about al-Qaida’s relations with a cluster of Deobandi militant groups consisting of Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami, Harakat ul-Ansar, and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which have been collectively described as Pakistan’s Harakat movement, prior to 9/11. It finds that each of these groups and their leaders provided key elements of support to al-Qaida in a number of direct and indirect ways. -
Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan
Fall 08 September 2012 Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic Stanford Law School Global Justice Clinic http://livingunderdrones.org/ NYU School of Law Cover Photo: Roof of the home of Faheem Qureshi, a then 14-year old victim of a January 23, 2009 drone strike (the first during President Obama’s administration), in Zeraki, North Waziristan, Pakistan. Photo supplied by Faheem Qureshi to our research team. Suggested Citation: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION CLINIC (STANFORD LAW SCHOOL) AND GLOBAL JUSTICE CLINIC (NYU SCHOOL OF LAW), LIVING UNDER DRONES: DEATH, INJURY, AND TRAUMA TO CIVILIANS FROM US DRONE PRACTICES IN PAKISTAN (September, 2012) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I ABOUT THE AUTHORS III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS V INTRODUCTION 1 METHODOLOGY 2 CHALLENGES 4 CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 7 DRONES: AN OVERVIEW 8 DRONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11 10 PRESIDENT OBAMA’S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM 12 “PERSONALITY STRIKES” AND SO-CALLED “SIGNATURE STRIKES” 12 WHO MAKES THE CALL? 13 PAKISTAN’S DIVIDED ROLE 15 CONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 17 UNDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT 20 PASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS 22 GOVERNANCE 23 ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS 25 ACCESSING FATA 26 CHAPTER 2: NUMBERS 29 TERMINOLOGY 30 UNDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES 32 CONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS 35 OTHER CONSIDERATIONS -
Afghanistan Index Tracking Variables of Reconstruction & Security in Post-9/11 Afghanistan
Afghanistan Index Tracking Variables of Reconstruction & Security in Post-9/11 Afghanistan Ian S. Livingston, Heather L. Messera, and Michael O’Hanlon February 28, 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Security Indicators Estimated Number of Afghan Civilian Fatalities as a Direct Result of Fighting Between Pro-Government Forces 1.1 4 and Armed Opposition Groups (AOG), 2006-2009 1.1.A Estimated Total Afghan Civilian Casualties by Month, 2007-Present 5 1.1.B Detail of Estimated 2008 Afghan Civilian Fatalities, by Incident Type 5 1.2 U.S. and Coalition Troop Fatalities since October 7, 2001 UPDATED 2.28.10 6 1.3 Cause of Death for U.S. Troops UPDATED 2.28.10 6 1.4 American Military Fatalities by Category, October 7, 2001-2009 7 1.5 U.S. Troops Wounded in Action since October 7, 2001 UPDATED 2.28.10 7 1.6 British Military Fatalities in Afghanistan since 2006 UPDATED 2.28.10 8 1.7 Canadian Military Fatalities in Afghanistan since 2006 8 1.8 Non-US Coalition Troop Fatalities by Country since October 2001 UPDATED 2.28.10 9 1.9 Proportion of Annual U.S. and Coalition Fatalities by Various Causes UPDATED 2.28.10 9 1.10 Afghan National Army (ANA) and Afghan National Police (ANP) Personnel Fatalities, January 2007-Present 10 1.11 American Troops Deployed to Afghanistan UPDATED 2.28.10 10 1.12 Troops Committed to NATO’s International Security Assistance Mission (ISAF) by Country UPDATED 2.28.10 11 1.13 Total NATO-ISAF Manpower by Regional Command, Since October 2006 UPDATED 2.28.10 11 1.14 Size of Afghan Security Forces on Duty UPDATED 2.28.10 12 1.15 Annual Growth of Afghan National Army (ANA), by Number of Troops, 2003-Present UPDATED 2.28.10 12 1.16 Annual Recruitment Figures for Afghan National Army (ANA) 12 1.16.A Capability Milestone (CM) Assessment of Afghan National Army (ANA) Units and Headquarters 13 1.17 Detailed Breakdown of Afghan Ministry of Interior Forces 13 1.18 Defense Assessment of Afghan National Police (ANP) Capabilities 14 1.19 Recruitment Figures for the Various Programs of the Afghan National Police (ANP), March 2007-March 2008 14 Number of U.S. -
Usama Bin Ladin's
Usama bin Ladin’s “Father Sheikh”: Yunus Khalis and the Return of al-Qa`ida’s Leadership to Afghanistan Harmony Program Kevin Bell USAMA BIN LADIN’S “FATHER SHEIKH:” YUNUS KHALIS AND THE RETURN OF AL‐QA`IDA’S LEADERSHIP TO AFGHANISTAN THE COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT www.ctc.usma.edu 14 May 2013 The views expressed in this paper are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect those of the Combating Terrorism Center, the U.S. Military Academy, the Department of Defense or the U.S. government. Author’s Acknowledgments This report would not have been possible without the generosity and assistance of the director of the Harmony Research Program at the Combating Terrorism Center (CTC), Don Rassler. Mr. Rassler provided me with the support and encouragement to pursue this project, and his enthusiasm for the material always helped to lighten my load. I should state here that the first tentative steps on this line of inquiry were made during my time as a student at the Program in Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. If not for professor Şükrü Hanioğlu’s open‐minded approach to directing my MA thesis, it is unlikely that I would have embarked on this investigation of Yunus Khalis. Professor Michael Reynolds also deserves great credit for his patience with this project as a member of my thesis committee. I must also extend my utmost appreciation to my reviewers—Carr Center Fellow Michael Semple, professor David Edwards and Vahid Brown—whose insightful comments, I believe, have led to a substantially improved and more thoughtful product. -
The Causes of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, a Probe Into the Reality of the International Relations in Central Asia in the Second Half of the 19Th Century1
wbhr 01|2014 The Causes of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, a Probe into the Reality of the International Relations in Central Asia in the Second Half of the 19th Century1 JIŘÍ KÁRNÍK Institute of World History, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague Nám. J. Palacha 2, 116 38 Praha, Czech Republic [email protected] Central Asia has always been a very important region. Already in the time of Alexander the Great the most important trade routes between Europe and Asia run through this region. This importance kept strengthening with the development of the trade which was particularly connected with the famous Silk Road. Cities through which this trade artery runs through were experiencing a real boom in the late Middle Ages and in the Early modern period. Over the wealth of the business oases of Khiva and Bukhara rose Samarkand, the capital city of the empire of the last Great Mongol conqueror Timur Lenk (Tamerlane).2 The golden age of the Silk Road did not last forever. The overseas discoveries and the rapid development of the transoceanic sailing was gradually weakening the influence of this ancient trade route and thus lessening the importance and wealth of the cities and areas it run through. The profits of the East India companies were so huge that it paid off for them to protect their business territories. In the name of the trade protection began also the political penetration of the European powers into the overseas areas and empires began to emerge. 1 This article was created under project British-Afghan relations in 19th century which is dealt with in 2014 at Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague with funds from Charles University Grant Agency. -
Which Law Applies to the Afghan Conflict?
WHICH LAW APPLIES TO THE AFGHAN CONFLICT? By W. Michael Reisman and James Silk* Soviet armed forces have been directly engaged in combat in Afghanistan for more than 8 years.1 The level of international protest, sanctions and media coverage diminished after the initial outcry over the large-scale So- viet intervention in December 1979. With the conclusion in many diplo- matic and professional quarters that the Soviet presence in Afghanistan would be of long duration, the focus of international disapproval shifted from the question whether the Soviet presence in Afghanistan was lawful or not to whether Soviet conduct in Afghanistan was lawful or not: fromjus ad bellum to jus in bello. Access to Afghanistan has been extremely limited, but various individ- uals, commissions and credible international organizations have reported extensive abuses of human rights by Soviet forces there; most of the reports are based largely on refugee testimony.2 While the practices of the Soviet occupation and campaign have emerged with increasing clarity, the ques- tion of which law these practices are to be tested against is still controversial. * W. Michael Reisman is Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld Professor of Jurisprudence, Yale Law School. James Silk expects to receive aJ.D. from Yale University in 1989. The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments and criticism of colleagues on the Board of Editors and of several scholars in Europe. The authors are, of course, solely responsible for the contents. I By the time this article is published, it is possible that the Soviet Union will, at least, have begun to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. -
An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Kaitlyn Dugas
Eastern Michigan University DigitalCommons@EMU Senior Honors Theses Honors College 2014 An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Kaitlyn Dugas Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.emich.edu/honors Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Dugas, Kaitlyn, "An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes" (2014). Senior Honors Theses. 392. http://commons.emich.edu/honors/392 This Open Access Senior Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at DigitalCommons@EMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@EMU. For more information, please contact lib- [email protected]. An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Abstract Considerable controversy exists regarding the use of drones by the United States of America in the targeted killings of individuals overseas, including American citizens. The onc stitutionality of such strikes comes into question as well as whether the President even possesses adequate power, whether unitary or granted, to order the strikes against not only American citizens, who are obviously protected by the Constitution, but also foreigners to whom the Constitution may or may not apply. This study will take a look at presidential power from the perspective of each of the three branches of government within the United States and from the viewpoint of International Law in order to understand how much power the President actually has to order targeted killings. This analysis is followed by a case study. -
Army Press January 2017 Blythe
Pfc. Brandie Leon, 4th Infantry Division, holds security while on patrol in a local neighborhood to help maintain peace after recent attacks on mosques in the area, East Baghdad, Iraq, 3 March 2006. (Photo by Staff Sgt. Jason Ragucci, U.S. Army) III Corps during the Surge: A Study in Operational Art Maj. Wilson C. Blythe Jr., U.S. Army he role of Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno’s III (MNF–I) while using tactical actions within Iraq in an Corps as Multinational Corps–Iraq (MNC–I) illustrative manner. As a result, the campaign waged by has failed to receive sufficient attention from III Corps, the operational headquarters, is overlooked Tstudies of the 2007 surge in Iraq. By far the most in this key work. comprehensive account of the 2007–2008 campaign The III Corps campaign is also neglected in other is found in Michael Gordon and Lt. Gen. Bernard prominent works on the topic. In The Gamble: General Trainor’s The Endgame: The Inside Story of the Struggle for Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq, Iraq, from George W. Bush to Barack Obama, which fo- 2006-2008, Thomas Ricks emphasizes the same levels cuses on the formulation and execution of strategy and as Gordon and Trainor. However, while Ricks plac- policy.1 It frequently moves between Washington D.C., es a greater emphasis on the role of III Corps than is U.S Central Command, and Multinational Force–Iraq found in other accounts, he fails to offer a thorough 2 13 January 2017 Army Press Online Journal 17-1 III Corps during the Surge examination of the operational campaign waged by III creating room for political progress such as the February 2 Corps. -
Counterinsurgency in the Iraq Surge
A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE. A thesis presented to the faculty of the Graduate School of Western Carolina University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in US History. By Matthew T. Buchanan Director: Dr. Richard Starnes Associate Professor of History, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences. Committee Members: Dr. David Dorondo, History, Dr. Alexander Macaulay, History. April, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations . iii Abstract . iv Introduction . 1 Chapter One: Perceptions of the Iraq War: Early Origins of the Surge . 17 Chapter Two: Winning the Iraq Home Front: The Political Strategy of the Surge. 38 Chapter Three: A Change in Approach: The Military Strategy of the Surge . 62 Conclusion . 82 Bibliography . 94 ii ABBREVIATIONS ACU - Army Combat Uniform ALICE - All-purpose Lightweight Individual Carrying Equipment BDU - Battle Dress Uniform BFV - Bradley Fighting Vehicle CENTCOM - Central Command COIN - Counterinsurgency COP - Combat Outpost CPA – Coalition Provisional Authority CROWS- Common Remote Operated Weapon System CRS- Congressional Research Service DBDU - Desert Battle Dress Uniform HMMWV - High Mobility Multi-Purpose Wheeled Vehicle ICAF - Industrial College of the Armed Forces IED - Improvised Explosive Device ISG - Iraq Study Group JSS - Joint Security Station MNC-I - Multi-National-Corps-Iraq MNF- I - Multi-National Force – Iraq Commander MOLLE - Modular Lightweight Load-carrying Equipment MRAP - Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (vehicle) QRF - Quick Reaction Forces RPG - Rocket Propelled Grenade SOI - Sons of Iraq UNICEF - United Nations International Children’s Fund VBIED - Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device iii ABSTRACT A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE.