The Humanitarian Impact of Drones

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Humanitarian Impact of Drones THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES © 2017 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom; International Contents Disarmament Institute, Pace University; Article 36. October 2017 The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1st edition 160 pp 3 Preface Permission is granted for non-commercial reproduction, Cristof Heyns copying, distribution, and transmission of this publication or parts thereof so long as full credit is given to the 6 Introduction organisation and author; the text is not altered, Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, transformed, or built upon; and for any reuse or distribution, these terms are made clear to others. and Elizabeth Minor Edited by Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, Elizabeth Minor, and Allison Pytlak. Impacts Thank you to all authors for their contributions. 1. Humanitarian Harm This publication is supported in part by a grant from the 15 Foundation Open Society Institute in cooperation with the Jessica Purkiss and Jack Serle Human Rights Initiative of the Open Society Foundations. Cover photography: 24 Country case study: Yemen ©2017 Kristie L. Kulp Taha Yaseen 29 2. Environmental Harm Doug Weir and Elizabeth Minor 35 Country case study: Nigeria Joy Onyesoh 36 3. Psychological Harm Radidja Nemar 48 4. Harm to Global Peace and Security Chris Cole 58 Country case study: Djibouti Ray Acheson 64 Country case study: The Philippines Mitzi Austero and Alfredo Ferrariz Lubang 2 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES Preface Christof Heyns 68 5. Harm to Governmental It is not difficult to understand the appeal of Transparency Christof Heyns is Professor of Law at the armed drones to those engaged in war and other University of Pretoria. He is a member of the UN Anna Diakun Human Rights Committee and is a former UN violent conflicts. Those using force on behalf of Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, states have long had the aim of subduing their or arbitrary executions. 81 Country case study: United States opponents with as little harm to their own forces Rachel Stohl as possible. In addition, increasingly there are international and other norms that require more Perspectives precise targeting, sparing those not directly engaged in the conflict. 85 6. Human Rights Perspectives Shahzad Akbar Getting close to the target has traditionally placed one’s own forces in harm’s way. Drones Country case study: Yemen 97 provide an opportunity to bring an “unmanned” Waleed Alhariri weapons platform close to the target, from which force can be launched via remote control. If the 101 7. International Law Perspectives platform is destroyed by enemy fire, the cost is Adriana Edmedes measured in money, not in the number of lives of 115 Regional case study: Latin America one’s own forces lost. Hector Guerra Drones also provide those who use it with the 120 Regional case study: Europe argument that the maneuverability of the Jessica Dorsey platform, in close vicinity to the target, may allow more precise targeting. Even if the jury is still 127 8. Gendered Perspectives out on the veracity of the second claim, the Ray Acheson argument persists that this may be the case in the future. The appeal of the first claim, on the 141 9. Moral and Ethical Perspectives other hand, is evident. In an age of technology, Peter Asaro drones were bound to happen. 150 10. Religious Perspectives If a drone were to be used only in isolated cases, Emily Welty there would probably have been few questions asked. It is after all not easy to point out a principled difference between a single missile fired from a F16 flying at the speed of sound, when an on-board pilot presses the button, and the same missile being fired from a loitering drone, with the button being pressed by an operator in another country. However, what is 2 3 PREFACE THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES at stake is not the isolated use of a few drones, fact that the world is turning to remote controlled This debate thus seems centrally important from by a few countries, but rather a new way use of force. Considerations of the broader the perspective of asking the age-old question: altogether of releasing force; one that will play a humanitarian implications of the remote how do we solve problems? How and when can dominant role in the conflicts of the future, with controlled use of force are thus most apt we resort to the use of force? What is effective, more and more states—and non-state actors— and welcome. also in the long run? Clearly, a world in which using this technology. It is this evolving use of those who are far out of harm’s way have a drones as the weapon platform of the future that The chapters in this in this book do exactly that. button with which they can eliminate someone raises profound questions about the peace and They look at the implications of a world where whom they see as posing a threat half-way security as well as some of the core values of drones are becoming the new normal from the around the world, is very different from one the world we live in. perspective of the various societies involved— where such instant ”solutions” are not available, including the gender implications, and also the and different if less dramatic means to achieve I, and others, have argued that drones should psychological implications, from the perspective the same objective have to be found. follow the law, and not the other way around. of those who operate drones and their societies, Drone-using states have argued for a relaxed and those who are on the receiving side. What A thorough discussion of the broader application of norms covering the use of force are the implications for societies on both sides implications of the use of armed drones is also that have developed over centuries—for of the digital divide? Peace and security as well important for other reasons. This includes the example, what is to be considered an “imminent” as the humanitarian framework in which we fact that armed drones are increasingly being attack against which self-defence by a state is operate may be compromised not only because used not only in armed conflict and allowed; when do the more permissive rules of drones make it so much easier for those with counterterrorism operations abroad, but in international humanitarian law (IHL) apply to the this technology to use force, and thus lower the domestic law enforcement contexts as well. use of force; to what extent does human rights threshold for a resort to force, but also when the Moreover, remote controlled release of force is law regulate the use of force outside the scope less obvious fissures in societies are opened up. being replaced by autonomous use of force, of an ongoing armed conflict; and what sort of where computers will take the critical decisions. transparency is required? Force release, that is, is becoming more and more impersonal. We need a much better These are important questions, and warrant the understanding of the early manifestation of this full attention of the international community. But trend—armed drones in armed conflict—than we more than policing the legal boundaries of the currently have to serve as a basis to respond to use of force is required to ensure a responsible this broader phenomenon. For all these reasons, response to the challenges presented by drones. this book is a most welcome contribution to a In fact, the debate may to some extent have vital debate. become too legalistic, as if solving the legal aspects is all there is to meeting the challenges presented by drones as a whole. At least of equal importance is the extent to which we fully understand and think through the broader implications of this technological development. Applying legal frameworks to concrete cases very easily leads to an exclusive focus on the individual case. Using a legalistic lens only to look at armed drones may thus mean one could miss the wider and cumulative implications of the 4 5 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES those people that are not the target than other states’ actual jurisdiction or officially designated Introduction forms of aerial bombing.1 They point to the zones of armed conflict. The authors of the lowered risk of casualties on the attacking side chapters in this study raise questions about Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, and Elizabeth Minor and claim that the ability of drones to loiter over whether this tempts policymakers to use an area for extended periods of time enables a violence in less restrained ways and displaces Humanitarian and human rights norms have more judicious use of force.2 The discourse that harm away from the attacking state onto the Ray Acheson is the Director of Reaching long sought to restrict the exercise of remote suggests that “drone strikes” are somehow a local population in the “target area”. Critical Will, the disarmament programme of violence. In the last two hundred years, the rapid more humanitarian form of violence than the Women’s International League for Peace and traditional warfare has dominated political and This approach to violence is arguably one of the Freedom (WILPF). She leads WILPF’s advocacy development of weapons technology has enabled main drivers of the development of weapons and research on weapons and militarism, which people to kill and maim others at increasing popular discussion, particularly in those always includes a gender perspective. distance, both physical and psychological. countries that make extensive use of UAVs. technology. As the most militarised country in Her work also includes monitoring and analysing Rifles, artillery, landmines, aerial bombing, and This discourse is grounded in elite, militarised the world, with over 800 foreign military bases international processes and forums related missiles all function to reduce the potential for power structures, where capacities for violence and the largest expenditure on weapons and war, to disarmament.
Recommended publications
  • The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980)
    The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 12 | Issue 43 | Number 4 | Oct 20, 2014 The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980) Peter Dale Scott In the last decade it has become more and more another, more shadowy, more obvious that we have in America today what the indefinable government that is not journalists Dana Priest and William Arkin have explained in Civics 101 or called observable to tourists at the White House or the Capitol. The former is two governments: the one its traditional Washington partisan citizens were familiar with, operated politics: the tip of the iceberg that a more or less in the open: the other a public watching C-SPAN sees daily parallel top secret government and which is theoretically whose parts had mushroomed in controllable via elections. The less than a decade into a gigantic, subsurface part of the iceberg I shall sprawling universe of its own, call the Deep State, which operates visible to only a carefully vetted according to its own compass cadre—and its entirety . visible heading regardless of who is 1 only to God. formally in power.3 And in 2013, particularly after the military return I believe that a significant shift in the relationship to power in Egypt, more and more authors between public and deep state power occurred in referred to this second level as America’s “deep the 1960s and 1970s, culminating in the Reagan 2 state.” Here for example is the Republican Revolution of 1980. In this period five presidents analyst Mike Lofgren: sought to curtail the powers of the deep state.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chichester Festival Theatre Productions YOUNG CHEKHOV
    The Chichester Festival Theatre productions YOUNG CHEKHOV Olivier Theatre Previews from 14 July, press day 3 August, booking until 3 September with further performances to be announced. The YOUNG CHEKHOV trilogy opened to overwhelming acclaim at Chichester Festival Theatre last year. The company now come to the National, offering a unique chance to explore the birth of a revolutionary dramatic voice. The production is directed by Jonathan Kent, with set designs by Tom Pye, costumes by Emma Ryott, lighting by Mark Henderson, music by Jonathan Dove, sound by Paul Groothuis and fight direction by Paul Benzing. Performed by one ensemble of actors, each play can be seen as a single performance over different days or as a thrilling all-day theatrical experience. Cast includes Emma Amos, Pip Carter, Anna Chancellor, Jonathan Coy, Mark Donald, Peter Egan, Col Farrell, Beverley Klein, Adrian Lukis, Des McAleer, James McArdle, Mark Penfold, Nina Sosanya, Geoffrey Streatfeild, Sarah Twomey, David Verrey, Olivia Vinall and Jade Williams. David Hare has written over thirty original plays, including The Power of Yes, Gethsemane, Stuff Happens, The Permanent Way (a co-production with Out of Joint), Amy’s View, Skylight, The Secret Rapture, The Absence of War, Murmuring Judges, Racing Demon, Pravda (written with Howard Brenton) and Plenty for the National Theatre. His other work includes South Downs (Chichester Festival Theatre and West End), The Judas Kiss (Hampstead and West End) and The Moderate Soprano (Hampstead). His adaptations include Behind the Beautiful Forevers and The House of Bernarda Alba at the NT, The Blue Room (Donmar and Broadway) and The Master Builder (The Old Vic).
    [Show full text]
  • The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
    THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan
    Fall 08 September 2012 Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic Stanford Law School Global Justice Clinic http://livingunderdrones.org/ NYU School of Law Cover Photo: Roof of the home of Faheem Qureshi, a then 14-year old victim of a January 23, 2009 drone strike (the first during President Obama’s administration), in Zeraki, North Waziristan, Pakistan. Photo supplied by Faheem Qureshi to our research team. Suggested Citation: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION CLINIC (STANFORD LAW SCHOOL) AND GLOBAL JUSTICE CLINIC (NYU SCHOOL OF LAW), LIVING UNDER DRONES: DEATH, INJURY, AND TRAUMA TO CIVILIANS FROM US DRONE PRACTICES IN PAKISTAN (September, 2012) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I ABOUT THE AUTHORS III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS V INTRODUCTION 1 METHODOLOGY 2 CHALLENGES 4 CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 7 DRONES: AN OVERVIEW 8 DRONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11 10 PRESIDENT OBAMA’S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM 12 “PERSONALITY STRIKES” AND SO-CALLED “SIGNATURE STRIKES” 12 WHO MAKES THE CALL? 13 PAKISTAN’S DIVIDED ROLE 15 CONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 17 UNDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT 20 PASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS 22 GOVERNANCE 23 ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS 25 ACCESSING FATA 26 CHAPTER 2: NUMBERS 29 TERMINOLOGY 30 UNDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES 32 CONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS 35 OTHER CONSIDERATIONS
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Kaitlyn Dugas
    Eastern Michigan University DigitalCommons@EMU Senior Honors Theses Honors College 2014 An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Kaitlyn Dugas Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.emich.edu/honors Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Dugas, Kaitlyn, "An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes" (2014). Senior Honors Theses. 392. http://commons.emich.edu/honors/392 This Open Access Senior Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at DigitalCommons@EMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@EMU. For more information, please contact lib- [email protected]. An Analysis of the Extent of Presidential Power in Regard to Drone Strikes Abstract Considerable controversy exists regarding the use of drones by the United States of America in the targeted killings of individuals overseas, including American citizens. The onc stitutionality of such strikes comes into question as well as whether the President even possesses adequate power, whether unitary or granted, to order the strikes against not only American citizens, who are obviously protected by the Constitution, but also foreigners to whom the Constitution may or may not apply. This study will take a look at presidential power from the perspective of each of the three branches of government within the United States and from the viewpoint of International Law in order to understand how much power the President actually has to order targeted killings. This analysis is followed by a case study.
    [Show full text]
  • Taming the Trolls: the Need for an International Legal Framework to Regulate State Use of Disinformation on Social Media
    Taming the Trolls: The Need for an International Legal Framework to Regulate State Use of Disinformation on Social Media * ASHLEY C. NICOLAS INTRODUCTION Consider a hypothetical scenario in which hundreds of agents of the Russian GRU arrive in the United States months prior to a presidential election.1 The Russian agents spend the weeks leading up to the election going door to door in vulnerable communities, spreading false stories intended to manipulate the population into electing a candidate with policies favorable to Russian positions. The agents set up television stations, use radio broadcasts, and usurp the resources of local newspapers to expand their reach and propagate falsehoods. The presence of GRU agents on U.S. soil is an incursion into territorial integrity⎯a clear invasion of sovereignty.2 At every step, Russia would be required to expend tremendous resources, overcome traditional media barriers, and risk exposure, making this hypothetical grossly unrealistic. Compare the hypothetical with the actual actions of the Russians during the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Sitting behind computers in St. Petersburg, without ever setting foot in the United States, Russian agents were able to manipulate the U.S. population in the most sacred of domestic affairs⎯an election. Russian “trolls” targeted vulnerable populations through social media, reaching millions of users at a minimal cost and without reliance on established media institutions.3 Without using * Georgetown Law, J.D. expected 2019; United States Military Academy, B.S. 2009; Loyola Marymount University M.Ed. 2016. © 2018, Ashley C. Nicolas. The author is a former U.S. Army Intelligence Officer.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues
    Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues (name redacted) Analyst in Intelligence and National Security Policy November 8, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44681 Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues Summary Congress’s and the American public’s ability to oversee and understand how intelligence dollars are spent is limited by the secrecy that surrounds the intelligence budget process. Yet, total spending on the Intelligence Community (IC) programs discussed in this report equates to approximately $70 billion dollars—roughly 10% of national defense spending. This report is designed to shed light on the IC budget—in terms of its programs, management, and enduring issues—using unclassified materials available in the public domain. This report focuses those IC programs, grouped, for the most part, under two labels: (1) the National Intelligence Program (NIP), and (2) the Military Intelligence Program (MIP). Nevertheless, the combined NIP and MIP budgets do not encompass the total of U.S. intelligence- related spending. Intelligence-related programs that are not part of the IC include, for example, the large Office of Intelligence within the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS’s) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) division. The ICE Office of Intelligence is not included in the IC because, theoretically, ICE activities primarily support the DHS mission to protect the homeland. This report explains the management structure for the NIP and MIP to include their two separate budget processes and the roles of the Director of National Intelligence and the Under Secretary of Defense (Intelligence). The concluding section of this report considers the ability of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Adding Insult to Injury
    Reprieve PO Box 52742 London EC4P 4WS Tel: 020 7353 4640 Fax: 020 7353 4641 Email: [email protected] Website: www.reprieve.org.uk 30 July 2008 ADDING INSULT TO INJURY Reprieve report on Torture in the Twenty-First Century: Refuting the ‘incredible’ US statement that Binyam Mohamed’s Description of his CIA-sponsored torture in Morocco is ‘not credible’ I. INTRODUCTION: SINCE THE UK SEEMS TO HAVE SIMPLY ACCEPTED THE BALD AMERICAN FALSEHOOD THAT BINYAM MOHAMED’S EXPERIENCE OF RENDITION TO TORTURE IN MOROCCO IS ‘NOT CREDIBLE’, THE FOLLOWING REPRIEVE REPORT PROVIDES EVERYONE WHO IS INTERESTED WITH IRREFUTABLE PROOF The US has made various statements to the UK government that add insult to injury, and the British seem to have accepted them. See Appendix A.1 A. It adds insult to terrible injury to suggest that Binyam Mohamed has never been abused since the US abducted him in Pakistan in April 2002 First, the US has stated that “[t]he allegations made by counsel to Mr. Mohamed that are reflected in your letter are not credible.” Appendix A. By this, the US means that Mr. Mohamed was not tortured in Pakistan, was not tortured in Morocco, was not tortured in the ‘Dark Prison’ in Kabul, and has been well treated in both Bagram Air Force Base and Guantánamo Bay. The British government merely repeats the US position, without making any comment on it. That which is “incredible” is the gall with which the US makes this statement. As the UK reported earlier this year, the United States has never bothered to investigate Binyam Mohamed’s claims of torture.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Accountability Efforts in Syria
    MAPPING ACCOUNTABILITY EFFORTS IN SYRIA Prepared by the Public International Law & Policy Group February 2013 PILPG Syria Transitional Justice Mapping Evaluation, February 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS Statement of Purpose 1 Introduction 1 Background on the Syrian Conflict 2 Methodology 4 Legal Framework for Transitional Justice in Syria 5 Syria’s International Legal Obligations 5 International Criminal Law 5 International Humanitarian Law 10 International Human Rights Law 15 Syria’s Domestic Legal Framework 16 The Syrian Penal Code 16 Amnesties in Transitional Justice 18 Amnesties Issued by the Syrian Government 19 Structure of the Syrian Judicial System 22 Supreme Judicial Council 23 Syrian Court Structure 23 Judicial Independence 26 The Transitional Justice Evidence Documentation Process 27 TJE Collection 28 TJE Compilation 28 Facilitation and Training 29 Other Activities 29 TJE Collection in Syria 30 Syrian Groups and Organizations 30 Civil Society Organizations 30 News Agencies 31 International Organizations 31 Intergovernmental Organizations and Bodies 31 Governmental Initiatives 32 Non-governmental Organizations 32 PILPG Syria Transitional Justice Mapping Evaluation, February 2013 News Agencies 33 Needs and Challenges for TJE Documentation Efforts in Syria 33 Deteriorating Security Situation in Syria 34 Coordinating Efforts 35 Lack of Comprehensive International Legal Approach 36 Inconsistent Verification Standards 37 Reaching All Affected Areas and Populations 37 Rape and Sexual Violence 38 Unbiased Documentation of Violations by All
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 2016 Philippines
    Philippines Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Philippines Philippines Country: Philippines Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 3 Aggregate Score: 65 Freedom Rating: 3.0 Overview: A deadly gun battle in January, combined with technical legal challenges, derailed progress in 2015 on congressional ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BLL), under which a new self-governing region, Bangsamoro, would replace and add territory to the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The BLL was the next step outlined in a landmark 2014 peace treaty between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the country’s largest rebel group. The agreement, which could end more than 40 years of separatist violence among Moros, as the region’s Muslim population is known, must be approved by Congress and in a referendum in Mindanao before going into effect. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s popularity suffered during the year due to his role in the January violence—in which about 70 police, rebels, and civilians were killed—and ongoing corruption. Presidential and legislative elections were scheduled for 2016. In October, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the Netherlands, ruled that it had jurisdiction to hear a case filed by the Philippines regarding its dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea, despite objections from China. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: https://freedomhouse.org/print/48102 4/19/2018 Philippines Page 2 of 8 Political Rights: 27 / 40 (+1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 9 / 12 The Philippines’ directly elected president is limited to a single six-year term.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt: National Council for Human Rights
    Egypt: National Council for Human Rights Egypt’s national human rights institution before the Global Alliance of NHRIs Alkarama Foundation – 7 January 2018 Alkarama Foundation – 150 route de Ferney, C.P. 2100 CH – 1211 Genève 2 – Switzerland +41 22 734 10 06 – 7 +41 22 734 10 34 – [email protected] – www.alkarama.org 1. Table of content 1. Table of content ..................................................................................................................... 2 2. Introduction and background .................................................................................................. 3 2.1 Background of the NHRI’s review .................................................................................... 3 2.2 Political developments .................................................................................................... 3 3. NHRC’s Constitutional and legislative legal basis ....................................................................... 5 3.1 Constitutional provisions ................................................................................................. 5 3.2 . Legislative provisions .................................................................................................... 6 4. Mandate and attributions of the NHRC ..................................................................................... 7 4.1 Commenting and providing opinions on national legislation ............................................... 9 4.2 Information and education in human rights ...................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • DOCUMENT RESUME Immigration and Ethnic Communities
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 413 156 RC 021 296 AUTHOR Rochin, Refugio I., Ed. TITLE Immigration and Ethnic Communities: A Focus on Latinos. INSTITUTION Michigan State Univ., East Lansing. Julian Samora Research Inst. ISBN ISBN-0-9650557-0-1 PUB DATE 1996-03-00 NOTE 139p.; Based on a conference held at the Julian Samora Research Institute (East Lansing, MI, April 28, 1995). For selected individual papers, see RC 021 297-301. PUB TYPE Books (010)-- Collected Works General (020) -- Information Analyses (070) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Demography; Elementary Secondary Education; Employment; Ethnic Bias; Hispanic Americans; *Immigrants; Immigration; *Labor Force; Mexican American Education; *Mexican Americans; Mexicans; Migrant Workers; Politics of Education; *Socioeconomic Status; Undocumented Immigrants IDENTIFIERS California; *Latinos; *Proposition 187 (California 1994); United States (Midwest) ABSTRACT For over a decade, Latino immigrants, especially those of Mexican origin, have been at the heart of the immigration debate and have borne the brunt of conservative populism. Contributing factors to the public reaction to immigrants in general and Latinos specifically include the sheer size of recent immigration, the increasing prevalence of Latinos in the work force, and the geographic concentration of Latinos in certain areas of the country. Based on a conference held at the Julian Samora Institute(Michigan) in April 1995, this book is organized around two main themes. The first discusses patterns of immigration and describes several immigrant communities in the United States; the second looks in depth at immigration issues, including economic impacts, employment, and provision of education and other services to immigrants. Papers and commentaries are: (1) "Introductory Statement" (Steven J.
    [Show full text]