Tunis Suicide Attack Resurrects Terrorism Shadow, Memory of Ben
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Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
A Medical Emergency Trafficking Pharmaceuticals from Tunisia to Libya
This project is funded by the European Union Issue 11 | March 2020 A medical emergency Trafficking pharmaceuticals from Tunisia to Libya Jihane Ben Yahia Summary Significant quantities of authentic medicines are being smuggled into Libya from neighbouring Tunisia by organised crime networks starting in Tunisia’s main medicine hubs: the Central Pharmacy, hospitals and private pharmacies. Their successful enterprise is due to weak links in the control and management of the supply chain of authorised medicines, a situation exacerbated since the 2011 revolution in Tunisia and aided by the current conflict in Libya. From April to Septemer 2018 ENACT’s Regional Organised Crime Observatory (ROCO) for North Africa investigated the problem and this paper explores its complexities and suggests some solutions. Key points • Structural deficiencies in the control of the medicine supply chain in Tunisia have allowed criminal organisations to exploit the system. • The demand in Libya has been met specifically by Tunisia, which produces large quantities of high-quality drugs and is home to well-established international pharmaceutical companies. • The violence resulting from the conflict in Libya has left thousands in need of constant medical care, creating a demand for smuggled medicines. • While medicines have always been smuggled between the two countries, the humanitarian situation in Libya has amplified the problem. • Links with various new armed groups, themselves in need of medicines, have shifted centuries of smuggling practices. RESEARCH PAPER Background representatives of civil society organisations (CSOs) and smugglers. Early in 2018 health professionals in Tunisia reported shortages of more than 220 medicines,1 a situation Research into any aspect of transnational organised confirmed by the Tunisia Central Pharmacy (PCT), the crime encounters limitations as the necessary information public body with a monopoly on the importation and is, by definition, hidden. -
Religious Pluralism and Religion-State Relations in Turkey
religions Article Religious Pluralism and Religion-State Relations in Turkey H. ¸SuleAlbayrak Department of Sociology of Religion, Faculty of Theology, Marmara University, Mahir Iz˙ Cad. No. 2, Üsküdar, Istanbul 34662, Turkey; [email protected] or [email protected] Received: 7 November 2018; Accepted: 16 January 2019; Published: 18 January 2019 Abstract: In this article, I examine religion-state relations and religious pluralism in Turkey in terms of recent changes in the religious landscape. I propose that there is a growing trend in the religious sphere that has resulted in a proliferation of religions, sects and spiritual approaches in Turkey. I argue that although the religious market model might not be applicable to the Turkish religious sphere during the republican era until the 2000s due to the restrictions applied by the state’s authoritarian secularist policies, it is compatible with today’s changing society. Different religious groups as well as spiritual movements have used the democratization process of the 2000s in Turkey as an opportunity to proselytize various faiths and understandings of Islam, with both traditional and modernist forms. In this period, new religious movements have also appeared. Thus, the Turkish religious landscape has recently become much more complicated than it was two decades earlier. I plan for this descriptive work firstly to provide an insight into the history of religious pluralism and state policies in Turkey. Secondly, I will discuss the religious policies of the republican period and, thirdly, I will evaluate recent developments such as the increasing number of approaches in the religious sphere within the scope of the religious market model. -
A New Paradigm: Perspectives on the Changing Mediterranean
A New Paradigm: Perspectives on the Changing Mediterranean Edited by Sasha Toperich and Andy Mullins Center for Transatlantic Relations Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University 1 Sasha Toperich and Andy Mullins, A New Paradigm: Perspectives on the Changing Mediterranean Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2014 © Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2014 Center for Transatlantic Relations The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University 1717 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Suite 525 Washington, DC 20036 Tel: (202) 663 – 5880 Fax: (202) 663 – 5879 Email: [email protected] http://transatlantic.sais-jhu.edu ISBN 13: 9780989029483 Cover illustration by Peggy Irvine 2 A New Paradigm: Perspectives on the Changing Mediterranean Sasha Toperich and Andy Mullins, Editors Acknowledgements Preface Daniel Hamilton Introduction Sasha Toperich and Andy Mullins Regional Integration and Cooperation in North Africa Tunisia’s Awakening Economy: A Trilateral Vision to Incentivize Reforms Ghazi Ben Ahmed Libya Deserves Better Ghazi Ben Ahmed and Amel Awni Dajani An Alternative for Improving Human Security in the Middle East and North Africa Aylin Ünver Noi North Africa Awakening: New Hopes for Faster Inclusive Growth Ghazi Ben Ahmed and Slim Othmani Post-Arab Spring Security Challenges and Responses Libya: The Major Security Concern in Africa? Olivier Guitta The Arab Spring and Egypt’s Open Season against Women Emily Dyer Comparative Transitions: The Arab Spring in Local -
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National Approaches to Extremism TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Intissar Kherigi, Khaoula Ghribi The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, under Grant Agreement no. 870772 This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 870772 Consortium Members CONNEKT COUNTRY REPORTS Published by the European Institute of the Mediterranean D3.2 COUNTRY REPORTS ON NATIONAL APPROACHES TO EXTREMISM Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans TUNISIA Tasnim Chirchi, Director, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Intissar Kherigi, Director of Programs, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication Khaoula Ghribi, Researcher, Jasmine Foundation for Research and Communication This publication is part of the WP3 of the project, lead by the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) Editors: Corinne Torrekens and Daphné de le Vingne Reviewers: Lurdes Vidal and Jordi Moreras Editorial team: Mariona Rico and Elvira García Layout: Núria Esparza December 2020 This publication reflects only the views of the author(s); the European Commission and Research Executive Agency are not responsible for any information it contains. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed). Framing Violent Extremism in the MENA region and the Balkans Tunisia Overview1 COUNTRY PROFILE Government system During the period between Tunisia’s independence in 1956 and the 2011 Revolution, the Tunisian political system was a republican presidential system based on a single ruling party (the Neo-Destour Party, during Bourguiba’s period, and the Democratic and Constitutional Rally (RCD) party under Ben Ali’s era). -
In Yohanan Friedmann (Ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), P
Notes INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN’S ISLAM 1. Cited in C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Coming of Islam to Afghanistan,” in Yohanan Friedmann (ed.), Islam in Asia, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. Erica C. D. Hunter, “The Church of the East in Central Asia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 129–42. On Herat, see pp. 131–34. 3. On Afghanistan’s Jews, see the discussion and sources later in this chapter and notes 163 to 169. 4. Bosworth (1984; above, note 1), pp. 1–22; idem, “The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan,” in Étienne de la Vaissière (ed.), Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale: Processus locaux d’acculturation du VIIe au XIe siècle, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39 (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008); and Gianroberto Scarcia, “Sull’ultima ‘islamizzazione’ di Bāmiyān,” Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, new series, 16 (1966), pp. 279–81. On the early Arabic sources on Balkh, see Paul Schwarz, “Bemerkungen zu den arabischen Nachrichten über Balkh,” in Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry (ed.), Oriental Studies in Honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1933). 5. Hugh Kennedy and Arezou Azad, “The Coming of Islam to Balkh,” in Marie Legen- dre, Alain Delattre, and Petra Sijpesteijn (eds.), Authority and Control in the Countryside: Late Antiquity and Early Islam (London: Darwin Press, forthcoming). 6. For example, Geoffrey Khan (ed.), Arabic Documents from Early Islamic Khurasan (London: Nour Foundation/Azimuth Editions, 2007). 7. Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quan- titative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); Derryl Maclean, Re- ligion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: Brill, 1989); idem, “Ismailism, Conversion, and Syncretism in Arab Sind,” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 11 (1992), pp. -
The Mirage of Regionalism in the Middle East and North Africa Post-2011
MENARA Working Papers No. 18, October 2018 THE MIRAGE OF REGIONALISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA POST-2011 Raffaella A. Del Sarto and Eduard Soler i Lecha This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, Regional Order and Domestic Transformations WORKING PAPERS No. 18, October 2018 THE MIRAGE OF REGIONALISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA POST-2011 Raffaella A. Del Sarto and Eduard Soler i Lecha1 ABSTRACT Existing regional cooperation platforms in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region are internally fragmented and largely ineffective. Focusing on the League of Arab States, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the Arab Maghreb Union, this paper discusses attempts to re- energize and instrumentalize existing regional organizations following the Arab uprisings. It shows that regional developments at the time provided significant opportunities for regional cooperative security mechanisms to emerge, resulting in an exceptional but brief period of activism by these organizations. As the mirage of regionalism quickly faded, intra-regional rivalries, in a period of pronounced uncertainty, led to the eventual failure to foster any significant regional cooperation. While internal divisions are currently threatening the very survival of the GCC, new and potentially short-lived forms of cooperation have been emerging, with bilateral alliances between like- minded regimes becoming prominent. MENA is an increasingly fragmented but simultaneously interconnected region, as exemplified by the mismatch between failed regionalism and a growing regionalization. Concurrently, the contours of MENA regional dynamics are becoming increasingly blurred as sub-regions are transformed into the borderlands of specific regional cores, with some players in the Gulf emerging as such cores. -
The World's Muslims: Unity an Rld's Muslims: Unity and Diversity
AUGUST 9, 2012 The World’s Muslims: Unity and Diversity FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Luis Lugo, Director Alan Cooperman, Associate Director, Research James Bell, Director of International Survey Research Erin O’Connell Associate Director, Communications Sandra Stencel Associate Director, Editorial (202) 419-4562 www.pewforum.org 2 PEW FORUM ON RELIGION & PUBLIC LIFE About the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life This report was produced by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life. The Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world. The center conducts public opinion polling, demographic studies, content analysis and other empirical social science research. It does not take positions on policy issues. The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life is a project of the Pew Research Center; it delivers timely, impartial information on the issues at the intersection of religion and public affairs in the U.S. and around the world. The Pew Research Center is an independently operated subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts. The report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals: Primary Researcher James Bell, Director of International Survey Research, Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life Pew Forum Luis Lugo, Director Research Alan Cooperman, Associate Director, Research Jessica Hamar Martinez, Besheer Mohamed, Michael Robbins, Neha Sahgal and Katie Simmons, Research Associates Noble -
READ Middle East Brief 68
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director Prof. Shai Feldman Islamist Understandings of Sharia Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky and Their Implications for the Post- Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of revolutionary Egyptian Constitution Middle East History and Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi Dr. Aria Nakissa Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD Khalil Shikaki, PhD he first wave of elections in post-revolutionary Egypt, Myra and Robert Kraft Professor held between November 2011 and January 2012, brought of Arab Politics T Eva Bellin into being a parliamentary majority dominated by Islamist Henry J. Leir Professor of the parties. In June 2012, Mubarak-era appointees still serving in Economics of the Middle East Nader Habibi the government succeeded in dissolving Parliament by court Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor order. Nevertheless, prior to its dissolution, the Parliament had of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies appointed a one-hundred-member committee (al-jam‘iyya al- Kanan Makiya ta’sīsiyya) to draw up Egypt’s post-revolutionary constitution. Junior Research Fellows Payam Mohseni, PhD And most committee members—like a majority of the Aria Nakissa, PhD Parliament that appointed them—are Islamist in orientation. Egyptian Islamists, however, are not a homogeneous group. While they share a general aspiration to implement Sharia law, they are divided over exactly what implementing Sharia entails. Divergent orientations on this issue are reflected in the proliferation of Islamist political parties. By far the most influential is the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party. As the Brotherhood won a plurality (47 percent) of the available seats in Parliament, its views received the largest representation on the constitutional committee. -
Egypt 2013 International Religious Freedom Report
EGYPT 2013 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Respect for religious freedom remained poor during the year under both former President Mohamed Morsy’s administration and the current interim government. On July 3, Mohamed Morsy was removed and Adly Mansour was named interim president. The 2012 constitution, in effect until its suspension on July 3, stipulated “freedom of belief is an inviolable right,” but only guaranteed the freedom to perform religious rituals for adherents of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Interim President Adly Mansour issued a Constitutional Declaration on July 8 that superseded the 2012 constitution. The declaration guarantees freedom of religion only for adherents of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. Both the 2012 constitution and the Constitutional Declaration declare Islam is the official religion of the state and the principles of sharia (Islamic law) are the primary sources of legislation. Certain laws and government policies and practices further limit constitutional guarantees of religious freedom. Defaming Islam, Christianity, or Judaism is prohibited by law. As required by law, prosecutors investigated dozens of criminal complaints filed by citizens against those whose statements or actions were alleged to be blasphemous, denigrating of religion, or insulting to the Prophet Muhammed or other historical religious figures. In contrast to previous years, some of these cases were prosecuted, leading to the conviction of at least nine people during the year. Non-Muslims must obtain a presidential decree to build new places of worship. While recognized and unrecognized religious minorities mostly worshiped without harassment, the government generally failed to prevent, investigate, or prosecute crimes against members of religious minority groups, which fostered a climate of impunity. -
The Egyptian Revolution, Al-Jazeera, Twitter and Facebook the Interaction Effect of New Media on the Egyptian Revolution
MIRD Master Thesis Professor P. van Ham M.C.T. Samuel S0713066 June 19, 2012 The Egyptian revolution, Al-Jazeera, Twitter and Facebook The interaction effect of new media on the Egyptian revolution Table of Contents 1. Introduction: Revolution 2.0 or Facebook fallacy? 4 1.1 The “Arab Spring” and the revolutionary wave in the Middle East 4 1.2 Social media: cyber-utopianism or revolution through communications? 5 1.3 The digital divide and the advent of pan-Arab satellite-TV 7 1.4 Design of this research 10 2. How revolutionary change comes about: Social Movement Theory 13 and alternative theoretical explanations 2.1 Social movement theory and social power 13 2.2 Transforming pre-modern protest in a modern social movement 15 2.3 Alternative explanations 17 2.4 Solving the collective action problem 20 3. Revolution as export product: modular revolution theory and the impact 24 of the revolutionary wave in post-Communist Europe on the MENA-region 3.1 The Colored Revolutions in Eastern-Europe and the post-Communist world 24 3.2 The theory of modular revolutions 27 3.3 Transporting a revolution: “Enough is enough!” 28 4. Social Media and the birth of the revolution 31 4.1 Introduction: the Internet as “exit”-strategy 31 4.2 The “social power” of the Internet 32 4.3 Revolution from within: women emancipation through the Internet 35 4.4 The introduction of Facebook 36 4.4.1 “April 6 Youth Movement” 37 4.4.2 “ElBaradei for president” 39 4.4.3 “We are all Khaled Said” 40 4.4.4 Run-up to “January 25” 41 5. -
B M246 NÕUKOGU MÄÄRUS (EÜ) Nr 881/2002, 27. Mai 2002
02002R0881 — ET — 16.10.2016 — 085.001 — 1 Käesolev tekst on üksnes dokumenteerimisvahend ning sel ei ole mingit õiguslikku mõju. Liidu institutsioonid ei vastuta selle teksti sisu eest. Asjakohaste õigusaktide autentsed versioonid, sealhulgas nende preambulid, on avaldatud Euroopa Liidu Teatajas ning on kättesaadavad EUR-Lexi veebisaidil. Need ametlikud tekstid on vahetult kättesaadavad käesolevasse dokumenti lisatud linkide kaudu ►B ►M246 NÕUKOGU MÄÄRUS (EÜ) nr 881/2002, 27. mai 2002, millega kehtestatakse teatavad eripiirangud organisatsioonidega ISIL (Daesh) ja Al-Qaida seotud teatavate isikute ja üksuste vastu ◄ (EÜT L 139, 29.5.2002, lk 9) Muudetud: Euroopa Liidu Teataja nr lehekülg kuupäev ►M1 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 951/2002, 3. juuni 2002 L 145 14 4.6.2002 ►M2 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1580/2002, 4. september 2002 L 237 3 5.9.2002 ►M3 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1644/2002, 13. september 2002 L 247 25 14.9.2002 ►M4 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1754/2002, 1. oktoober 2002 L 264 23 2.10.2002 ►M5 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1823/2002, 11. oktoober 2002 L 276 26 12.10.2002 ►M6 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1893/2002, 23. oktoober 2002 L 286 19 24.10.2002 ►M7 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 1935/2002, 29. oktoober 2002 L 295 11 30.10.2002 ►M8 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 2083/2002, 22. november 2002 L 319 22 23.11.2002 ►M9 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 145/2003, 27. jaanuar 2003 L 23 22 28.1.2003 ►M10 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 215/2003, 3. veebruar 2003 L 28 41 4.2.2003 ►M11 Komisjoni määrus (EÜ) nr 244/2003, 7.