The Changes in Agriculture in the Kibbutzim and Moshavim of the Arava in the 1990S1 M

מחקרי הנגב, ים המלח והערבה Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies 8 (4), 101–107 (2016) 107 –101 ,(4) 8 מחקרי הנגב, ים המלח והערבה Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies מאמר מחקר Research article The Thai revolution: The changes in agriculture in the kibbutzim and moshavim of the Arava in the 1990s1 M. Strom Dead Sea and Arava Science Center Keywords: Historical geography, Geopious influence, Dead Sea expedition Imagine a region separated by geography, climate, and ideology desert running along the Syrian-African rift from the Dead Sea from the economic and social forces that affect the rest of the to the Gulf of Eilat. Sparsely settled since the late 1950s, the country. Physical isolation prohibits inhabitants of this area from region today includes approximately five thousand permanent utilizing many resources available to all other citizens, including residents. The southern half of the valley, reaching to about one inexpensive labor markets and direct consumer markets. On the hundred kilometers north of Eilat, is in the jurisdiction of the other hand, the region contains a water supply unavailable to the Hevel Eilot Regional Council and includes ten kibbutzim. The rest of the country and unaffected by local weather conditions, northern half is in the jurisdiction of the Arava Tichona Regional and is naturally quarantined from agricultural diseases. Council and includes five moshavim. Both areas subsist mainly Imagine that this region, while climatically and geographically through agriculture. uniﬁed, is divided demographically and politically into two The kibbutzim and moshavim of the Arava are in many ways distinct subregions, differentiated by their ideological approach different from their cousins in other regions. Four of the ten to social and economic organizations. kibbutzim were founded by groups of immigrants from North Despite the region’s isolation, it is connected to the rest of the America who made aliyah for ideological rather than economic country legally and economically. It depends on government reasons. These immigrants arrived with a higher education level funding and support to develop, and trades in the same markets than the average kibbutz member, but with no experience in as other citizens. It is subject to government restrictions such as agriculture. The other kibbutzim were founded by graduates of production quotas and labor laws. Israeli youth movements and children of established kibbutzim. One day, the powers-that-be decide to change the rules. The The moshavim of the Arava Tichona were founded mainly by support once provided to agriculture is lowered considerably, descendents of kibbutz and moshav members, with previous while simultaneously a supply of low-cost labor previously agricultural experience. Most literature on moshav settlement denied to this area is made available. Although many of the divides the moshavim between "veteran" settlements, created ideological differences between the two regions have dissolved, in pre-state Palestine by European immigrants, and "new" the institutional and cultural differences remain in place, causing moshavim, settled in the 1950s by North African and Asian the inhabitants to react differently to the changed conditions. immigrants. The moshavim of the Arava were founded at about the same time as the "new" moshavim, but by children of It sounds like a case study written in an economic textbook, but veteran moshavim and kibbutzim. this region actually exists. It is the Arava Valley, a long narrow 1. This work originally appeared in One hundred years of kibbutz life: A century of crises and reinvention by Michal Palgi and Shulamit Reinharz, editors. Copyright 2011 Transaction Publishers. Reprinted with permission by the publisher. M. Strom 102 The 1990s saw major changes in the economic environment Because of a combination of ideology and opportunity, the of the region—the "changing of the rules" referred to above. Arava settlements related differently to self-labor and, through This chapter will examine the forces that brought about different the end of the 1980s, added only small numbers of volunteers reactions between the kibbutzim and the moshavim, and among and soldiers to their workforces. The stated basis for this practice the different kibbutzim. was ideological, but practical reasons reinforced the ideology. The kibbutzim remained agricultural, with relatively little 1. Self-labor industry, and the moshav members nearly all farmed their own Both the kibbutz and the moshav movements were founded land, preventing the situation of having a plot too large for one on the ideal of self-labor, but demographic changes in the family. The only city close enough to provide workers, Eilat, has communities and in Israel as a whole during the 1950s and never suffered from unemployment as many development towns 1960s led to at least partial abandonment of that ideal. During did. The occupied territories were too far away to provide day the 1950s, the kibbutzim developed an industrial sector, which workers. The connection of several of the kibbutzim to Zionist employed hired workers from nearby development towns. As youth movements abroad ensured a population of volunteers to Israeli cities expanded, many moshav members left agriculture help with the unskilled labor and reinforced the ideology of the for other types of work, "renting" their land to neighbors. Those kibbutzim. Finally, the young settlements of the Arava in the who remained in agriculture were now farming plots larger 1970s and 1980s were demographically similar to their pre-state than one family can work alone. With the 1967 occupation of counterparts: young, healthy members committed ideologically the Palestinian territories, a large numberThe of Thai low-cost Revolution workers 291 to creating a new society, willing and able to engage in hard became available. By 1980, nearly a third of all agricultural physical labor. territories, a large number of low-cost workersThe became Thai Revolution available. 291By 1980,workers nearly were a third hired, of all 36 agricultural percent workersof them were coming hired, from36 percent the Within this common framework, differences existed among ofterritories,territories. them coming a Thelarge from2000 number the intifada territories. of low-cost closed The workers off 2000 this intifada becamelabor group, closed available. butoff thisbyBy the kibbutzim from the beginning. The following discussion labor1980, group,nearly buta third by then of all foreign agricultural workers workers more thanwere made hired, up 36 for percent them, then foreign workers more than made up for them, and in 2000 will examine the changes in attitudes toward self-labor in two andof them in 2000 coming about from two-thirds the territories. of all agricultural The 2000 workers intifada were closed employees, off this 45laborabout percent group, two-thirds of but these by of foreignthen all foreign agricultural (see Figuresworkers workers 18.1 more and than were 18.2). made employees, up for them, 45 of the kibbutzim—Ketura and Yahel—and the adherence to the and in 2000 about two-thirds of all agricultural workers were employees, percent Because of ofthese a combination foreign (see of Figures1 ideology andand 2).opportunity, the Arava principle in one—Samar. The other kibbutzim followed similar settlements45 percent of related these differentlyforeign (see to Figures self-labor 18.1 and, and through 18.2). the end of the Because of a combination of ideology and opportunity, the Arava patterns. settlements related differently to self-labor and, through the end of the 140 The move from self-labor at Ketura was incremental and 120 caused major social unrest in the community. "When I arrived 140 100 here twenty-two years ago, the idea of bringing in volunteers 120 80 Employees 100 for the harvest was considered extreme," says Bill Slott, former 60 Self-employed 80 general secretary of Kibbutz Ketura. Eventually the kibbutz thousands 40 KibbutzEmployees members 60 Employed persons 20 Self-employed decided to supplement its workforce with volunteers. In 1994, thousands 40 Kibbutz members 0 Ed Hopland, economic manager of Ketura, tried and failed to Employed persons 20 convince the kibbutz members to bring Arab laborers to work 0 1960 1970 1980 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 in the fields. Three years later, when the kibbutz was struggling Figure Figure 18.1 1: Self-employed,1960Self-employed, 1970 1980 1990kibbutz1992 members, members,1994 1996 and 1998and employees 2000employees in agriculture in agriculture (1960–2000) (1960–2000) financially, the general assembly approved a plan to bring in FigureSource : Central18.1 BureauSelf-employed, of Statistics. kibbutz members, and employees in agriculture Source(1960–2000) : Central Bureau of Statistics laborers for the melon and watermelon harvests—but with Source : Central Bureau of Statistics. 120% many restrictions: only Israeli citizens would be employed, and Foreign Employees 100% they would work only in the fields, located across the highway 120% 80% ForeignEmployees Employees from from the living area of the kibbutz. Eventually Thais replaced 100% Occupied Territories 60% the Arab workers, for practical reasons: "forty kibbutz members 80% EmployeesNon-Jewish fromIsraeli 40% Occupiedemployees Territories pick as many melons as twenty volunteers, ten Arabs, or five 60% 20% Non-JewishJewish employees Israeli Thais," according to Slott. 40% employees 0% 20% Jewish employees While Slott desired to restrict the employment of foreign 0%1960

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