The Roots of Populism's Success in Norway
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Dokument-Nr-5-Aarsberetning-2019
Dokument 5 (2019–2020) Ombudsmannsnemnda for Forsvaret sin innberetning om virksomheten i tiden 1. januar – 31. desember 2019 Dokument 5 (2019–2020) Ombudsmannsnemnda for Forsvaret sin innberetning om virksomheten i tiden 1. januar – 31. desember 2019 Ombudsmannsnemnda utenfor nye NATO HQ i Brussel. Ombudsmannsnemnda i kort møte med Generalsekretæren i NATO, Jens Stoltenberg. Ombudsmannsnemnda på besøk til Norges Militære Representant ved SHAPE. 2019–2020 Dokument 5 5 Register 1. INNLEDNING . 7 2. Ombudsmannsnemndas arbeid 2019 ..........................................8 3. Hovedtemaer..............................................................8 3.1 Mobbing og seksuell trakassering MOST ....................................8 3.2 Personellet ...........................................................11 3.3 Verneplikten..........................................................12 3.4 Veteranarbeidet .......................................................14 4. Oppsummering av befaringene 2019.........................................16 5. Øvrig arbeid.............................................................17 6. Klagesaker ..............................................................17 7. Vedlegg .................................................................21 7.1 Befaringsrapporter.....................................................21 7.1.1 NMR NOR SHAPE og MMB/NOR Mil Rep / Nato HQ....................21 7.1.2 Garnisonen I Porsanger (GP) .........................................23 7.1.3 HMKG / Huseby Leir...............................................26 -
Multikulturell Rugekasse
Multikulturell Rugekasse Fremskrittspartiets argumentasjon om innvandring før valg 1987-2001 Universitetet i Bergen • Institutt for informasjons- og medievitenskap MEVI350 • Masteroppgave medievitenskap • Oskar Hjartåker Vår 2017 1 Tittel: Hentet fra et sitat av Jan Christensen (FrP) som omtalte bydelen sin som en «multikulturell rugekasse» (Ringheim, 2016: 155). Bilde: 21st Century Schizoid Man, lagd av undertegnede. Navnet er hentet fra sangtittelen til en låt av King Crimson. 2 Sammendrag Avhandlingen tar utgangspunkt avistekster fra Aftenposten, Verdens Gang og Stavanger Aftenblad, samt bøker om Fremskrittspartiets historie for å se på sammenhengen mellom Fremskrittspartiets indre konflikter og partiets argumentasjon om innvandring før valg mellom 1987-2001. Den historiske gjennomgangen viser sammenheng mellom konflikter og partiets argumentasjon om innvandring i avisene. Særskilt to konflikter skiller seg ut. Første konflikt ender med Dolkesjø-oppgjøret i 1994, hvor den liberalistiske medlemsmassen i partiet ble sterkt redusert. Den andre går fra Godlia-møtet frem til perioden rundt millenniumskiftet, hvor de upopulære innvandringskritikerne ble kastet ut eller fikk en redusert rolle i partiet. Argumentene til Fremskrittspartiet viser også at partiets representanter ikke utelukkende bruker retorisk argumentasjon om hva som bør gjøres, men også adresserer nåværende verdier, samt hva som har vært. Dette er ikke uvanlig i seg selv, analysen viser der i mot at dette skjer ofte. Samtidig knytter argumentasjonen til Fremskrittspartiet seg til en streng forståelse av statsborgerskap, noe som blir tydeliggjort i argumentasjonen. Fremskrittspartiet bruker tidvis bevisst strategi om stillhet i innvandringsdebatten, for eksempel under innvandringsdebatten i 1991. Implikasjonene for debatten er blant annet underinformering av innvandringsteamet. Her vises det til et eksempel i klartekst som viser svarunnvikelse av spørsmål fra partiet i perioden. -
1. Spørretime Og En Bedre Sykehusøkonomi
2007 17. jan. – Muntlig spørretime 1715 Møte onsdag den 17. januar 2007 kl. 10 ligheter innenfor sykehussektoren, noe som anslaget på 600–900 mill. kr i innsparing ved en sammenslåing av President: C a r l I . H a g e n Helse Øst og Helse Sør synliggjør. I en tid hvor sykehuse- nes økonomi er sterkt presset, vil det være liten tvil om at Dagsorden (nr. 41): den type innsparinger vil medføre økt pasientbehandling 1. Spørretime og en bedre sykehusøkonomi. – muntlig spørretime Fremskrittspartiet ser på helseministerens signaler som meget positive. Mitt spørsmål til statsministeren blir Presidenten: Representanten Jan Arild Ellingsen vil derfor: Deler statsministeren helseminister Sylvia Bru- fremsette et representantforslag. stads oppfatning om at en sammenslåing av Helse Øst og Helse Sør vil medføre store økonomiske innsparinger og Jan Arild Ellingsen (FrP) [10:01:34]: På vegne av derav igjen et mye bedre pasienttilbud? representantene Ketil Solvik-Olsen, Per Sandberg, Øyvind Vaksdal, Solveig Horne og meg selv ønsker jeg å Statsminister Jens Stoltenberg [10:04:41]: La meg fremme forslag om å klargjøre at foreldelse ikke skal kun- først takke representanten Sandberg for nyttårshilsenen. ne påberopes av statlige myndigheter i saker der staten Jeg benytter anledningen til å ønske representanten Sand- selv kan mistenkes for å ha bidratt til å holde vesentlige berg et godt nytt år. opplysninger tilbake. Så er jeg glad for at han stiller et veldig viktig spørs- mål, nemlig om hvordan vi organiserer sykehusvesenet på Presidenten: Forslaget vil bli behandlet på regle- en best mulig måte. Det er bra at Stortinget er opptatt av mentsmessig måte. -
Could Turkey's New Parties Change the Political Balance?
POLICY BRIEF EUROPE IN THE WORLD PROGRAMME 13 MARCH 2020 Could Turkey’s new parties Amanda Paul Senior Policy Analyst European Policy Centre change the Demir Murat Seyrek Senior Policy Advisor political balance? European Foundation for Democracy New political trends are unfolding in Turkey. Recently of these two parties, coupled with the success of the established political parties have raised hopes for change opposition in the 2019 municipal elections, shows that in the country, impacting the political balance between Turkish democracy is not dead and buried. The EU must the government and the opposition. While this is not a continue to engage with and support those that are foregone conclusion, it is a development worth watching fighting for democratic change. closely, including for the EU. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has dominated BACKGROUND – DWINDLING AKP SUPPORT Turkish politics for over 17 years. Nevertheless, with mounting domestic headaches and a moribund economy, Just at the time when Erdoğan consolidated power the AKP seems to be running out of steam. Support for through the adoption of an executive presidential system, the party is at an all-time low, while President Recep following the 2017 constitutional referendum, he lost Tayyip Erdoğan’s popularity is also in decline. the ability to rule without alliances, due to the need for an absolute majority to be elected. That forced the AKP, which until 2017 did not need political alliances, to join forces with Devlet Bahçeli’s Nationalist Movement Party Turkish democracy is not dead and (MHP) and form the People’s Alliance. buried. The EU must continue to engage This alliance was successful in securing victory in both and support those that are fighting for the constitutional referendum and subsequent 2018 democratic change. -
Bibliography
Bibliography GENERAL Blonde!, J. Political Leadership (1986), London and Los Angeles: Sage. Blonde!, J. 'Ministerial careers and the nature of parliamentary government: the cases of Austria and Belgium', EJPR vol. 16, (l) (1988), pp. 51-71. Blonde!, J. and F. MUller-Rommel, eds, Governing Together: Tile Extent and Limits of Joint Decision-Making in Western European Cabinets (1993), London: Macmillan. Budge, I. and H. Kernan, Parties and Democracy ( 1991 ), Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bunce, V. Do New Leaders Make a Difference? (1981), Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Cameron, D.R. 'The Expansion of the Public Economy: a comparative analysis', American Political Science Review v.12, (1978), pp. 1243-61 Castles, P.O. and R. Wilden mann, eds, Visions and Realities of Party Government (1986), Berlin: De Gruyter, European University Institute Series. Criscitiello, A. 'Majority Summits: Decision-Making inside the cabinet and out: Italy 1970-1990', West European Politics, (1993), vol. 16, 581-94. Dt>ring, H. ed., Parliaments and Majority Rule in Western Europe (1995), NYC: St Martin's Press. Flora, P. and A. Heidenheimer, eds, The Development ofthe Welfare state in Europe and America (1981), New York: Transaction Books. Gallagher, M., M. Laver and P. Mair, Representative Government in Western Europe (1992), New York: McGraw-Hill. Katz, R.S. ed., Party Govemments: European and American Expe1·iences (1987), Berlin: De Gruyter, European University Institute Series. Katz, R.S. 'Party Government: A Rationalistic Conception', in F. G. Castles and R. Wildenmann, eds, Visions and Realities of Party Government (1986), Berlin: De Gruyter, pp. 42 and foil. Katz, R.S. -
Report No. 15 (2008–2009) to the Storting
Report No. 15 (2008–2009) to the Storting Interests, Responsibilities and Opportunities The main features of Norwegian foreign policy Table of contents Introduction. 7 5 The High North will continue Norwegian interests and globalisation . 8 to be of special importance The structure of the white paper . 9 to Norway . 49 5.1 Major changes in the High North Summary. 10 since the end of the Cold War. .. 49 5.2 The High North will continue to be Part I Challenges to Norwegian a major security policy challenge . 51 interests . .15 5.3 A greater role for the EU and the Northern Dimension . 52 1 Globalisation is broadening 5.4 International law issues . 53 Norwegian interests . 17 5.5 Cross-border and innovative 1.1 Globalisation and the state . 18 cooperation in the High North . 54 1.2 Globalisation is a challenge to 5.6 Increasing interest in the polar Norway . 18 areas and the Arctic Council . 55 1.3 Norway is becoming more closely involved in the global economy. 20 6 Europeanisation and Nordic 1.4 Norway’s broader interests . 22 cooperation . 57 6.1 The importance of the EU . 57 2 The downsides and 6.2 Further development of the EU . 59 counterforces of globalisation . 24 6.3 Europeanisation defines the 2.1 Globalisation includes and excludes 24 framework . 60 2.2 The new uncertainty of globalisation 6.4 Agreements and cooperation . 60 – new security policy challenges. 26 6.5 Fisheries policy. 63 2.3 Threats to Norway from global 6.6 Broad Nordic cooperation . 63 instability . 27 6.7 The Council of Europe and the OSCE . -
The Olof Palme International Center
About The Olof Palme International Center The Olof Palme International Center works with international development co-operation and the forming of public opinion surrounding international political and security issues. The Palme Center was established in 1992 by the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Trade Union Confederation (LO) and the Cooperative Union (KF). Today the Palme Center has 28 member organizations within the labour movement. The centre works in the spirit of the late Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme, reflected by the famous quotation: "Politics is wanting something. Social Democratic politics is wanting change." Olof Palme's conviction that common security is created by co-operation and solidarity across borders, permeates the centre's activities. The centre's board is chaired by Lena Hjelm-Wallén, former foreign minister of Sweden. Viola Furubjelke is the centre's Secretary General, and Birgitta Silén is head of development aid. There are 13 members of the board, representing member organisations. The commitment of these member organisations is the core of the centre's activities. Besides the founding organisations, they include the Workers' Educational Association, the tenants' movement, and individual trade unions. As popular movements and voluntary organisations , they are represented in all Swedish municipalities and at many workplaces. An individual cannot be a member of the Palme Center, but the member organisations together have more than three million members. In Sweden, the centre carries out comprehensive information and opinion-forming campaigns on issues concerning international development, security and international relations. This includes a very active schedule of seminars and publications, both printed and an e-mail newsletter. -
PAPPA – Parties and Policies in Parliaments
PAPPA Parties and Policies in Parliament Version 1.0 (August 2004) Data description Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard Political Science Publications No. 3/2004 Name: PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0 (August 2004) Authors: Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen & Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard. Contents: All legislation passed in the Danish Folketing, 1945-2003. Availability: The dataset is at present not generally available to the public. Academics should please contact one of the authors with a request for data stating purpose and scope; it will then be determined whether or not the data can be released at present, or the requested results will be provided. Data will be made available on a website and through Dansk Data Arkiv (DDA) when the authors have finished their work with the data. Citation: Hansen, Martin Ejnar, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard (2004): PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0, Odense: Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark. Variables The total number of variables in the dataset is 186. The following variables have all been coded on the basis of the Folketingets Årbog (the parliamentary hansard) and (to a smaller degree) the parliamentary website (www.ft.dk): nr The number given in the parliamentary hansard (Folketingets Årbog), or (in recent years) the law number. sam The legislative session. eu Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was EU/EEC initiated. change Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was a change of already existing legislation. vedt Whether the particular piece of legislation was passed or not. -
(American Swedish News Exchange, New York, NY), 1920S-1990
Allan Kastrup collection (American Swedish News Exchange, New York, N.Y), 1920s-1990 Size: 19.25 linear feet, 28 boxes Acquisition: The collection was donated to SSIRC in 1990 and 1991. Access: The collection is open for research and a limited amount to copies can be requested via mail. Processed by: Christina Johansson Control Num.: SSIRC MSS P: 308 Historical Sketch The American-Swedish News Exchange was established by the Sweden-America Foundation in Stockholm in 1921 and the agency opened its office in New York City in 1922. ASNE's main purpose was to increase and broaden the general knowledge about Sweden and to provide the American press with news on cultural, economic and political developments in Sweden. The agency also had the primary responsibility for publicity campaigns during Swedish official visits to the United States, such as the Crown Prince Gustav Adolf's visit in 1926, the New Sweden Tercentenary in 1938, and the Swedish Pioneer Centennial in 1948. Between 1926 and 1946, ASNE was under the leadership of Naboth Hedin. Hedin increased the visibility of Sweden in the American press immensely, wrote countless of articles on Sweden, and co-edited with Adolph H. Benson Swedes in America: 1638-1938. Hedin was also instrumental in assisting many American writers with advice and information about Sweden; including Marquis W. Childs in his widely read and circulated work Sweden the Middle Way, first published in 1936. Allan Kastrup assumed the leadership of ASNE in 1946. He held this position until his retirement in 1964, at which time ASNE ceased to exist and its responsibilities were assumed by the Swedish Information Service. -
Olympic Team Norway
Olympic Team Norway Media Guide Norwegian Olympic Committee NORWAY IN 100 SECONDS NOC OFFICIAL SPONSORS 2008 SAS Braathens Dagbladet TINE Head of state: Adidas H.M. King Harald V P4 H.M. Queen Sonja Adecco Nordea PHOTO: SCANPIX If... Norsk Tipping Area (total): Gyro Gruppen Norway 385.155 km2 - Svalbard 61.020 km2 - Jan Mayen 377 km2 Norway (not incl. Svalbard and Jan Mayen) 323.758 km2 Bouvet Island 49 km2 Peter Island 156 km2 NOC OFFICIAL SUPPLIERS 2008 Queen Maud Land Population (24.06.08) 4.768.753 Rica Hertz Main cities (01.01.08) Oslo 560.484 Bergen 247.746 Trondheim 165.191 Stavanger 119.586 Kristiansand 78.919 CLOTHES/EQUIPMENTS/GIFTS Fredrikstad 71.976 TO THE NORWEGIAN OLYMPIC TEAM Tromsø 65.286 Sarpsborg 51.053 Adidas Life expectancy: Men: 77,7 Women: 82,5 RiccoVero Length of common frontiers: 2.542 km Silhouette - Sweden 1.619 km - Finland 727 km Jonson&Jonson - Russia 196 km - Shortest distance north/south 1.752 km Length of the continental coastline 21.465 km - Not incl. Fjords and bays 2.650 km Greatest width of the country 430 km Least width of the country 6,3 km Largest lake: Mjøsa 362 km2 Longest river: Glomma 600 km Highest waterfall: Skykkjedalsfossen 300 m Highest mountain: Galdhøpiggen 2.469 m Largest glacier: Jostedalsbreen 487 km2 Longest fjord: Sognefjorden 204 km Prime Minister: Jens Stoltenberg Head of state: H.M. King Harald V and H.M. Queen Sonja Monetary unit: NOK (Krone) 16.07.08: 1 EUR = 7,90 NOK 100 CNY = 73,00 NOK NORWAY’S TOP SPORTS PROGRAMME On a mandate from the Norwegian Olympic Committee (NOK) and Confederation of Sports (NIF) has been given the operative responsibility for all top sports in the country. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
His Excellency Jens Stoltenberg Secretary General North Atlantic Treaty Organization Boulevard Léopold III B-1110 Brussels Belgium
His Excellency Jens Stoltenberg Secretary General North Atlantic Treaty Organization Boulevard Léopold III B-1110 Brussels Belgium 1 June 2021 Re: Protection of Afghan Locally Engaged Civilian Staff Dear Mr. Secretary General, Time is running out to protect NATO's local Afghan allies. In 100 days, on the 11th of September 2021, NATO's full withdrawal should be completed. The current acceleration of the process could leave as little as 30 days. We call on NATO member states to act immediately to evacuate Locally Engaged Civilians (LECs) and their families to ensure that those that protected our lives will themselves be safe from reprisals. NATO’s Afghanistan mission assembled one of the largest international coalitions in history. It also assembled the efforts of local Afghan staff, including interpreters, security guards, and cultural advisors, who provided crucial support to NATO-led forces. While NATO countries have been united in their combat and non-combat missions, they have been divided in their protection of Afghan locally engaged civilians. In the absence of a coordinated resettlement programme to protect local staff at risk due to their work for member nations, LECs have faced arbitrary barriers to protection with each NATO partner applying different criteria and reasons for exclusion. The undersigned are acutely aware of the realities on the ground. Our organisations are in daily contact with former and current Afghan LECs whose lives are at risk. They fear that they are excluded from NATO’s ambition to be “united in leaving together”. They are afraid that they will be left behind not only due to inconsistent criteria, but also because the deteriorating security situation makes it impossible to travel to interviews and obtain documents in time.