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Drinking, Kicking Back and Gang Banging

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Drinking, Kicking Back and Gang Banging "DRINKING, KICKING BACK AND GANG BANGING": ALCOHOL, VIOLENCE AND STREET GANGS Geoffrey Hunt, Institute for Scientific Analysis, Karen Joe, University of Hong Kong, and Dan Waldorf*, Institute for Scientific Analysis THE VIOLENCE QUESTION Skolnick, Correl, Navarro, & Rabb (1989) and Criminologists and sociologists have Skolnick, Blumenthal & Correl (1990) argue had a longstanding interest in gang violence, that two types of gangs existed - a "cultural" dating back to Thrashe(s {1927) ethnographic gang, similar to the traditional neighborhood observations of Chicago's gangs in the 1920's. gang as desaibed by Moore (1978) and an Debates have focused on a range of issues "instrumental" gang which was organized for such as whether violence is a defining property the explicit purpose of generating income. of gangs. This question has led to analyses of Taylor (1989) outlines a similar typology with the frequency, variability, severity, and organi­ the scavenger and corporate gangs. Those zation of violence in gang life {Moore, Garcia, who follow this frameworil: further suggest Garcia, Cerda, Valencia 1978; Sanchez-Jan­ that, not only has a new type of gang emerged, kowski 1991; Sanders 1994; Taylor 1989). but also that •instrumental gang" have exacer­ The etiology of gang violence also has been of bated violent behavior. For example, Goldstein central concern with a variety of reasons being (1985, 1989) refers to the systemic violence advanced. Yablonsky (1970) advocated a psy­ used to maintain strid organizational disci­ cho-social frameworil: in which gang violence pline and to ensure maril:et regulation and was tied to the pathology of the group's leader­ control (Cooper 1987; Mieczkowski 1986). ship. Other attempts to construd a causal This concern with drug related violence not model were connected by an interest in dass only re-affirms the strong association between issues. Miller (1958) advocated a culture of delinquency and drug use (Elliot, Huizinga, poverty argument in which gang life induding Ageton 1985; Fagan, Weiss, Cheng 1990; violence merely reflected the focal concerns of V\lhite, Hansell, Brick 1993), but reinforces the the lower dasses. Cohen (1955) argued that tendency to overlook the role of alcohol within gang members' hostility and aggression rep­ gang life. resents a reaction-fonnation to their inability to Gang researchers have noted that drink­ measure up to the middle dass measuring ing is a major component of the social life of rod. They reject their rejecters, and status is gangs, and a common place adivity (Campbell achieved through an alternative value system 1984; Fagan 1993; Hagedorn 1988; Moore which emphasizes negativistic, malicious, and 1991; Padilla 1992; Sanchez-Jankowski 1991; non-utilitarian behavior. Cloward and Ohlin Stumphauzer, Veloz, Aiken 1981; Vigil, Long (1960) took the notion of status deprivation 1990). Few, however, have looked specifically further, ~uggesting that the variations in the at the role of alcohol within the social life of legitimate and iUegitimate opportunities in dif­ gangs, or even the relationship between drink­ ferent lower dass communities influences ing and gang violence. Existing research on whether a gang is criminal, retreatist or violent. the role of alcohol in youth gangs has been, to As Moore notes (1990), however, such paraphrase Dwight Heath (1975), a "felicitous explanations obscure the great variability in by-produd" of other interests. gangs, gang related violence, and the com­ The connections between drinking and munitiesthey live in. Recent studies (Sanchez­ gang violence is an important area for in­ Jankowski 1991; Sanders 1994) suggest that vestigation for several reasons. First, it allows questions of causality also must distinguish us to determine whether gang members' alco­ between individual and colledive fonns of hol use is important in ~lence prone situa­ violence among gang members as the former tions" and at the same time, reveals the se­ predominates over the latter. This point is quence of events that lead from drinking to important in understanding the gang, drug and violent or aggressive behavior (Bums 1980). violence connection (Moore 1990). Studies Second, it demonstrates the ways in which have found variability in gang participation in individuals are potentially both offender and drug dealing and related violence (Decker, victim (Sampson, Lauritsen 1994}. Gang mem­ Van Winkle 1994; Joe 1994; Waldorf 1993). bers are constantly involved both in defending 2 Volume 30, No. 3, Winter 2003 Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology their masculinity, theirhonorandtheir.-ntory connections to gang members in their com­ or attempting to gain status by asserting their munities and initiated several chains. The masculinity. Therefore while on oneOCGMion, Latino ~ers initiated contact with gang gang members may be the ~- of members thiOUgh a number of community violence, they may at other tj(nes, ~~ youth agencies, and over time, the referral selves the victim (Sampson, Lauritsen 1990). source became other gang members. The four Third, it illustrates .the way in which new~ Asian interviewerswererecruitedthrough con­ bars are socialized by their peers into. both tactswith gang,members and social agencies. acceptable drinking behavior and acceptabte. Validityend~concemswereaddressed aggressive behavior. From the moment a new in a variety of ways including rephrasing and member joins the gang, the novice is expected repeating ot: questions and cross checks on to uhilMt hillher ability to support the gang ~· .veracity through weekly staff anct fellow gang members in whatever ways disclllllionaand:fieldobservations (Joe 1993). are necessary, whether that be in the worf(tof Briefly" the gang. members in our sample drinki_ng or within the world of aggreaajQn. ·· have the fellowing socio-demographic char­ Taken together, t,he role of alcohol in the aocial . ~.The ethnicity of our sample was 44 life of youlh gangs constitutes a natural and peroent Afric:at American. 24 percent Latino. highly aymbolic ....-in which to fulfill the~ 24:f.Mn'C8ntAeian (including Southeast Asian). for further I'8H8R:h on the nexus of cfrinlmg · anct 8-pen:ent other. Respondents ranged in and violence (Collins 1993; Pemanen 1991; · age .from 13 to 40. The median age waa 20. Roizen 1993). however, our Southeast Asian reapondents tended be slightly younger having a median RESEARCH METHODOLOGY age of 18. The educational level of the inter­ The data for this analysis are drawn viewed gang members was generally low. from two studies on ethnic youth gangs in Younger members tended to stiH be in school; Northern California in which we conducted 31 percent of the interviewed gang members fiel6work and interviews wilh 859 gang ....... were still attending school. Among those who bers between 1990 and 1994 in the African were no longer in ac:hool, the majority had American, Asian, and Hispanic communitiel. dropped out. \Mahin each ethnic group, the There are no exact figures on the number of dropout rate waa: ·38 Pfi'C8flt among African youth gangs in the Northern California .,.. Americans; 27 percent among Asians; and 20 We initially sought police eetimetes for com­ percent among Latinos. The majority of the parative purposes, but did not rely ~ law gang members' came from working and lower enforcement for any referrals. We relied: ()0 a. class bac::kgrounda as measured by father's snowbaU sampling s1nltegy (Biemac:ki, Wllldorf and mother's occupation. 1981 ). and wa-e able to locate and interview members from 99 different gangs. YOUTH GANGS AND DRINKING We conducted the interviews in twp Hanging ~nd stepa with an initial quantitative survey fol.,. Gaog members spend the majority of lowed by an in-depth, taperecordedHIIionin tt\M-."hhlngingaround" (Corrigan 1976) or which members responded to open-ended · "kiikWIMiok.~andtypicallydescribethisinthe questions about life in the gang. The u.e af v.-y...,.._ terms of "doing nothing." Al­ tradltional ethnographic and survey melhoda·ri ~ edub p&R:8ive these activities as a provided the means for looking at the group' a _._Of.firnl. the everyday practice of "doing history. organization and activities, pcnonal nalhitg•iaoften an intense and busy period of demographicl, drug and alcohol use,. incfi.. time·(~· 1976). Activities that occur vidual and group involvement in violent actl, whlle......,.are "kickin' back" include talk­ and self reported contact with the jwenlle and . ing. AICOUnling details from previous events, criminaljustic:esystems.lnterviewslalted,on jddnt,.cllciMing businesa, defending one's average, two hours, and respondents were · tator. tMinl8ining one's respect, fending off compensated with a monetary honorarium. .. ~. keeping the poliQe at bay, "cruiling" The fteldworkers conducted interviews in a•' around In a car, doing a few deals, defending vartetyofaettingsincludingrespondent'shome; tt.rf, and getting high. Drinking is endemic to parks, coffee shops, cars, and office space in gang life, and as some gang members indi­ community agencies. Our two African Amari- cate;thecontUmpllonofalcoholoccursthrough can interviewers had known or had the course of everyday social activities. Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Special Collection of A11icles 3 This Latino gang member's account of a dothes. We shift people around a little bit around usual day illustrates that the mundane adivity so that they can, no one is really getting identi­ of "hanging around" involves a hedic and long fied so to speak right there. day: This vivid
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