List of Uyghur Intellectuals Imprisoned in China from 2016 to the Present (Last Up- Dated by Abduweli Ayup on March 13Th, 2021) Abduweli Ayup
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"Thoroughly Reforming Them Towards a Healthy Heart Attitude"
By Adrian Zenz - Version of this paper accepted for publication by the journal Central Asian Survey "Thoroughly Reforming Them Towards a Healthy Heart Attitude" - China's Political Re-Education Campaign in Xinjiang1 Adrian Zenz European School of Culture and Theology, Korntal Updated September 6, 2018 This is the accepted version of the article published by Central Asian Survey at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02634937.2018.1507997 Abstract Since spring 2017, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China has witnessed the emergence of an unprecedented reeducation campaign. According to media and informant reports, untold thousands of Uyghurs and other Muslims have been and are being detained in clandestine political re-education facilities, with major implications for society, local economies and ethnic relations. Considering that the Chinese state is currently denying the very existence of these facilities, this paper investigates publicly available evidence from official sources, including government websites, media reports and other Chinese internet sources. First, it briefly charts the history and present context of political re-education. Second, it looks at the recent evolution of re-education in Xinjiang in the context of ‘de-extremification’ work. Finally, it evaluates detailed empirical evidence pertaining to the present re-education drive. With Xinjiang as the ‘core hub’ of the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing appears determined to pursue a definitive solution to the Uyghur question. Since summer 2017, troubling reports emerged about large-scale internments of Muslims (Uyghurs, Kazakhs and Kyrgyz) in China's northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). By the end of the year, reports emerged that some ethnic minority townships had detained up to 10 percent of the entire population, and that in the Uyghur-dominated Kashgar Prefecture alone, numbers of interned persons had reached 120,000 (The Guardian, January 25, 2018). -
Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online
Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online Table of Contents I. Executive Summary..................................................................................................................... 2 II. Methodology .............................................................................................................................. 5 III. Background............................................................................................................................... 6 IV. Legislation .............................................................................................................................. 17 V. Ten Month Shutdown............................................................................................................... 33 VI. Detentions............................................................................................................................... 44 VII. Online Freedom for Uyghurs Before and After the Shutdown ............................................ 61 VIII. Recommendations................................................................................................................ 84 IX. Acknowledgements................................................................................................................. 88 Cover image: Composite of 9 Uyghurs imprisoned for their online activity assembled by the Uyghur Human Rights Project. Image credits: Top left: Memetjan Abdullah, courtesy of Radio Free Asia Top center: Mehbube Ablesh, courtesy of -
Appendix 1: Rank of China's 338 Prefecture-Level Cities
Appendix 1: Rank of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities © The Author(s) 2018 149 Y. Zheng, K. Deng, State Failure and Distorted Urbanisation in Post-Mao’s China, 1993–2012, Palgrave Studies in Economic History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92168-6 150 First-tier cities (4) Beijing Shanghai Guangzhou Shenzhen First-tier cities-to-be (15) Chengdu Hangzhou Wuhan Nanjing Chongqing Tianjin Suzhou苏州 Appendix Rank 1: of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities Xi’an Changsha Shenyang Qingdao Zhengzhou Dalian Dongguan Ningbo Second-tier cities (30) Xiamen Fuzhou福州 Wuxi Hefei Kunming Harbin Jinan Foshan Changchun Wenzhou Shijiazhuang Nanning Changzhou Quanzhou Nanchang Guiyang Taiyuan Jinhua Zhuhai Huizhou Xuzhou Yantai Jiaxing Nantong Urumqi Shaoxing Zhongshan Taizhou Lanzhou Haikou Third-tier cities (70) Weifang Baoding Zhenjiang Yangzhou Guilin Tangshan Sanya Huhehot Langfang Luoyang Weihai Yangcheng Linyi Jiangmen Taizhou Zhangzhou Handan Jining Wuhu Zibo Yinchuan Liuzhou Mianyang Zhanjiang Anshan Huzhou Shantou Nanping Ganzhou Daqing Yichang Baotou Xianyang Qinhuangdao Lianyungang Zhuzhou Putian Jilin Huai’an Zhaoqing Ningde Hengyang Dandong Lijiang Jieyang Sanming Zhoushan Xiaogan Qiqihar Jiujiang Longyan Cangzhou Fushun Xiangyang Shangrao Yingkou Bengbu Lishui Yueyang Qingyuan Jingzhou Taian Quzhou Panjin Dongying Nanyang Ma’anshan Nanchong Xining Yanbian prefecture Fourth-tier cities (90) Leshan Xiangtan Zunyi Suqian Xinxiang Xinyang Chuzhou Jinzhou Chaozhou Huanggang Kaifeng Deyang Dezhou Meizhou Ordos Xingtai Maoming Jingdezhen Shaoguan -
CHINA: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS in XINJIANG a Human Rights Watch Backgrounder October 2001
350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor New York, NY 10118 Phone: 212-290-4700 Fax: 212-736-1300 E-mail:[email protected] Website:http://www.hrw.org CHINA: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS IN XINJIANG A Human Rights Watch Backgrounder October 2001 Xinjiang after September 11 In the wake of the September 11 attacks on the United States, the People’s Republic of China has offered strong support for Washington and affirmed that it "opposes terrorism of any form and supports actions to combat terrorism." Human Rights Watch is concerned that China’s support for the war against terrorism will be a pretext for gaining international support—or at least silence—for its own crackdown on ethnic Uighurs in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region. Beijing has long claimed to be confronted with “religious extremist forces” and “violent terrorists” in Xinjiang, a vast region one-sixth of China’s land area. Xinjiang has a population of 18 million and is home to numerous Turkic-speaking Muslim ethnic groups, of which the Uighurs, numbering eight million, are the largest. (The second largest group is the Kazakhs, with 1.2 million.) The percentage of ethnic Chinese (Han) in the population has grown from 6 percent in 1949 to 40 percent at present, and now numbers some 7.5 million people. Much like Tibetans, the Uighurs in Xinjiang, have struggled for cultural survival in the face of a government- supported influx by Chinese migrants, as well as harsh repression of political dissent and any expression, however lawful or peaceful, of their distinct identity. Some have also resorted to violence in a struggle for independence Chinese authorities have not discriminated between peaceful and violent dissent, however, and their fight against “separatism” and “religious extremism” has been used to justify widespread and systematic human rights violations against Uighurs, including many involved in non-violent political, religious, and cultural activities. -
Forced Labour in East Turkestan: State-Sanctioned Hashar System
FORCED LABOUR IN EAST TURKESTAN: State -Sanctioned Hashar System World Uyghur Congress | November 2016 WUC Headquarters: P.O. Box 310312 80103 Munich, Germany Tel: +49 89 5432 1999 Fax: +49 89 5434 9789 Email: [email protected] Web Address: www.uyghurcongress.org Copyright © 2016 World Uyghur Congress All rights reserved. The World Uyghur Congress (WUC) is a n international organization that represents the collective interests of the Uyghur people in both East Turkestan and abroad. The principle objective of the WUC is to promote democracy, human rights and freedom for the Uyghur people and use peaceful, nonviolent and democratic means to determine their future. Acting as the sole legitimate organization of the Uyghur people in both East Turkestan and abroad, WUC endeavors to set out a course for the peaceful settlement of the East Turkestan Question through dialogue and negotiation. The WUC supports a nonviolent and peaceful opposition movement against Chinese occupation of East Turkestan and an unconditional adherence to internationally recognized human rights standards as laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It adheres to the principles of democratic pluralism and rejects totalitarianism, religious intolerance and terrorism as an instrument of policy. For more information, please visit our website: www.uyghurcongress.org Cover Photo: Uyghurs performing forced labour under the hashar system in Aksu Prefecture, East Turkestan (Radio Free Asia Uyghur Service). FORCED LABOUR IN EAST TURKESTAN: State-Sanctioned Hashar System EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The importance of the protection of human rights has been trending downward under China’s current leader, Xi Jinping, since he took power in 2013. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
Without Land, There Is No Life: Chinese State Suppression of Uyghur Environmental Activism
Without land, there is no life: Chinese state suppression of Uyghur environmental activism Table of Contents Summary ..............................................................................................................................2 Cultural Significance of the Environment and Environmentalism ......................................5 Nuclear Testing: Suppression of Uyghur Activism ...........................................................15 Pollution and Ecological Destruction in East Turkestan ...................................................30 Lack of Participation in Decision Making: Development and Displacement ....................45 Legal Instruments...............................................................................................................61 Recommendations ..............................................................................................................66 Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................69 Endnotes .............................................................................................................................70 Cover image: Dead toghrak (populus nigra) tree in Niya. Photo courtesy of Flickr 1 Summary The intimate connection between the Uyghur people and the land of East Turkestan is celebrated in songs and poetry written and performed in the Uyghur language. Proverbs in Uyghur convey how the Uyghur culture is tied to reverence of the land and that an individual’s identity is inseparable -
Dissertation JIAN 2016 Final
The Impact of Global English in Xinjiang, China: Linguistic Capital and Identity Negotiation among the Ethnic Minority and Han Chinese Students Ge Jian A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2016 Reading Committee: Laada Bilaniuk, Chair Ann Anagnost, Chair Stevan Harrell Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Anthropology © Copyright 2016 Ge Jian University of Washington Abstract The Impact of Global English in Xinjiang, China: Linguistic Capital and Identity Negotiation among the Ethnic Minority and Han Chinese Students Ge Jian Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Laada Bilaniuk Professor Ann Anagnost Department of Anthropology My dissertation is an ethnographic study of the language politics and practices of college- age English language learners in Xinjiang at the historical juncture of China’s capitalist development. In Xinjiang the international lingua franca English, the national official language Mandarin Chinese, and major Turkic languages such as Uyghur and Kazakh interact and compete for linguistic prestige in different social scenarios. The power relations between the Turkic languages, including the Uyghur language, and Mandarin Chinese is one in which minority languages are surrounded by a dominant state language supported through various institutions such as school and mass media. The much greater symbolic capital that the “legitimate language” Mandarin Chinese carries enables its native speakers to have easier access than the native Turkic speakers to jobs in the labor market. Therefore, many Uyghur parents face the dilemma of choosing between maintaining their cultural and linguistic identity and making their children more socioeconomically mobile. The entry of the global language English and the recent capitalist development in China has led to English education becoming market-oriented and commodified, which has further complicated the linguistic picture in Xinjiang. -
Uyghur Identity Contestation and Construction of Identity in a Conflict Setting
UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG School of Global Studies = Uyghur Identity Contestation and Construction of Identity in a Conflict Setting Master Thesis in Global Studies Spring Semester 2015 Author: Fanny Olson Supervisor: Camilla Orjuela ABSTRACT This study explores and discusses the dynamics of identity in conflict through examining Uyghur collective identity in the specific context of China as an emerging power. Particular attention is paid to how this identity is constructed and contested by different actors of the Xinjiang Conflict. The Xinjiang Conflict is a multifaceted conflict, consisting of both direct and structural violence. These dynamics of identity are based on different understandings of what it means to be a Uyghur, which is in line with existing research on contemporary conflicts that considers identity as a driving force of violence. Through a text analysis, this study sets out to assess how Uyghur identity is constructed and contested in the context of the Xinjiang Conflict, by primary actors; the Chinese government, Uyghur diaspora and the local Uyghur population in Xinjiang. As the Uyghurs’ identity has been contested, and discontent is cultivated among the Uyghur community, the conflict between Uyghurs and the Chinese government (dominated by the majority ethnic group Han Chinese) has escalated since the mid-1990s. The findings advanced in this research conclude that Uyghur identity, in the context of conflict, is contested within different areas, such as language, culture, territory, religion and even time. This paper suggests that within these areas, identity is contested though the different processes of negotiation, resistance, boundary-making and emphasis on certain features of ones identity. -
Geological and Geochemical Characteristics of Low-Arsenic Groundwater in the Karamay Area Between Two High Arsenic Areas of Xinjiang, China
Geological and Geochemical Characteristics of Low-Arsenic Groundwater in The Karamay Area Between Two High Arsenic Areas of Xinjiang, China Qiao Li ( [email protected] ) Xinjiang Agricultural University https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1514-8572 Hongfei Tao Xinjiang Agricultural University Mahemujiang Aihemaiti Xinjiang Agricultural University Youwei Jiang Xinjiang Agricultural University Wenxin Yang Xinjiang Agricultural University Jun Jiang Xinjiang Agricultural University Research Article Keywords: Low arsenic groundwater area, Tectonic and sedimentary evolution, Groundwater geochemistry, Xinjiang, China Posted Date: May 10th, 2021 DOI: https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-498060/v1 License: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Read Full License Page 1/15 Abstract The groundwater of several regions in Xinjiang, China, including the Kuitun and the Manas River Basins in the Junggar Basin, is heavily polluted with arsenic. However, the arsenic content of the groundwater of the Karamay area located within the Junggar Basin is relatively low and below the recommended drinking water limit. In our study, we analyze the factors that result in this anomaly. The geological and geochemical characteristics of the water-bearing system in this area were investigated by analyzing water samples, carrying out hydrogeological surveys, and statistical techniques. Since the Carboniferous, the geological development and subsequent structural evolution resulted in a lower arsenic concentration in groundwater of the Karamay region than that of the Kuitun River Basin and the Manasi River Basin. The missing high-energy sedimentary environment in the Middle-Upper Permian and the composition of sediments controlled the characteristics of the multi-layer aquifer in this area. -
Central Asia in Xuanzang's Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western
Recording the West: Central Asia in Xuanzang’s Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions Master’s Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Laura Pearce Graduate Program in East Asian Studies Ohio State University 2018 Committee: Morgan Liu (Advisor), Ying Zhang, and Mark Bender Copyrighted by Laura Elizabeth Pearce 2018 Abstract In 626 C.E., the Buddhist monk Xuanzang left the Tang Empire for India in a quest to deepen his religious understanding. In order to reach India, and in order to return, Xuanzang journeyed through areas in what is now called Central Asia. After he came home to China in 645 C.E., his work included writing an account of the countries he had visited: The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions (Da Tang Xi You Ji 大唐西域記). The book is not a narrative travelogue, but rather presented as a collection of facts about the various countries he visited. Nevertheless, the Record is full of moral judgments, both stated and implied. Xuanzang’s judgment was frequently connected both to his Buddhist beliefs and a conviction that China represented the pinnacle of culture and good governance. Xuanzang’s portrayal of Central Asia at a crucial time when the Tang Empire was expanding westward is both inclusive and marginalizing, shaped by the overall framing of Central Asia in the Record and by the selection of local legends from individual nations. The tension in the Record between Buddhist concerns and secular political ones, and between an inclusive worldview and one centered on certain locations, creates an approach to Central Asia unlike that of many similar sources. -
Middlemen and Marcher States in Central Asia and East/West Empire Synchrony Christopher Chase-Dunn, Thomas D
Middlemen and marcher states in Central Asia and East/West Empire Synchrony Christopher Chase-Dunn, Thomas D. Hall, Richard Niemeyer, Alexis Alvarez, Hiroko Inoue, Kirk Lawrence, Anders Carlson, Benjamin Fierro, Matthew Kanashiro, Hala Sheikh-Mohamed and Laura Young Institute for Research on World-Systems University of California-Riverside Draft v.11 -1-06, 8365 words Abstract: East, West, Central and South Asia originally formed somewhat separate cultural zones and networks of interaction among settlements and polities, but during the late Bronze and early Iron Ages these largely separate regional systems came into increasing interaction with one another. Central Asian nomadic steppe pastoralist polities and agricultural oasis settlements mediated the East/West and North/South interactions. Earlier research has discovered that the growth/decline phases of empires in East and West Asia became synchronous around 140 BCE and that this synchrony lasted until about 1800 CE. This paper develops the comparative world-systems perspective on Central Asia and examines the growth and decline of settlements, empires and steppe confederations in Central Asia to test the hypothesis that the East/West empire synchrony may have been caused by linkages that occurred with and across Central Asia. To be presented at the Research Conference on Middlemen Co-sponsored by the All-UC Economic History and All-UC World History Groups, November 3-5, 2006, UCSD IROWS Working Paper #30. http://irows.ucr.edu/papers/irows30/irows30.htm This paper is part of a larger research project on “Measuring and modeling cycles of state formation, decline and upward sweeps since the Bronze Age” NSF-SES 057720 http://irows.ucr.edu/research/citemp/citemp.html Earlier research has demonstrated a curious East/West synchrony from 140 BCE to 1800 CE.