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Settlements of the Shawnee, 1793-1825

RODNEY STAAB State Historical Society

ARRIVAL OF THE SHAWNEE WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI Several standard histories (Mooney 1910; McKenney & Hall 1858, 1:39; Harvey 1855:84, 161; Alford 1979:10-11) recount the arrival of the Shawnee at sites west of the . One firm point in all the narratives is the 1793 concession by the Baron of Carondelet, governor of Spanish , to Louis Lorimier, in which Lorimier was permitted to establish himself with the Delawares and Shawnese who are under his care, in such places as he may think proper in the province of Louisiana on the west bank of the Mississippi, from the Missouri to the River which may be unoccupied, with the right to hunt, and cultivated for the maintenance of their families... and be it further understood that in case they should remove elsewhere, the said lands shall become vacant. [Goodspeed 1888:260-1] The original 4 January 1793 document reposes today in the Missouri Historical Society in St. Louis. A second firm point is the transfer of Louisiana from Spain to France on 1 October 1800, and a third is of course the formal transfer of Louisiana to the , with ceremonies taking place at New Orleans on 20 December 1803 and at St. Louis on 9 March 1804. It is well to understand in advance that such a migration is not a single event from a single location to a single destination. The actual firstdat e of arrival of the Shawnee west of the Mississippi with the intent to settle was probably 1788-90, while the arrival of a Delaware chief and 57 men of his nation in St. Louis can be dated precisely to August 23, 1786 (Kinnaird 1946, 3:186). A lawsuit later filed against Lorimier at Ste. Genevieve, Missouri, contained a 4 May 1787 letter from two Miami Company employees stating "the Spaniards have invited the Delawares and Shawnese to their side of the Mississippi. With a of the latter Mr. Lorimier goes, and expects the Spaniards will allow him to follow them" (Goodspeed 1888:259-260). In February 1789 found 20 Delaware in what is now Mississippi , Missouri, opposite the mouth of the River (Houck 1909, 1: 292); it is signifi­ cant that Morgan makes no mention of having met any Shawnee between there and St. Louis. The Shawnee were definitely settled near Ste. Gene- 352 RODNEY STAAB

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Map 1. Shawnee, Delaware and Peoria settlements in territorial Missouri 1804-1820. SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 353 vieve by May 1790 (Kinnaird 1946, 3:335). A January 1816 petition submitted to Congress from the Missouri territorial legislature, itself deriving from a petition of the citizens of Cape Girardeau and Ste. Genevieve counties, clearly states the Shawnee and Delaware Indians "Emigrated to this Country about Twenty eight years ago" (Carter 1934-51, 15:105-7). That the Ohio Valley Shawnee had experiential knowledge of the lands on the west bank of the Mississippi before 1788 is scarcely to be doubted; the documentary proof of this knowledge will therefore not be discussed in this paper.

DISTRIBUTION AND POPULATION OF THE SETTLEMENTS By 1796 all the country from Kaskaskia to the mouth of the Ohio was "a good deal frequented by the Shawanese and Delawares from the Spanish side" (Carter 1934-51, 2:547). A 1796 pamphlet published in Lexington, , affirmed that the Indian nations living west of the Mississippi from St. Louis to New Madrid were all friendly to Spain and "not only contribute to the success of the , but also to the subsistence of the inhabitants for three fourths of the year, by furnishing meat, tallow & oil in abundance to the garrisons and villages" (Delassus Deluzieres 1958). A more critical view, written by Peter Anthony LaForge on the last day of 1796 at New Madrid, held that this trade with local Indians initially supplied all the white inhabitants with the necessities until about 1793, when local game became scarce and "grease, suet, meat and peltries" were more rarely brought to the settlers, forcing the New Madrid inhabitants to turn to agriculture for subsistence. Traders who continued obtaining the skins from the local Indians included "Messrs. Francis and Joseph Lesieur, Ambrose Dumay, Chatoillier, and others" (Billon 1886:263-273). Escapades from this colonial and fur-trading period, primarily involving the Delaware, are recounted in Ekberg (1985:91-100). Medad Mitchell visited the Mississippi country in early 1793 and reported to Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury: 2000 Indians received their supplies at New Madrid [and primarily from Canadian traders]. The tribes which those savages belong to are, Shawo- nee, Deleware, and , they keep runners from and to Detroit, and whenever a Campaigner goes out, I was informed, these savages joined their Countrymen. They frequently make excursions into Cumberland and return to this market with their plunder, I have seen them bring in horses, to New Madrid, which they had taken from the Settlement on 354 RODNEY STAAB

Cumberland River, I have seen the Commanding officer purchase them, as well as others, I have heard them exult in their success, and receive applause for their conduct. [Syrert 1961-87, 15:289, 292] There were at least eight sets of Shawnee settlements in Missouri. There are no absolute initial dates for any of them, and the existence of some (such as the first one here) may have completely terminated before the subsequent post-1825 emigrations. Some of the more southerly settlements may have been offshoots of the Big and Little Shawnee villages after the great earthquake of 1811-12. Perhaps the earliest settlement, said to have been occupied by both Shawnee and Delaware, was on a Missouri-side tract between that of Silas Bent and the ferry to Cahokia. This land was conceded by the governor to Joseph Papin in 1787, and was eventually conveyed to the United States. The arsenal buildings and a stone wall were built on this ground after 1817 (Billon 1886:408-9). In his notes taken about April 1810 from while the explorer was living in , Nicholas Biddle said there were a few scattered Delaware about St. Louis (Jackson 1978, 2:522), perhaps a remnant of this group.

Rogers' Town

The best-documented settlements, and the most peripatetic, were those of Rogers' Town. The first location of Rogers' Town was near Bridgeton or Florissant, in the northern part of current metropolitan St. Louis. The Baptist missionary John Mason Peck recollected that Rogers was a white man taken prisoner by the Shawnee in boyhood, that in gaining a high status among them he and his followers had plundered riverboats on the Ohio, and that to escape vengeful whites he had relocated west of the Mississippi prior to 1794. Peck said Rogers' first settlement was at "Village-a-Robert, afterwards called Owen's Station, and now Bridgton" (Babcock 1864:112). An 1823 gazetteer of Missouri reported that" Village a Robert, or Village du Marais des Liards... was formerly the residence of a part of the Delaware and Shawnee tribes of Indians" (Beck 1823:334). A German travel writer of 1826 recalled that about 15 English miles from St. Louis "on the south side of the Missouri a Shawnee town of about fifty houses existed. Some time ago they abandoned their settlement and moved about a hundred miles west" (Duden 1980:88). In response to questions put to him by the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in February 1831, SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 355

William Clark affirmed that in the early days of St. Louis a band of Shawnees "called Rogers' band, were settled near Florisant" (United States Telegraph, 23 February 1831). Peck says that shortly before the cession of Louisiana to the United States, Rogers and his band moved to the Big Spring at the head of the main Merrimac. Here the water suddenly bursts from the earth into a large basin from which flows a river more than fifty yards in width, and from two to three feet deep. It proved very sickly to the newcomers, and sev­ eral died. I think probably Captain Rogers was of the number. Supposing they had intruded upon the domain of a Matchee Monito, or Evil Spirit, they broke up their lodges, came down the country, and built their cabins on the borders of Indian prairie in Franklin county. This spot is a few miles south of Union. [Babcock 1864:113] There is a series of springs on the upper Meramec, ranging from Meramec Spring (one of the largest in the state) in Phelps county near the present-day junction of Highways 8 and 68, about ten miles west of Rolla, to Roaring Springs, in Franklin county a few miles north of Meramec State Park and about 15 miles south of Union (Hawksley 1985:52-57). Meramec Spring may perhaps be the location of Roger's short-lived second settlement. The move to the third location of Rogers' Town probably took place by 1807, by which time Lewis Rogers, the son of the imprisoned white boy turned Shawnee, was nominal head of the settlement. In April 1807 Gov. Frederick Bates spoke of "Rogers a Shawanoe chief whose town is at the head of the Meramec", and said that not more than 20 people of the village were fighting men, indicating a population of perhaps 80 (Marshall 1926, 1:105). In April 1809 Bates' successor, Gov. Meriwether Lewis, in aproclama- tion with unfortunately imprecise syntax, forbade white settlers from "settling and making improvements at and near Rogers' Town, or the Shawanoe village, on the river Merrimack, in the district of St. Louis, and at and near the Cherakee and Delaware towns on the river St. Francis, in the district of New Madrid" (Missouri Gazette, 12 April 1809). Petal Waha and Ticomchika, "Shawonies", posted a notice in the Missouri Gazette in June 1809 stating they had found "on the upper part of Yanga [i.e., the Niangua river] a sorrel horse... Whoever will come and prove the property, pay lawful charges, shall have the horse. Apply to Rodgers a Shawome chief, on the waters of the Merimack." In the spring of 1811 Henry Marie Brackenndge, an attorney who had arrived in New Madrid in May 1810, wrote of "another village of 356 RODNEY STAAB

Shawonese on the Maramek, 60 miles from the mouth; they are under the government of Rodgers their chief. Their deportment is equally correct with their brethren on the Mississippi" (Missouri Gazette, 11 March 1811). The confluence of the Bourbeuse and Meramec rivers is almost precisely 60 river miles from the Mississippi (Hawksley 1985:57, 61). Thus a site in the fork between the Bourbeuse and the Meramec is probably the location of Rogers' third settlement. Beck's 1823 gazetteer describes "Rogerstown, an Indian settlement in Franklin county, in township 42 north, in range 1, east of the 5th principal meridian, on one of the branches of the Merrimack" (Beck 1823:313). An April 1811 letter by William Clark mentioning a "Band of Shawonees consisting of about Forty families who resides near the Missouri on a Branch of the Merimack river" probably refers to the Rogers band (Carter 1934-51, 14:446). Peck also describes an "Indiantown between the Bourbeuse and Merrimac rivers" (Babcock 1864:112), no doubt the same settlement. Following an 1824 act of Congress requiring Indian agents to designate specific locations for the transaction of trade with Indian tribes, William Clark designated, for the Shawnee band on the Maramek, "their village on the Bourbeuse" on December 28 of that year (Barry 1972:116, Clark 1824). Of all the Missouri Shawnee settlers, those associated with Rogers appears to have made the greatest efforts to establish themselves in white society. On 1 October 1811, "Rogers, alias Indian Rogers" was issued a certificate ascertaining and adjusting his claim to 100 arpents of land (one arpent = about 0.85 acre) on the Marais des Liards in the St. Louis District (American State Papers 1834:726), very likely the site of the first village. Rogers was perhaps encouraged by the success of George (a Shawnee) in obtaining a land claim in as of 14 Decem­ ber 1808 (American State Papers 1834:492). Rogers kept the citizens of St. Louis informed as to the progress of the war against the Osage in 1810, and Louis Rogers was the Shawnee who in May 1812 reported to someone at the St. Louis superintendency the tradition of the split between the Kickapoo and the Shawnee (Schoolcraft 1851-57, 4:254). It was Rogers who in August 1809 informed St. Louis citizens of the witchcraft trials then taking place. In April 1810, while in Virginia, Nicholas Biddle understood William Clark to say there was a Shawnee settlement "high up the Gasconnade" SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 357

(Jackson 1978, 2:522). Since the drainages of the Gasconade and the Bourbeuse adjoin, this may be an indirect reference to Rogers' second settlement.

The Big and Little Shawnee Villages The third and fourth settlements were adjacent to the Mississippi and were the villages most often visited and discussed by both travelers and Missourians. The Big Shawnee Village was on the north side of Apple Creek in Ste. Genevieve county (later, Perry county) and perhaps four or five miles from the Mississippi, while the Little Shawnee Village was south of Apple Creek in Cape Girardeau county and within a mile or so of the Mississippi. Between them, until about 1810, was a Delaware village. Nicolas de Finiels visited the two Shawnee settlements in 1797 and noted the systematic and solid construction of the village, the fenced fields, and the strong sense of hospitality exhibited by the Shawnee. The settlements were founded 11 or 12 years ago, he said, by Shawnee and Delaware followers of Lorimier fleeing the raids of Gen. — although (to correct de Finiels) it should be stated that Wayne did not begin campaigning against the Ohio Valley Shawnee until 1792 (Nelson 1985). Intriguingly, de Finiels observed that many of the Shawnee spoke English but not French. To his knowledge they practiced agriculture better than any other Indians. Lorimier provided the exclusive market for all their furs and kept his storehouses stocked with Indian trade goods. The Delaware living in the third village, he noted, were still savages in the full sense of the term (De Finiels 1989:34-36, 118-9). As to fluency in Eng­ lish, Captain Pedro Rousseau, piloting the galiot La Fleche down the Mississippi during the early months of 1793, met "the chief of the Shawnees with the notables of his village" on 13 March at New Madrid, and noted that "one who spoke good English" requested the services of a Spanish translator among them. This English speaker also said that "at the time of the English there had been one of their nation who spoke and wrote English and, when the King of England wished to send them some message, he wrote them and he who knew how to read English read it to the whole nation", complaining that a lack of fluency in Spanish had created many misunderstandings (Kinnaird 1946, 4:128-9). In late April and early May 1802 Francois Marie Perrin du Lac, of Bordeaux, France, traveled down the Ohio and up the Mississippi en route 358 RODNEY STAAB to St. Louis and the upper Missouri. Perrin du Lac reported that the "Chawanons" were in two parts, one inhabiting the environs of Lake Michigan, while the other part resided in Upper Louisiana. The two villages he stayed at were "known by the names of the Large and Small Savage Village, the former thirty-six, and the latter forty-eight miles from Ste. Genevieve... The large village contains four hundred and fifty inhabitants. It is built on the top of a hill, at the foot of which flows the Pomme river" (Perrin du Lac 1807:45). While at Fort Mandan over the winter of 1805-06, Lewis and Clark noted that the three villages of Shawnees "on apple River near Cape Gerardeau" could produce 150 warriors out of a total population of 600 (Thwaites 1904-05,6:80-83,112). Since, however, Lewis and Clark do not here mention Rogers' Town, a village they certainly knew well, it may be that it is the third of the villages. On the other hand, it may be that a majority of the residents of the third village on Apple Creek were Delaware, with Shawnee in the minority, leading to this ambiguous classification. The timing of the emigration of a large number of Delaware away from the Apple Creek settlements is of interest. In March 1808 Christian Schultz visited the Delaware and Shawnee village four miles below Muddy River and ten miles above Cape Girardeau on the west bank of the Mississippi, and traded for dried venison hams (Schultz 1810, 1:76-77). In August 1809 the Missouri Gazette clearly indicated the Delaware village was still there. But by March 1811 Brackenridge said these Delawares had re­ located: "There was a village of Delawares on Apple creek, but they removed to St. Francis. They were also a brave people, but addicted to drink and had no scruples in stealing a whiteman's hogs, or bells from the cattle" (Missouri Gazette, 14 March 1811). In Biddle's April 1810 interview Clark said the Shawnees "have one settlement on Apple Creek, & another high up the Gasconnade... about 400 men in Louis[ian]a" (Jackson 1978, 2:522). Henry Marie Brackenridge's remarks emphasizing the livestock holdings of the Shawnees appeared in a series of articles in the Missouri Gazette: Below Apple Creek, and a short distance from the Mississippi, at the distance of fifteen miles from each other, there are two villages of Shawonese; about one hundred and fiftywarriors . I have always admired the Shawonese nation; they possess a generosity, refinement and courage, that would do honor to any people on earth. During the Indian wars, this nation was a sharp thorn in our side, but they were recognized' and acknowledged, as not yielding either to their allies or enemies, in the most SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 359

undaunted and manly courage. The old men who fought against the Indians, all speak of the Shawonese with respect. The Shawonese, in these villages, bear a high character. They have good log houses, and are possessed of abundance of hogs and poultry, and good stocks of horses. Their white neighbours, live on good terms with them, and speak favorably of their sobriety, and correct deportment. I declare, although acquainted with indian manners from infancy, I never met with any of those people, that could be compared to these Shawonese. I cannot but lament, that no provision have been made, or are likely to be made for them by Congress. After possessing this soil peacably for more than twenty years, they are to be driven away from their cabbins and fields. Spain permitted them to hold for several miles around them, and forbid encroachment, but the United States, that ought to pride themselves upon a noble and generous policy, are not willing to allow themselves a slender possession. They were the enemies of the United States, and this from noble minds, calls for a generous treatment; they were the worst enemies of the United States, but the same character has made them the best friends. [Missouri Gazette, 14 March 1811] In his subsequent book, Views of Louisiana, Brackenridge merely mentions the "two or three Shawanese villages, a sober and orderly people" of 300 warriors and 800 souls living on the Mississippi and St. Francis who either "trade in their villages, or come to the settlements for the purpose" (Brackenridge 1817:133, 149). The description by Amos Stoddard, the firstAmerica n commandant of Upper Louisiana, also emphasizes the property of these Shawnee: About twenty miles up [Apple] creek, and near to it, are three villages of Indians, one of Delawares, and two of Shawnees, which were erected about the year 1794. The settlement of the Indians in this quarter was favored by the Spanish government, to whom a considerable tract of land was promised. They had several hundred warriors among them; who were considered as a safe-guard to the whites, and at the devotion of the Spanish authorities. One of these villages contains about eighty houses^ The houses of all the villages are built of logs, some of them squared, and well interlocked at the ends, and covered with shingles. Many of them are two stories high; and attached to them are small houses for the preserva­ tion of corn, and barns for the shelter of cattle and horses, with which they are well supplied. Their houses are well furnished with decent and useful furniture. These Indians are said to be the most wealthy of any in the country; but they are greatly debauched and debilitated by the use of ar­ dent spirits. They country about them is too much settled to afford plenty of game. They mostly hunt on the waters of the St. Francis and White river; and sometimes they penetrate into the territories of the Osages, between whom a predatory war has been maintained for many years. [Stoddard 1812:215] In December 1814 delegates from and Missouri territories reported to the Secretary of War that the "Shawanoe and Delawares ot 360 RODNEY STAAB

Cape Girardeau county, M.T." could provide 200 warriors for the war effort (Missouri Gazette, 21 January 1815), implying a local population of about 800. This was probably the maximum population; relocation away from these two villages began in 1815 (American State Papers 1832-34, 2:11). Resolutions concerning the "lands claimed by the shawanoes and delewares in the counties of St. Genevieve and cape Girardeau" were considered by Missouri territorial legislators in both January and December 1816 (Missouri Gazette, 17 February 1816, 11 January 1817). In an 1817 list of proposals for mail routes through Missouri, one such route led "from St. Genevieve by Big Shawnoe, Little Shawnoe, Cape Girardot and Winchester to New Madrid once a week, 115 miles" (Western Intelligen­ cer, 10 September 1817). Beck's 1823 gazetteer describes Shawnee village on Apple Creek as "the summer residence of a considerable number of Shawnee Indians" (Beck 1823:315). In May 1824 Sen. Thomas Hart Benton, a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, described these settlements as "a remnant of Shawanees, and Delawares, on the Mississippi river, above Cape Girardeau" (Arkansas Gazette, 29 June 1824). In his testimony before the same Senate committee in February 1831, William Clark alluded to the prior existence of a large band of Shawnees in Cape Girardeau county (UnitedStates Telegraph, 23 February 1831). Aregional history of southeast Missouri recollected in 1888 that the settlement "known to the French as Le Grand Village Sauvage (the big Indian village), was situated not far from the present town of Uniontown, in Perry County, and contained at one time as many as 500 inhabitants" (Goodspeed 1888:236). An 1872 reminiscence by the son of Francis LeSieur, one of the earliest New Madrid fur traders, named the larger village Chillicothe (LeSieur 1872). Most ethnographic material on the Missouri Shawnees — and it is fairly abundant — derives from the people of these two villages.

Castor River The fifth Shawnee settlement was on Castor River in present-day Stoddard county at what was known as Shawnee Ford (Goodspeed 1888: 237). A territorial legislative act creating Cape Girardeau county laid out one county boundary line "from the south side of the Big Swamp; thence a direct line to the Shawnee village on Castor river" and from there due west to the Osage Purchase boundary (Missouri Gazette, 29 January 1814). SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 361

This was most likely the Shawnee settlement best known to inhabitants of New Madrid. The 50 Shawnee families, constituting perhaps 200 people, found by Audubon to be hunting and gathering around the confluence of the Ohio and rivers and in other locations south of New Madrid in December 1810 may have been this entire village (McDermott 1942). Beck's 1823 gazetteer cartographically depicts "Shawanoe Village" as about 30 miles west-northwest of New Madrid but within New Madrid county, where the southern boundary of Cape Girardeau county meets Castor River (Beck 1823, frontispiecemap) . Goodspeed (1888) states that Shawnee settlements ranged in size from half a dozen families to much larger numbers. There is thus reason to believe that most smaller settle­ ments escaped contemporary notice.

Huzzah-Courtois The sixth settlement of the Missouri Shawnee was on an upper branch of the Meramec now known as Huzzah Creek, which with Courtois Creek enters the Meramec in central Crawford county. On 9 November 1818, while on a tour through the , Henry Rowe Schoolcraft crossed Huzzah Creek near what is now Davisville and heard that four miles downstream from his crossing place was "a large village of the Shawanees" (Rafferty 1996:21,24). There are references to "Quoikoke (du marameck)" and "Tecamchica (Shaw), fourche a Courtois" (= Ticomchika) as well as "Petaloua frere de Tecamchica" (= Petal Waha) in the Menard and Valle ledger (1817-27:39, 43, 85). Since neither Rogers nor anyone associated with him is mentioned in this ledger, these entries may refer to Shawnee living at or near the settlement noted by Schoolcraft, or alternatively may indicate that Tecamchica had relocated since 1809 to the Huzzah-Courtois settlement — or even that Tecamchica and others had been living at the Huzzah-Courtois settlement since 1809. Peck also mentions a band of Indians living on the Fourche a Courtois in Washington county in 1818 (Babcock 1864:112), clearly the very band Schoolcraft just missed seeing.

Big Lake, Arkansas The seventh settlement is known from the testimony of "Mississip- pius", a promoter writing from Helena, , in September 1822 who said he had resided in this region since 1797: 362 RODNEY STAAB

opposite Plumb Point, or Upper Chickasaw Bluffs, on a large lake remote some miles from the river, is a spacious body of fertile land, well situated, and inaccessible to high water. Through this tract runs a bold and beautiful stream of water, on which are several valuable mill-seats, and from whence it derives the name of Mill Creek. Below that again, is what is denominated the Shawnee Village, there is another (or perhaps a con­ tinuation of the same) rich and elevated tract of country. [Arkansas Gazette, 10 September 1822] The "remote lake" is probably Big Lake on the Castor River, located within both the and Mississippi county, Arkansas. This Shaw­ nee village was again mentioned in the Memphis (Tennessee) Advocate in April 1827 (cited in Arkansas Gazette, 22 May 1827).

Current River An eighth settlement is mentioned in Senator Benton's 1824 list of Indians in Missouri, described as "a remnant of Shawnees and Delawares, on the head of Currant river" (Arkansas Gazette, 29 June 1824). The names of Shawnee Creek and Little Shawnee Creek, tributaries of the Jack's Fork branch of the Current River near Eminence (Hawksley 1985:98-100), may preserve a memory of this settlement. The statement of Captains Bob, John, Reed, Henry and Pamhalk (1829) may be taken to read that this group migrated directly from the /Ohio Shawnees. On the other hand, a biography of Paytakootha, or Capt. Reed, states he was a Chillicothe born in the country of the Creeks (McKenney & Hall 1858, 1:172). Summarizing, then, we find that the approximate maximum popula­ tions for the settlements at specific times were as follows:

Village site known dates population size of occupation 1. north of Cahokia ferry 1780s? 2. Roger's Town (three sites) c. 1794-1818 about 50 houses (1st site) 80 people in 1807 (3rd site) "40 families" in 1811 3. "Big Shawnee Village" 1790-1824? 450 in 1802, max. 500 later 4. "Small Shawnee Village" 1790-1824? approx. 150 in 1802 about 800 in 3+4 in 1814 5. Castor River 18107-1823 "50 families" in 1810-11 6. Huzzah-Courtois 1818 7. Big Lake (Ark.) 1822-1827 8. Current River 1824 SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825

The total population was counted a number of times. In 1806 James Wilkinson, governor of Missouri Territory, said that the Shawnee and Delaware under Louis Lorimier could muster 600 men (Carter 1934-51, 13:183). An August 1817 census of the Indian tribes in Missouri Territory found 1200 Shawnee and 600 Delaware (Carter 1934-51, 15:304-5). Together with the information summarized above, this would imply that about half the population lived outside the major villages.

ORIGPN OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE POPULATION Some, at least, of the Missouri Shawnee arrived directly from the . Peck clearly states that Captain Rogers had previously lived on the , although the same cannot be said of all of his followers. Frederick Bates, acting governor of Missouri Territory, in 1809 stated that the Delaware and Shawnee in the territory "sought asylum in this country after their defeat by Genl. Wayne" in 1795 (Marshall 1926, 2:91). John Johnston, agent for the Ohio Shawnees at Piqua, wrote in 1822 that: the Shawaneese on the Mississippi seperated [sic] from their nation and moved there immediately after the Revolutionary War under the advice and direction of a noted incendiary named Laramie [and] that they have continued seperate ever since. [Hemphill 1959-95, 7:280] "Laramie" is most likely Louis Lorimier. An 1829 complaint signed by Captains Bob, John, Reed, Henry and Pamhalk, leaders of at least one group of the deracinated Missouri Shawnee, stated: some time after the close of the War, in your country's cause, in which you were engaged with Great Britton, we separated ourselves from our Shawnee brethren, exchanged our lands and removed to White River, in Arkansas Territory, where we were told land would be given us... two or more years ago [per the 1825 treaty] we were told land was laid up for us on . [Capt. Bob et al. 1829] Since the Current River is a tributary of the White River, it may be that this group of Shawnee were part of, or constituted, the settlement mentioned above by Senator Benton. The statement implies a relocation from lands in the Ohio valley to the Arkansas valley. But the statement also telescopes events from 1783 up to the late 1820s and is not as useful in delimiting the times of these migrations as we might prefer. Some of these Shawnee arrived from settlements in the deep South, as affirmed most of all by the Absentee Shawnee themselves. In a biography of Kishkalwa, McKenney and Hall (1858,1:39) relate how Kishkalwa left the Ohio and Kentucky country after Lord Dunmore's War and departed 364 RODNEY STAAB

"with a part of the tribe, called the Sawekela band, to the south, in 1774, and settled among the Creeks. This band returned again to the shores of the Ohio in 1790, but took no part in the war of 1794, nor in that of 1812", nor in any subsequent anti-American activity. Kishkalwa, one of the most prominent of the Missouri Shawnee, was in St. Louis as early as 1803 (Billon 1886:374) and certainly did take part in the , but this statement implies, at best, a post-1790 relocation "from the shores of the Ohio" to the Illinois-Missouri border area. Another account was written almost a century afterwards by a descendant of the emigres: in two 1896 letters Walter Shawnee, who described himself as "a young man of the the Absentee Shawnees, born since the Civil War, and the secretary of the business committee of the tribe", stated: [the Shawnee] are divided into fiveclan s or bands, viz : Spi-to-tha, Chi- lah-cah-tha, Ha-tha-we-ke-law, Bi-co-we-tha, and Ki-spo-ko-tha. In the year about 1745, the three latter bands became dissatisfied and left their hunting grounds on the Cumberland River in Kentucky, and emigrated to New Spain prior to the year 1793, and were settled on a grant of land near Cape Girardeau, now in the State of Missouri, by grant from the Spanish Government through Baron de Carondelet. [Halbert 1903] Alford, also an Absentee Shawnee, dated the factional split to a time shortly before the Revolution and affirms that the group under the leadership of the Tha-we-gi-lah chief was granted the Cape Girardeau tract (Galloway 1934). A few white observers confirm these southern origins. In speaking of the Missouri Shawnee in 1811 Henry Marie Brackenridge said "this nation formerly resided on the Savana river in , and exchanged their country with the , for that on Cumberland river, from whence they crossed over into the country north of the Ohio" (Missouri Gazette, 14 March 1811). Agent John Johnston (1820:273) believed the Shawnee had arrived in the Ohio country from West Florida about 1745. Henry Harvey, a Friends missionary among the Kansas Shawnee in the 1850s, believed that the Coosa and Talapoosa Shawnee and those associated with Savannah's Town "seem to have got together" in 1792 (Harvey 1855:99). He echoed Walter Shawnee, stating that one band of about 450 Shawnee had by 1745 relocated to a site in New Spain "north of the head waters of the Mobile river", i.e., on either the Coosa or the Talapoosa river. In 1784 some 260 Indians (, Cherokee, Shawnee, Chickasaw, , and Loup [i.e., Delaware]) complained that SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 365

Americans had hindered them in their visits to "the Spanish chiefs of New Orleans, Pensacola, Mobile, and Natchez" (Kinnaird 1946, 3:118), implying Shawnee familiarity with at least one of these towns.

SHAWNEES OF THE DEEP SOUTH

Colonial records bear out the existence of two sets of Shawnee settlements, in the Carolinas and in . Because the standard accounts (e.g. Callendar 1978, Howard 1981) are vague about Shawnee settlements in the deep South, I offer here an initial attempt to block out in chronological order what can be learned of these settlements, recognizing full well that future work will no doubt add greatly to the narrative. The still unanswered question is to what extent these Shawnees of the deep South later migrated into the Missouri country. Up to three Shawnee settlements flourished some 50 leagues from "Carolina", beginning about the 1670s, on and southwest of the and, later, on the Chattahoochee. In 1715 the Carolina Shawnee numbered 233; Swanton discusses these Carolina settlements in some depth. The success of Charleston traders among them was such that by the late 1720s up to seven Shawnee villages, all friendly to the British, were to be established near Fort Alabama — a plan that was not to be realized. The 1733 Crenay map locates Chouakale as being on the Chattahoochee (Rowland, Sanders & Galloway 1984a, 4:20-21; Swanton 1922:141,317- 320, and plate 5). The Catawba of the Carolinas knew, and very much disliked, these Shawnee. Tales told to Catawba children as late as the 1930s emphasized the potential terror of Shawnee raids (Merrell 1989:263). Such fear was not without warrant. In 1768 the Virginia Gazette, reprinting news from Charleston, , reported: a number of Catawba Indians arrived in town last Monday [6 June], with the scalps of the party of Shawanese, they surprized on the first ult. His Honour the Lieutenant Governor received them in a most friendly man­ ner, ordered them some presents, and they are now on their return home. [Virginia Gazette, 23 June 1768] Needless to say, an enemy encountered less than a week's journey away from Charleston was not likely found in the Ohio Valley. Merrell (1989: 118-9) reports a 1717 conflict between Shawnee and Catawba. Regarding the Shawnee move from the Carolina settlements to the north, Swanton (1922:317) quotes Lawson's 1709 observation that the 366 RODNEY STAAB

"Savannahs Indians" had moved from the headwaters of a South Carolina river "to live in the quarters of the Iroquois or Sinnegars [Seneca], which are on the heads of the rivers that disgorge themselves into the bay of Chesapeak." A 28 July 1752 comment from colonizers in Georgia refers to this migration: We have now about thirty Indians here, besides Children, part of an ancient Nation called the Savannahs, which which we suppose, this River took its Name. They formerly resided about Augusta, but chiefly moved to the back of New York in the last Indian War with Carolina. Part of those who moved, lately returned, and are settled among the Upper Creeks near to the French with whom we fear, they have too great an Intimacy. [Candler 1904-41, 26:389-397] A follow-up letter of 30 July 1752 says the Savannahs consist of "about Sixty Gun Men, but there are yet a considerable Body of the same Nation to the Northward, who may probably move this Way." A 1751 conveyance to the trustees of Georgia was signed by, among others, "Epinouva, Mico and Chief of the Savanas" (Candler 1904-41, 26:405-9). Around 1743 a group of Ohio Shawnee were persuaded to move near the proposed site of a French fort (the future Fort Massac) at the confluence of the Wabash and Ohio rivers. After waiting two years, about 70 or 80 Shawnee left this site and resettled among the Alabama, likely near the village of the Abikudshi ("Little Abika" — the Abihka were a branch of the Alabama tribe) at a site two or three leagues from the fort of the Alabamas. This French stronghold, also known as Fort Toulouse, was located at the confluence of the Coosa and Talapoosa rivers. During tense negotiations in late 1746, 100 Ohio Shawnee proposed to relocate with the 80, but this apparently did not come to pass. Efforts were made — unsuccessfully — by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor of French Louisiana, to resettle the Alabama Shawnee near Detroit or even to the Natchez Post. In 1756 Vaudreuil's successor said this settlement was called Chalakague, that it was composed of 80 Shawnee who formerly resided on the Beautiful River [Ohio], and that it had been established about ten years earlier. "Chala­ kague" is evidently the plural of Chalaka, one of the fivedivision s of the Shawnee. By 1760-61 the Alabama Shawnee were divided into two towns of about 50 men each, Chalakagey and "shaircula savanalis", the latter town perhaps composed of Shawnee of the Thawikila division. This would seem to indicate a total population of around 400. In 1764 Col. SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 367 listed, along with the Alibamous, Machecous and Cowetas, the "Souikilas" as having 200 fighting men. This is evidently the Thawikila and may represent a total Shawnee population of 800. A 1772 document recording activities among the Lower Creeks mentions both a Shawnee who had visited New Orleans and "Chavacleyhatchie" (cf. Creek -hatchee 'river') as a branch of the Tallapoosa River. In 1778 a British sympathizer promised to organize Coolamies, Fusshatchies, "Eufalhes, Tuwassies and Swagolos" among the Creeks to battle with colonists at St. Augustine. Also in 1778 Shawnees near Vincennes requested and received what was apparently a letter of introduction from the local post commander "addressed to the Head men of the Creek Indians" (Barron 1975:35,39-40, 67,69,123,215-6,276,295-6,308-9,434; Rowland, Dunbar & Galloway 1984a, documents 3, 55, 74, 19846, documents 3, 9, 17, 31, 32, 39, 56; Schoolcraft 1851-57,3:559;Davies 1972:181; Seineke 1981:345; Swanton 1922:319). As Thomas Wildcat Alford stated, "if you ask a Creek Indian the name of a Thawegila town, he is likely to say 'Sawakola,' or 'Sawokla,' or 'Sawokli,' as preserved in the South where the Creeks lived" (Galloway 1934:22). Sir William Johnson, a colonial British commander in New York State, was aware of impending trouble with the Creeks in early 1774; commenting on a story which had appeared in the Carolina Gazette, he wrote: I have great reason to apprehend that altho the whole of the Creeks have not declared themselves, it is extremely probable they will be drawn into the measures of the rest, & that the Shawanese who have lately removed to the southward, and have been always a disaffected people will be inclined to engage in the Quarrel having long sought Alliances for that purpose. [Flick 1921-62, 8:1085, 1104] These "Shawanese" were, as Kishkalwa noted, those who moved south in anticipation of what became Lord Dunmore's War in 1774. James Leonard, a merchant doing business in New Orleans in the early , said that one band of Shawnee, part of "the hostile tribes of the north", traveled to New Orleans, thence to Pensacola, and were then sent by "Gov. O'Neal" to live among the Creeks, and were in Savannah's Town in 1792, there joining with the Shawnee "that settled with the Creeks some years past" (American State Papers 1832-34,2:308). Arturo O'Neill was governor of West at Pensacola from 1781 to 1793 (Beerman 1981), a circumstance which allows us to bracket 368 RODNEY STAAB

the time of this particular migration which joined with an already settled group.1 Louis de Clerk Milfort, who lived among the Creek from 1775 until about 1795, speaks of Shawnee migrations both to and from the deep South; to some degree he also explains the incremental disappearance of Shawnee distinctiveness among them: this [Creek] nation was composed of the union often to twelve different nations which came to unite with it... Shortly after the American Revo­ lution a part of the Savanhaugay Nation which inhabits the upper part of the Savanha River... moved northward to the banks of the Ohio, near Quintockey [Kentucky]; the other part went among the Creeks, who gave them lands on the Talapousse River, near the Alibamons. This nation settled there, and has built a small town, and follows its peculiar customs and habits which differ a great deal from those of the Creeks, but this fact does not prevent perfect accord between them... When a Savanhaugay marries a Creek woman, he is obliged to follow the laws, customs, and habits of the latter; which does not happen when a Creek marries a Savanhaugay woman. [Milfort 1959:23, 173-4] Table 1 summarizes information on three sets of Shawnee settlements in the 1790s compiled from Caleb Swan in 1791 (Schoolcraft 1851-57, 5: 260-2), Pedro Olivier in 1793 (Kinnaird 1946, 4:230-2), and Benjamin Hawkins in 1798-99 (Hawkins 1980, 1:315-6). Population figures are in parentheses. Subsequent references to Shawnee among the Creek are few. Benjamin Hawkins, U.S. agent to the Creeks, wrote in January 1812 that "we have a town of Shawnees (Sau van no gee) who live among us, some of them well disposed men." In September 1813 Hawkins mentioned the towns of Sauwoogolo and Sauvannogee; as of January 1815 Sauwoogele [sic] had contributed 73 warriors and three officers to the American war effort (Hawkins 1980, 2:601, 668-9, 716). A history of the of 1813-14basedin part on the recollections of Native American participants mentions that "Sawanogee, on the Tallapoosa, was a Shawnee town, subject to the Creek laws", and that Ekanhatkee and Sawanogee were "advocates of American extermination" (Halbert & Ball 1969:23,98-100). A British writer for the Royal Gazette of Jamaica noted, in October 1814, the imminent arrival of Upper Creek, Shawnee, and other Indian troops in

Alford concludes Leonard's statement as "...from thence to Pensacola, where Governor O'Neal received them and gave them presents; from thence to the Creek Nation, where they were in 1792; and from thence to Cape Girardeau" (Galloway 1934:41). The italicized phrase does not appear in the original. SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825 369

Table 1. Shawnee settlements in the 1790s. Swan 1791 Olivier 1793 Hawkins 1798-99 TALAPOOSA RIVER Shawanese, or Savanas Sawanoke (200) Sau-wa-no-gee (Shawanese refugees) Kenhulga2 Canchacte (90) E-cun-hut-kee (Shawanese refugees) CHATTAHOOCHEE RIVER Chewackala Sawocolo (300) Sau-woog-e-lo Sawocoloche (110) Sau-woog-e-loo-che (about 20 families)

Pensacola (DeGrummond 1962:318-321). Yet, as Swanton (1922) noted, the Shawnee do not appear on the Creek census list of 1832. The question still before us is whether the Missouri Shawnee did indeed derive, at least in part, from the Shawnee settlements of the deep South. The following testimony should certainly be considered in the final weighing of the evidence. The great New Madrid earthquake began on 16 December 1811, and continued for almost a year. Though centered very nearly in the midst of these Shawnee towns, the quake was felt as far away as New Hampshire. The Missouri Gazette of 21 March 1812 commented: the Cherokees who were exploring that tract of Country, between the Arkansas and White river have returned home, terrified by the repeated and violent shocks of earthquake. We understand they intended to exchange with the U. States, their country on the E. of the Mississippi for a like quantity on the Arkansas. In the same article, the Gazette also provided this remarkable account of the Shawnee reaction to the awe-inspiring event: The tremendous effects of earthquake in this Territory has revived, an almost obsolete indian rite, in the mode of imploring the Deity, and to avert the divine displeasure — Temples are erecting in the Indian villages, to make offerings to the . The Shawanees of the Maramec, (40 miles from this place) have finished their religious devotions. The following authentic account of it may be interesting to our readers. The Indian mode of worship, as happened in consequence of the late Earthquakes. This alarming Phenomenon of nature, struck with such consternation and dismay, those tribes of Indians, that live within and contiguous to that

2 On the basis of the other two forms, it may well be that the -/- of Swan's "Kenhulga" is actually a mistranscribed -t-. 370 RODNEY STAAB

tract of country, on the Mississippi, where the severity of the earthquake appears to have been the greatest, that they were induced to convene together in order to consult upon the necessity of having recourse to some method of relief, from so alarming an incident; when it was resolved to fall upon the following expedient to excite the pity of the GREAT SPIRIT. After a general hunt had taken place, to kill deer enough for the undertak­ ing. A small hut was built to represent a temple, or place of offering a sacrifice. The ceremony was introduced by a general cleansing of the body and face. The novelty of the occasion rendering it unusually awful and inter­ esting. After neatly skinning their deer, they suspended them by the fore­ feet, so that the heads might be directed to the heavens, before the temple, as an offering to the Great Spirit. In this attitude they remainded for three days; which interval was devoted to such penance, as consists in absolute fasting; at night lying on the back upon fresh deer skins; turning their thoughts exclusively upon the happy prospect of immediate protection; that they may conceive dreams to that effect, the only vehicle of intercourse between them and the GREAT SPIRIT; the old and young men observing a most rigorous abstinence from a cohabitation with the women, under the solemn persuasion that, for a failure thereof, instant death and condemnation awaited; and lastly, gravely and with much apparent piety, imploring the attention of the GREAT SPIRIT to their helpless and distressed condition; acknowledging their absolute depend­ ence on him; entreating his regard for for their wives and children; declaring the fatal consequences that must inevitably ensue by withhold­ ing his notice; namely the loss of their wives and children, and their total disability to master their game, arising from their constant dread of his anger, and concluded in asserting their full assurance that their prayers are heard, their object is accomplished by a cessation of terrors and game again becoming plenty and easily overcome. On the lapse of the three days, thus dedicated, believing themselves forgiven, for every unwarrantable act of which they were sensible, that the offering was accepted; they finallybegi n with a mutual relation of their respective dreams; the scene is changed to joy and congratulation, by proceeding ravenously to devour the sacrificed deer to allay their feast. [Missouri Gazette, 21 March 1812] This form of worship seems to be greatly unlike any of the calendar- based round of ceremonies observed among the Shawnee in the 20th century (Howard 1981). On the other hand, the hastily erected temples recall the cane and wooden temples built by the and Natchez in early historic times (Hudson 1984) and those seen by DeSoto's army in 1539-43 (Hudson 1997). Here, particularly, is where the southeastern ceremonialism in which the Carolina and Alabama Shawnee may well have participated, a ceremonialism almost "obsolete" by 1812, seems to have been revived for this most awe-inspiring and spectacular of reasons. SETTLEMENTS OF THE MISSOURI SHAWNEE, 1793-1825

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