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Chapter 9 Crosscurrents in Linguistic Research: Humanism and Positivism in Central Australia 1890–1910 David Moore University of Western Australia

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Chapter 9 Crosscurrents in Linguistic Research: Humanism and Positivism in Central Australia 1890–1910 David Moore University of Western Australia Chapter 9 Crosscurrents in linguistic research: Humanism and positivism in Central Australia 1890–1910 David Moore University of Western Australia Trained in nineteenth century humanist traditions of philology, German Lutheran missionaries conducted linguistic fieldwork in the Dieri (Diyari) language near Lake Eyre in South Australia and in the Aranda (Arrarnta, Arrernte) and Loritja (Luritja) languages at Hermannsburg in the Northern Territory. As the discipline became increasingly positivist in the late nineteenth century, anthropologists and linguists with this very different orientation also took an interest in the languages of Central Australia. In this paper I contrast humanist and positivist researchers of Central Australian languages arguing that common metascientific orientations are more significant factors than nationality for understanding their research. 1 Introduction The period 1890–1910 saw the publication of the first comprehensive grammars and dictionaries of Central Australian Aboriginal languages. Lutheran mission- aries from the Hermannsburg Missionary Institute in present-day Lower Sax- ony in Germany conducted linguistic fieldwork in the Dieri (Diyari) language near Lake Eyre in South Australia from 1866. After the Hermannsburg Mission in the Northern Territory was established in 1877 Hermann Kempe (1844–1928) researched the Aranda (Arrarnta, Arrernte) language. The Hermannsburg mis- sionaries left Central Australia in 1891. Carl Strehlow (1871–1922) arrived in1894 after training at the Neuendettelsau Mission Institute in Franconia, Germany in which humanist philology played a greater role than it had at Hermannsburg. David Moore. 2020. Crosscurrents in linguistic research: Humanism and positivism in Central Australia 1890–1910. In Émilie Aussant & Jean-Michel Fortis (eds.), Historical journey in a linguistic archipelago: Descriptive concepts and case studies, 143–158. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4269423 David Moore The missionaries were not alone. During 1907 and 1908 five descriptions of Central Australian languages were published. In tracing the history of German anthropology Kenny (2013: 51) claims that “Strehlow had little contact with his British-Australian contemporaries”. Discussing the antagonism between the En- glish biologist and anthropologist Walter Baldwin Spencer and Strehlow, Kenny does not discuss like-minded English-speaking researchers such as R.H. Math- ews (Mathews 1907; Thomas 2007) and N.W. Thomas who collaborated with Strehlow. The “German fin de siècle anthropological tradition that was language based” (Kenny 2013: 99) was not monolithic and there is a need to take account of the discontinuities in German Ethnology which are so evident on reading the German sources. Citing Monteath (2013) and acknowledging that Antihumanists were also “well represented among the Germans”, Kenny (2013: 228) also fails to acknowledge the antagonism of German Antihumanists towards Strehlow. Previously I argued that Strehlow was engaged in philology and cultural trans- lation rather than a form of “ethnography” which was a transitional stage to modern anthropology (Moore & Ríos Castaño 2018: 336). In dual roles of mis- sionary and researcher, he translated for distinct purposes and audiences. His investigation of indigenous religion was limited by the attitudes of the church authorities which viewed it as “heathen” (Moore & Ríos Castaño 2018: 338). For a brief time (1906–1910) he was engaged in disinterested scholarship. He kept his research separate from his evangelical work (Brock 2017: 232). Further, “he stopped his investigations on completion of his manuscript and the death of his patron” (Brock 2017: 236), returning to Bible translation from 1913 to 1919 (Moore & Ríos Castaño 2018: 336). In this paper I am seeking to explain the differences between Strehlow and some of his contemporaries in terms of their attitudes to linguistic research. I characterize two contrasting kinds of research as “humanist” and “positivist” ac- cording to the influences of nationality, education and trainingErrington ( 2008: 94), arguing that metascientific orientations and language ideologies (Moore 2020) more than nationality determined their approaches to linguistic research. An un- derstanding of these factors is necessary for interpreting their linguistic descrip- tions and also for understanding the collaborations between some researchers in the field and the antagonisms between others. 144 9 Crosscurrents in linguistic research 2 Humanist and positivist paradigms in the early twentieth century The labels “humanism” and “positivism” refer to philosophies or epistemologies or means to finding “a method by which humans could be classified andknown” (Zimmerman 2001: 186), reflecting a division that existed in Germany since the Aufklärung (‘Enlightenment’), into Naturwissenschaften (‘natural sciences’) and Geisteswissenschaften (‘human sciences’).1 Humanism arose in the Renaissance as the study of the classical world (Giustiniani 1985: 172).2 Although this term refers to diverse branches of scholarship (Adams 1998: 258), I focus upon the adoption of Humanism by the sixteenth-century Lutheran Reformers, the rise of the German philosophy of language and its language ideologies and the ex- tension of philology to indigenous languages (Moore & Ríos Castaño 2018: 328; Moore 2020). Humanist scholars privileged the study of language for understand- ing other societies (Zimmerman 2001: 53), developing the methods of textual crit- icism, hermeneutics and translation to understand texts. Early anthropologists such as James George Frazer (1854–1941) were trained in Classics as the study of the ancient civilizations of Greece and Rome. A di- vision of labour developed as the two disciplines diverged (Marett 1908; Kluck- hohn 1961). The subject material of classical studies was “civilized peoples”, that is, those with a written literature while the subject material of anthropology was the “natural peoples”, those without written literatures.3 The division between humanism and positivism is a cline rather than rigid, reflecting the situation in German academic life in the first decade of the twentieth century. Within Ger- many the move from the humanist philological sciences to positivist sciences was underway about 1850 (Smith 1991: 26), reflecting wider changes in society in the “age of positivism” (Massin 1996: 120). There are strong similarities between general linguists, missionary linguists and moderate positivists. That they cor- responded about the study of Australian languages is evidence of this affinity, reflecting the persistance of language ideologies from the German philosophy of language. 1The Geisteswissenschaften included both the humanities and social sciences, for which there was no clear division in the nineteenth century (Adams 1998: 282) 2Another term which contrasts with “positivist” is “idealist” (Vossler 1904), which applies to developments in German philosophy later than the Humanist origins in the sixteenth century. 3Anthropology is the only discipline which is allied to the humanities, social sciences and nat- ural sciences. 145 David Moore 3 Central Australian missionary linguistics as Humanist research 3.1 Kempe and Strehlow Missionaries compiled grammars and wordlists for the purposes of biblical trans- lation from German into Aboriginal languages (Moore & Ríos Castaño 2018). Ini- tially, they sought words in Indigenous languages as translations of key theolog- ical terms in order to translate the Catechism and later, the Bible into Aboriginal languages. Kempe published a grammar and wordlist of “the language of the Macdonnell Ranges” (Kempe 1891). His treatment of the language was tentative: “the following pages, therefore, do not profess to contain a complete vocabu- lary, nor one which would satisfy the learned philologist” (Kempe 1891: 1). The Neuendettelsau curriculum was based upon philology and Lutheran theology with the purpose of enabling the mission candidates to translate and interpret biblical texts. Strehlow’s training replicated the “classical orientation” (Kenny 2013: 83) in which proficiency in reading ancient languages enabled scholars to understand the biblical and classical Greek and Roman worlds. Language train- ing included instruction in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, English and German syntax and word formation, and prepared missionaries for translating languages (Völker 2001: 8; Nobbs 2005: 26). Strehlow revised Kempe’s earlier grammar, dictionary and hymnbook. Aranda became a language of interest to European scholarship and the need to obtain reliable data from the field prompted Freiherr Moritz von Leonhardi (1856–1910) to request information from Strehlow who extended his research to the collection of texts and translations of Die Aranda- und Loritja- Stämme in Zentral-Australien (Strehlow 1907–1920). For German Lutheran missionaries the first step in understanding was to ac- quire Aboriginal languages. They learned the languages rapidly through social interaction. The Neuendettelsau-trained Lutheran missionary in North Queens- land Wilhelm Poland said that “[t]here was in fact only one way of learning the language, and that was to mix with the older generation in their camps” (Poland 1988: 103). The Aranda elder and Evangelist Moses Tjalkabota was “surprised at the rapid rate of progress which Carl Strehlow made with the language” through reading Kempe’s grammar and hymnbook (Latz 2014: 65–66). The Aboriginal el- ders Loatjira, Pmala, Tjalkabota and
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