The Diversity and Dynamics of Shifting Cultivation: Myths, Realities, and Policy Implications

LorI Ann Thrupp, Susanna Hecht and John Browder wIth Owen J Lynch, Nablha Megateh and WIlham O'Bnen

WORLD RESOURCES INSTITUTE

September 1997 Carollyne Hutter Acting Pubhcatlons DIrector

Hyacinth Bllhngs ProductIOn Manager

Cover photograph courtesy of Harold C Conkhn (RICe, mazze, mamoc, pigeon pea, and banana plants surround two Hanunoo shiftmg cultIVators as they weed their extensively mtercropped hlllside swldden for a second time on Mmdoro Island m the Ph,llppmes)

Each World Resources Instltute Report represents a tImely, scholarly treatment ofa subject of pubhc concern WRI takes responslblhty for choosing the study tOPICS and guaranteemg ItS authors and researchers freedom of mqurry It also SOhCltS and responds to the guIdance of adVlsory panels and expert reVlewers Unless othefWlse stated, however, all the interpretatIOn and findings set forth in WRI pubhcatIOns are those of the authors

Copynght © 1997 World Resources InstItute All nghts reserved ISBN 1-56973-230-2 LIbrary of Congress Catalog Card No 97-80524 Pnnted in the Umted States of Amenca on Recycled Paper The Dlverslty and Dynannes of Sluftmg Cultivation Myths, Reahties, and Pohey Impheahons 111

Contents

Acknowledgments v

IntroductIOn 1

I The BasIcs of Shlftmg CultivatIOn Systems What, Where, Who 3 Meanmg of Shtftmg CultlvatIon 3 Extent of Shtftmg Cultivation 3 Mam Features of Shtftmg CultlvatIOn 4 Dynanucs of Shtftmg CultivatIOn 7 n Myths and ReahtIes 9 PerceptIOns of Agncultural Development Stages 9 Dlverslty of Shtftmg CultivatIOn 11 Subslstence and CommerClal Farmlng ActlVltles 15 ProductIVlty Levels 17 EnVlronmental Impacts and Resource Use 18 Levels of Productive Technologles and Agroecologlcal Knowledge 21 Tenure and Property Systems 25 InterventIOns of Governments, Agencles and Pohcles 25 ill ConclusIOns ReconcIlmg Pohcy with RealIty 33

References 37 The Diversity and Dynanues of ShIftmg Culnvanon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohey Impheatlons v

Acknowledgments

Tills report IS a product of collaboratIve work support and mterest We appreCIate the valuable between World Resources Institute staff reVlews and suggestIons by Harold Conkhn, members and close collaborators--all concerned MIchael Dove, Jams Alcorn, Chnstme Padoch, about sillftmg cultIvatIon and socIal dynamICS of Harold Brookfield, and Sam FUJlsaka on an land use change The research was ImtIated as a earher verSIon of tills paper We are also grateful part ofWRI's work With the InternatIonal for the comments and mput proVided by WRI Center for Research on Agroforestry (ICRAF), staff, mcludmg Walter ReId, Thomas Fox, NIgel and other orgamzatlOns mvolved m the Sizer, Peter Velt, Paige Brown, Paul Faeth, and "AlternatIves to Slash and Bum" (ASB) Jake Brunner Thanks also go to Seth Imtlatlve supported largely by the Global Beckerman for edltmg, to Roberto Colque for EnVlronment Faclhty through the Umted Nations program aSSIstance and desktoppmg, and to Development Programme, and coordmated by Hyacmth Bdhngs and Valene Schwartz for ICRAF We are grateful to ICRAF and ASB for production assistance

The Authors The DIversity and Dynarmes of Sluftmg Cultlvatlon Myths Reabtles and Pobey Impheatlons

Introduction

Shtftmg cultlvatlOn IS the most complex and perceIved to be more modem, sustamable and multIfaceted form of agnculture m the world Its sedentary forms of agnculture Contemporary htghly dIverse land use systems have been cntlcs and the medIa often call It "slash and evolvmg smce as early as 10,000 BC m a WIde bum" agnculture--a peJoratlve term that range of dIstmct SOCIOeCOnOmIC and ecologIcal perpetuates mIsperceptlons about shtftmg condItlons, from montane to lowland cultIvators ecosystems, and from tropIcal forests to grasslands (Spencer, 1966) Shtftmg cultIvatlon Thts publIcatlon htghlIghts the multlfaceted, encompasses croppmg systems such as dynamIC charactenstlcs of shtftmg cultlvatlOn hortIculture and annual croppIng, perenrual tree and IdentIfies SOCIOeCOnOmIC and polIcy factors crops, arumal husbandry, and management of that affect shtftmg cultIvators It challenges forests and fallows m sequentIal or rotatIonal prevrulmg mIsconceptlons by htghlIghtmg the cycles, It IS currently practIced m a WIde vanety dIverSIty, myths, and realItles of shtftmg of forms by 500 mIlhon to one bIllIon people cultIvatlOn The concludmg sectIon summanzes around the world reasons for supportmg agroecoiogical pnncipies and lIvelIhood secunty and aVOldmg listoncal Shtftmg cultlvatlOn has been a subject of mIstakes It also draws on mSIghts based on debate and mterventlOn smce the colomal era, field research and makes recommendatIons for and It has often been subject to pubhc polIcy change as well as other opportumtles for mIscOnceptIons and stereotypIng Many In the supportIng sustamable and eqUItable land use, enVIronment and development commumty have mcludmg partICIpatory commumty-based cntIcized shtftmg cultlvatlon as a pnmItlve, approaches for mtegratmg local knowledge m backwards, destructlve, or wasteful form of research and development agnculture, and as a mere precursor to what are The DlVersity and Dynarmcs of Shrllmg Cultivation Myths ReahtIes and Pohcy ImphcatIons 3

I. The Basics of Shifting Cultivation Systems: What, Where, Who

Meanmg of Shlftmg CultivatIOn Extent of Shlftmg Cultivation

Shtftmg cultlVatlOn consIsts of many dIverse The total land area affected by shtftmg land use actIvItIes and IS, therefore, dIfficult to cultIvatIon IS difficult to assess because the define Broadly speakmg, the term refers to any practIce mcludes many land use actIVItIes A temporal and spatIally cychcal agncultural reasonable estImate of the global area IS 2 9 system that mvolves cleanng ofland-usually bIlhon hectares (StIles, 1994) Hauck (1974) with the assIstance of fire-followed by phases and Sanchez (1976) estimate that vanous types of cultIvatIon and fallow penods Most shtftmg of shtftmg cultlVatlOn are practiced on about 30 cultivatIon systems blend agnculture WIth percent of the world's explOItable soil Dove huntmg, fishtng, gathenng, and resource-use (1985) suggests that roughly one half of the land systems m multI-ruche strategIes that make area m the tropICS IS modIfied by shtftmg econOffilC and SOCIal sense m many settmgs cultIvatlOn TypIcally, shtftmg cultIvators mcorporate perenmal crops such as fruit, medlcmal, nut, and Shtftmg cultIvatlOn was common m the resm trees Some shtftmg cultIvatIon systems temperate zones of the MedIterranean and are actually forms of agroforestry systems Northern Europe untIl the 19th century, as well (Ramtree, 1986, Dove, 1985, Peluso,1992, as m the southwestern and northeastern pme Denevan and Padoch, 1988, Alcorn, 1990a, woodlands of North Amenca until the 19408 1990b, Brookfield and Padoch, 1994) (Dove, 1983, Brookfield, 1996, Warner, 1991) Currently, It occurs almost exclUSIvely m the The colloqUlal term "slash-and-burn tropIcs of AfrIca, ASIa, and Latm Amenca agnculture" refers to the method of cleanng and Figure 1 shows the mam areas m whtch shtftmg prepanng land, common among shtftmg cultIvatlOn systems are practIced today Other cultIvators Tills term, however, has pejorative agnculturalland use systems are practIced In connotatlOns and IS aVOlded m tills report The these areas, but sillftmg agnculture IS the term "sWldden farmmg" IS preferred by prevalent system anthropologIsts as a neutral concept, It IS drawn from the Old Enghsh word swldden, meamng ShIftmg cultIvatIon IS found m a vanety of burned cleanng (Conkhn, 1957, Peters and topographtes, rangIng from steeply sloped htlly Neuenschwander, 1988) SWldden farmtng as a areas to flat lands and low-lYIng valleys (Sarkar, term does not adequately capture the dynaffilc 1982) LIkeWIse, It IS found In diverse quahty and stages of sluftmg cultIvatIOn, ecosystems that range from troplcal mOIst however forests to dry troPiCal forests and savannas, grasslands, and even seasonal floodplams (See 4 The Dlverslty and Dynannes of Shlftmg Cultivation Myths ReahtIes, and Pohey hnpheatIons

Chapter II) Land uses denved from shIftmg cultIvatIon These shiftmg cultIvators belong to cultlvatlOU often blend With or are mtstaken for at least 3,000 dIfferent ethmc groups (Stiles, natural forest Some forest formatIons, as m the 1994) Babassu forests m northeastern Brazil, are the results of resource management by sluftmg Mam Features of Shlftmg Cultivation cultIvators (Bahck et ai, 1991) Many forests m Kahmantan, IndonesIa, are dotted With forest Smftmg cultIvatIOn IS cychcal, and ItS cycles and frUIt gardens planted over tIme by smftmg encompass an array of land use actIVItIes The cultIvators (padoch and Peters, 1993) The total speCIfic stages and features of each cultIvatlOn number of people engaged m some form of cycle vary and are sometImes dIfficult to smftmg cultIvatIon system has been only loosely dlstmguish In woodland and montane forms of estImated Three hundred mtlhon (Russell, smftmg cultIvatIOn, for example, the cycle IS 1988) and five hundred mtlhon (Lanly, 1985) are often compnsed of SIX stages sIte-selectIon and conservatIve estImates frequently cIted, but some cleanng, burmng, plantmg, weedmg and have argued that more than 400 mtlhon people m protectmg, harvestmg, and successIOn In other ASIa alone are forest dependent and that a forms, the stages do not follow such a clear maJonty of them engage m sluftmg agnculture pattern Grapmc portrayals of sluftmg (Lynch, 1992b) It IS probably not unreahstic to cultIvatIon nsk overslmphficatIOn of ItS estunate that as many as one bIlhon (22 percent compleXitIes, but attempts to show the mam of the populatlOn of the developmg world m general stages and theIr relatlOn to vegetatIon tropIcal and subtropICal countnes) rely dIrectly regrowth m common cychc sequences are m or mdlrectly on some form of sluftmg FIgures 2 and 3

Figure 1 Areas of Shlftmg CultivatIOn

Source ApproXImation based on Warner, 1989 With estimated update by WRI The Dlverslty and Dynanues of Shrlbng Cultlvatlon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohey Impheatlons 5

Figure 2 Example of BasIc ShiftIng CultivatIOn Cycle

Forest

, ~nd cycle (pasture \n old plots)

~f~ Animals ~

Source From DubolS,I990 and OTS/CATIE,I993

Figure 3 Example of Fallow VariatIOn In ShiftIng CultIVatIOn

SWIDDEN PLOT

ENRICHED FOREST FALLOW

Source From DubOIS, 1990 6 The DIversIty and Dynarrnes of Sluftmg Cultivation Myths ReahtIes and Pohey ImpheatIons

The croppmg cycle m sInftmg cultIvatIon (Beckerman, 1983, P 3) In some areas, sWldden refers to the "plantmg, care, harvestmg, and plots are hke ffilruatunzed tropIcal forests or protectlOn of mtentIonally mtroduced flora" complex agroforestry systems (Geertz, 1963, (Conkhn, 1957, p 72) The types of crops and Alcorn, 1991, 1990a, 1990b) Even mdlvldual the manner m wInch they are planted diverge households commonly manage a vanety of crops greatly among sInftmg cultIvator groups (Hecht and trees, dependmg on the local economy and and Posey, 1989) In South Amenca, for ecology (Eden, 1993) example, "mtercroppmg of many vanetles of the same crop speCIes may take the place of the In general, the croppmg cycle m any gIven mtercroppmg of many speCIes of different crops" system lasts at least several years and IS followed

Box 1 Burning and Fallow Key Stages Itt ShIfting Cultivation Cycles

Burning Bummg IS the typiCal method employed by bummg area Broadcast bummg IS preferred by many sb.rl'tmg cultivators for cleanng vegetation and groUpS because It reqmres the least Jabor (peters and prepanng Ii site for plantll1g There are at least seven Neuenschwander, 1988) The land 18 subsequently benefictal effects of bunnng, all ofwhtch contrIbute to planted Wlth a bastc staple crop, such as cassava. nee, mcreased food prOOuctlOn (based largely on Rambo nullet, or malZe, or some combmatlon of these crops. 1981 Peters and Neuenschwander. 1988) Fallhw The fallow stage follows the croppmg • Cleanng ofunwanted vegetatton and weeds from stage, typlCally after a sWldden field has been used for the field, several years The natlve vegetatlOn 1S allOWed to • Ehmmabon ofunwanted InSects and plant diseases regenerate to unprove the phySiCal properttes of the from crops, SOlI and capture nutrIents from deep m the sou • Alteratton of SOli structure to make plantmg easter, Fallow ftelds are often percetved by outstders as • Increase m avadable sol1 nutnents, abandoned or wasted land, but usually shiftmg • Decrease m sou aCIdIty, cultivators manage fallows, usmg them for plantmg • Enhancement of soli feruhty With nutnent~nch trees <>r crops, coUectmg edlble and conunetclal ashes from burnt plant b10mass (1 e , creatmg a products, or htmbng and pasturmg arumals Certam natural ash fert1llZer). trees valued for therr products or pnces are often • Stenhzatlon of sou and reductton ofllllCroola1 protected Wlthm sluftmg cultlvatlon fields both durmg pathogens, and burmng and the fallow cycle Sluftmg cultlvators also • Reduction of labor reqwements compared Wlth observe, weed, transplant, and carefully manage other forms of cleanng vegetabon regrowth dunng the fallow cycle in preparatton for the next plantmg. Fallow tlDles vaty Tools $\lcb as machetes and axes are usually used greatly m sb.rl'tmg cultlVabOn systems (Kunstadter and to fell trees, whtch are typtcally secondruy growth. Chapman, 1978, Bose et at • 1982), and they are often Sometunes, only tree crowns and some branches are adapted to demograpruc presSW"e and socloecononuc lopped off (C1:udumayo. 1987) Shifhng cultivators oonrubons (Bawn. 1968, Ruthenburg 1980) In many use dWerse recluuque~ for bunung, fire protecbon. and ram forest areas. slufimg cultivaMn systems rebummg (peters and Neuenschwander, 1988) tradltlonally have lOvolved long fallow cycles ofone to Chttemene (dry forest) systems m northern ZambIa three decades and cultlVatIon cycles of at least two to (Stromgaard. 1989) and Bhutanese grass~fallow four years (Ruthenburg, 1980, Miracle. 1967) In systems (Roder et ai, 1992). for example, use many parts of the world. however. fallow lengths are supplementary fuels brought 10 from outsldethe becommg progressively shorter The Diversity and Dynarmes of Shtftmg Culhvahon Myths Reahhes and Pohey Impheahons 7 by a fallow penod, dunng wlnch land IS seldom "rehglous behefs and practices are mtImately cultivated, the natural vegetation regenerates, hnked to sWlddemng, espeCially m relation to the and soll nutnents are restored The fallow vanous phases of the annual cycle such as site penod, cleanng of vegetation, and burmng are selection, cleanng, finng, plantmg and particularly Important (See Box 1) The harvestmg" (Bennagen, 1983, p 257 and cultivators sometimes practice horticulture m the personal commumcatlOn) The cultivators fallows as well (padoch and Peters, 1993) generally have detalled knowledge about local ecological factors and constramts and adapt their SuccessIOn refers to the multiple stages or practices accordmgly (Collier, 1975) Such cycles of vegetation regrowth, m the fallow or m compleXity of culture and knowledge has been other land adjacent to the cultivated plots documented m many countnes, such as Slnftmg cultivators tYPically manage and use MalaYSia (See Box 2 ) such succeSSlOns for multiple purposes to protect valuable species, plant deSired speCies, DynamiCs of Shlftmg Cultivation and weed, bum, tlnn, and prune to manage fallows and the remalmng forest or woodland The features, stages and lengths of cycles of (Anderson and Y ons, 1991, Denevan and slnftmg cultlVatIon have changed over time The Padoch, 1988, Alcorn, 1982, Redford and pace of change has been rapid dunng the last 30 Padoch, 1992, Hecht and Cockburn, 1989, to 50 years, largely due to the pohtlcal, Balee, 1992, Posey and Balee, 1989) Tlns econOffilC, and cultural transformatlOns discussed allows them to extract an array of forest here In particular, the length of time that fields products from the land The products of the are left m fallow IS mcreasmgly shortened, wlnch mampulated succeSSlOn can equal or exceed the leaves less time for restoratlOn of soll fertlhty returns generated from the annual croppmg (patnatk, 1982) In northeast India, for example, phase or wage labor (Hecht et ai, 1988, fallow times lnstoncally were as long as 40 Anderson and Y ons, 1992, Denevan and years, but are now an average of five years, well Padoch, 1988, Hecht, 1993, Padoch, 1988, below the time reqUIred (10 years or more) to Dove, 1983, Brookfield and Padoch, 1994) allow soll fertlhty to recover m a a fallowed site (Ramaknshnan, 1992, GoSWaffil, 1985) In In most traditional forms, slnftmg cultivation Zambia, chltemene slnftmg cultIvatlOn systems practices are closely tied to cultural and spmtual have shortened fallow penods from 25 years to actIVltIes For example, among traditional 12 years (Clndumayo, 1987, p 23) cultivators m many Plnhppme upland regions

Box 2. Culture and Ritual an Ihan ShIftang CultivatIon

Among the tradluonal Iban sluftmg cultivators of to reap RIce IS also harvested so that the paddy sptnt Malays1a, nee producnon 1S mterwoven Wlth therr world followmg the reaper w1l1 not get lost RIce 1S not just a View, bebe:fs. and SOCial orgaruzatlon (MaJld, 1983) staple food, 1t has a spmt, a soul. and the proper ntuals RttuallUld religlon are tntegratoo mto all aspe¢ts of must be roJlowed m order to Wln the esteem and faV()f of sWlddenmg-from appeasmg the "spl11ts of the earth the paddy spmts for a plenttful supply ofgrau'l5" (MBJld. JUllgle» Wlth the manggo ntual before clearing. to ntuals 1983, P 196) Land use practices and rebgIOus ntes are asSOCIated With the storage ofhatvested rice The rice closely mtegrated because the Than perceive the world as Itself IS Viewed as sacred Vanous ntuals before and one shared wltb other orders ofbemgs. each ofwbtch during reaping ensure that the spirit of the paddy IS not plays a cruCIal role m the success of therr agnculture fughtened away, that there wtll be suffiClent nce for the Gtven tlus close mtegrat~ changes to fannmg systems oonung yellt. and that the ~op Will be abundant and easy mevltablyaffect aspects of native cultures 8 The DIVersIty and Dynannes of Slnftmg Culhvahon Myths, Reallhes, and Polley Imphcahons

At the same tIme, shtftmg cultivators generally changes m land tenure systems, demographtc have been mtenslfymg their land use practIces pressures mcludmg large-scale ffilgratIon and over tIme, m many cases through the resettlements, and pohcles that promote cash mtroductlOn of new crops and technologies In crops (Nair and Fernandes, 1984, p 169) These some reglOns, they have also been expandmg factors have also raised concerns about the their practIces mto forested areas Such changes sustamablhty of shIftmg cultivatIon and have led can sometImes mcrease the cultIvators' to research and development efforts on Immediate mcomes, but the agncultural results alternatIve land uses have been adverse or unsustamable, especially If unsUltable land IS overused or mappropnate Such unstable, changmg conditIons are not mputs or crops are used found m all shtftmg cultivation systems, but they have remforced publIc ffilsconceptIons about These changes have resulted m disruptIons or shtftmg cultivators The ecological and mstabllttles m previously well-adapted shtftmg SOCloeconOffilC sustamabdlty of shIftmg cultlvatlOn and resource use, and they have made cultivatIon needs to be understood m relatlOn to the systems unsustamable ecologically and local conditIons and the causes of change to econoffilcally m some cases (Ramtree and these conditIons The general pnnclples that Warner, 1986, Warner, 1991) underlIe shIftmg cultIvatlOn must also be appreciated (Klemman et aI, 1993) The mam factors contnbutmg to such changes mclude government restnctlOns of forest use, The DIversity and Dynarmes of Sluftmg CultlvatlOn Myths, Reahtles and Pohey hnpheatlons 9

II. Myths and Realities

Sluftmg cultivatlOn and the people who myths about sluftmg cultivatIOn are summanzed practice It are often negatively stereotyped and refuted below ImplIcatlOns for research and They are wIdely perceIved by many sCientists polIcy are also summanzed and pohcy-makers, as well as the general pubhc, to be pnffiltive, backwards, unproductive, PerceptIons of Agricultural Development wasteful, and explOitative and destructive of the Stages enVIronment Regardless of the 10catlOn, they are beheved to be destitute and to lead MYTH 1 - Shifhng culhvahon IS a pnm,hve subsIstence-based hves They have been blamed precursor to more commercIal ('fmodern" for most of the world's tropICal deforestatlOn, forms ofproductIOn In the theorehcal stages of land degradation, and chmate dIsruption Thus, agncultural development many current national laws and pohcles that affect sluftmg cultivators are antagorustic toward Perceptions of sruftmg cultIvators as them and aIm to replace sluftmg cultivatlOn Wlth pnmltive are rooted m the SCIentific and forms of farmmg consIdered to be more modem colomal encounters of the 17th, 18th, and 19th The result m many areas has been the assertIon centunes that followed European expanslOn of state control over lands used by sluftmg mto the trOPICS (Wolf, 1982) TYPICal cultivators, and the forced dIsplacement oflocal descnptIons of trOPICal peoples, mcludmg people shlftmg cultIvators, were of "savages", "backwards," "Ignorant," "stubborn," "chlld­ NegatIve attItudes toward sluftmg cultivators lIke," or "aggressIve" pagans, or "mfidels" are also prevalent m agncultural research and (Hecht, 1993) BntIsh explorers such as SIr development mstitutlOns m both henuspheres Walter RaleIgh thought that "mdolent local Many research analysts and deCISIon-makers populatlOns" m areas bemg coloruzed needed the presume that modem agnculture always means "gUldmg hand of cIVIhzatlOn" to convert theIr agnculture that IS settled, mtensIve, and makes natural resources mto productive enterpnses use of mono cultures and Western technologIes (RaleIgh, 1597, Stanley, 1899) Another early They often overlook opporturuties to learn from, analyst asserted that "shIftmg cultivation ought use, and Improve some of the effectIve features not to be tolerated except m a very Wlld and of shIftmg cultivatlOn (Ramaknshnan, 1992, unpeopled country It leads to unsettled Alcorn, 1991, Redford and Padoch, 1992, habIts and takes away from the regular Padoch, 1982, Brookfield and Padoch, 1994) cultIvatIon of a fixed spot It IS carned on by a set of savages who would be more profitably These perceptions of sluftmg cultivatlOn and employed on publIc works or coffee plantatlOns" cultIvators, wluch have led to polICIes and laws (Cleghorn, 1851) Such perspectIves have been adverse to the practice and ItS practitioners, are mfiuentlal for decades and remam so today based on ffilsInformatIOn and oversimplIficatlOns that have deep lustoncal roots EIght common 10 The DIversity and Dynanues of Slnftmg Cultivation Myths, ReahtIes and Pohey Impheabons

Dunng contemporary tImes, shIftmg agncultural evolutlOn neglects the compleXities cultIvatIon has also been descnbed m lInear of mstoncal change In realIty, tranSItIons evolutIonary terms as part of an mevitable, between dIfferent types of agncultural mstoncally determmed progressIon from productIon Involve dynamtc processes rather pnffiltIve to modem forms of agnculture than categoncal dIViSIons For example, Punan ConventIonal models of change Wltmn hunter-gatherers In Borneo once moved from development and agnculture typically suggest shIftmg cultIvatlOn to huntmg and gathenng, lmear movement through stages, from wmch would be seen as an ImpossIble step huntmg/gathenng to smftmg cultivatlOn to backward accordmg to lmear models (Hoffman, settled agnculture (Greenland, 1974) In this 1984) This shift occurred not because of mterpretatIon, low-denSIty smftmg cultIvatlOn IS populatlOn pressure or evolutIonary agncultural seen as the most pnffiltIve agnculture and regresslOn, but because huntIng and gathenng mtensive sedentary agnculture as the most became more profitable than shIftmg cultIvatlOn advanced LIkeWIse, much of the assOCIated m the Punan's relatlOns WIth Cmnese traders lIterature suggests that smftmg cultIvators are at Other groups m Southeast ASIa, such as the the far margms of cIvIhzed, modem SOCIetIes, Kubu of Sumatra and the Toala of Celebes, were thus justrfymg external mterventlOns mto theIr agncuituralists who became nomadIC hunter­ way ofhfe gatherers (Hoffman, 1984) The Dayaks In East Kahmantan, IndoneSIa, have changed theIr The lInear models sometImes present agncultural practIces In ways that have dIffered populatIon pressure as a dnvmg force m the dependIng on the degree of theIr mtegratlOn m stages ofagnculture (Boserup, 1965, Greenland, the monetary economy (Inoue and LahjIe, 1990, 1974), suggestmg that mcreasmg populatIon Dove, 1985, 1993) (See also Myth 3 below) denSIty leads to more frequent cultivatlOn of fields, shortenmg of fallows, and, eventually, Another problem Wlth the hnear model IS that degradatIon If ffilgratlOn does not remove the It IS rooted In a theory of mternal populatlOn populatlOn pressure, the theory states, the only dynaffilcs wmch overlooks the potentIally alternatIve IS to mtroduce technologIes or destabIlIzIng effects of markets and tenunal methods that promote mgher ytelds per urnt of changes among other factors (padoch, 1982, land or greater croppmg mtensity Bray, 1985, Descola, 1993) (The development of cattle ranching In Central Amenca and In the REALITY 1 - Shifflng culflvators respond to Amazon are examples of senous degradatIon agroecologlcal and SOCIOeconomIc factors m Independent ofpopulatlOn pressure) Moreover, dynamIC, nonlmear ways populatIon IS not the only factor promptIng IntensificatlOn of land use Assuffilng that Smftmg cultIvators are too dIverse to fit neatly cultIvators rely exclUSIvely on the short-cycle mto any determtrnstIc econOffilC or demograpmc successlOnal phase of smftIng cultIvatlOn tranSItIon model Theones of lInear agncultural overlooks the contnbutlOns of fallow and forest development stages rest on a set of assumptIons resources that proVide both products and that can be ffilsleadmg, are unsupported by Income Assuffilng an empty fallow Ignores the empmcal eVidence, and reflect ethnocentnc dIverse practIces and human mnovatlOns that Views (Shnre, 1984) Lmear models hffilted to permtt much mgher populatlOn denSItIes In speCIfied stages of development are not urnversal vanous troPICal enVironments to functIon In generahzatlOns, they are "baSIcally untestable m complex econOffiles In addItIon, less mtensIve the field [and] essentIally ambIguous" (HIll, land uses can be vastly more destructIve on a 1986, P 24) Suggestmg natural lInear stages of reglOnal scale The Dlverslty and Dynarrues of Shlftmg Culhvahon Myths, Reahtles and Pohey Impheahons 11

IMPLICATIONS DecislOn-makers and background Often tradItIonal and IndIgenous researchers need to dIscard sImpltstic stereotypes cultIvators are lumped together With mtgrant about the "pmmtlveness" of shIftIng cultivatlOn cultIvators LIttle attentlOn IS gIven to the and aVOId lInear models of agncultural stages dIfferentIal m groups of shtftmg cultIvators' To make ratIonal decIsIons and land use dIstnbutlOn of productIve resources both wlthtn Improvements, they need to better understand and between mdlvldual households and the complex dynamtcs of land use, both commurutIes (Thapa and Weber, 1991) temporally and spatIally The agncultural practIces of shIftIng cultIvators should be REALITY 2 - Shifting cultivation systems understood as adaptatIons to ecologIcal, encompass a remarkably d,verse range of land soclOecOnOmtc, and structural constraInts use practices developed and changed over time Lessons can be learned from these systems that by farmers In vaned SOCial, ecological, are useful to modem agnculture and the economiC, and polltical sethngs promotIon of sustaInable development Better knowledge of these factors should be "To speak of shIftIng cultIvatIon as a smgle Incorporated mto planrung, poltcles, and system shows our mtsunderstandmg of ItS programs for land use dIverSIty" (peters and Neuenschwander 1988, p 77, Ruthenberg, 1980) Shtftmg cultIvatlOn DiverSity of Shlftmg CultivatIOn systems are more vaned than almost any other type ofland use, a logIcal occurrence gIven that MYTH 2 - Shifting cultivation systems In over 3,000 ethruc groups practIce shIftmg tropical rainforests are uniform and cultIvatIon (StIles, 1994), m dIverse unchanging, and shifting cultivators are enVIronmental condItIons (Dove, 1993, 1983, homogeneous poor peoples Padoch, 1982, Hoffinan, 1984, Shnre, 1984, Spencer, 1966, FUJIsaka et al ,1995) Recent ShIftmg cultivatlOn IS often VIewed as sImple research IndIcates that conSIderable mtra-ethruc and homogeneous by several SCIentIsts, dIverSIty and vanabIhty m settlement and enVIronmentalIsts, government deCiSIon-makers, croppmg patterns, populatlOn denSIty, and fallow and the media TYPIcal mtsconceptIons are that practIces eXist among shIftIng cultIvators "all shtftIng cultivatlOn techruques are sImtlar mhabltmg dIfferent reglOns Such dIfferences everywhere" and that "shIftIng cultIvatIon IS a eXist even among groups In the same reglOn, waste ofland" (Watters, 1971, p 3) Thts such as the Tanghkhul Naga of northeastern notIon, expressed m htstoncal studies and m India, the Dayak of KalImantan and the Hmong mfluentIal reports from the Food and Agnculture of Thatland (Bose et al, 1982, Kunstadter and OrgaruzatlOn of the Uruted NatIons (FAO), Chapman, 1978, Dove, 1993, Hungyo, 1982, remams pervasive Shtfhng cultivation systems Inoue and LahJle, 1990, Padoch and Peters, are also often lumped together as the cause of 1993) In one region of northern ThaIland there deforestation and other forms of enVIronmental are SIX dlstmct shtftmg cultlvatlOn systems, three degradation worldWIde (Bandy et al, 1994, each practiced m evergreen and deCIduous forest Myers, 1994, UNDP, 1992) (Smttm et al, 1978)

Many analysts also assume that shtftmg Although shtftmg cultIvatlOn today occurs cultIvators belong to poor and undIfferentiated mostly m the troPICS of AfrIca, ASia, and Latm commuruties Commurutles of sluftmg Amenca, It IS not restncted to tropIcal cultIvators are rarely desegregated or analyzed ramforests It extends mto woodlands, savannas by SOCial class, gender, ethrucIty, or hIstoncal and dry tropIcal and subtropIcal forests and 12 The Diversity and Dynarrnes of Shrlhng CuluvatlOn Myths, Reahues, and Pohey Impheauons grasslands Contrary to popular behef, there are households were found to use 59 dIstmct nce shIftmg cultivatlOn systems muse m the mwmbo vanetIes, each partIcular field IS mamtamed WIth grassy woodlands and the grasslands of four to eIght vaneties (McNeely et al, 1995) Southern AfrIca (ChIdumayo, 1987, Stromgaard, Dozens of nce vaneties have been found m 1989), as well as m the grasslands of Southeast sWldden plots m other parts of AsIa and AfrIca ASIa (Dove, 1985) and Bhutan (Roder et al, as well (Dove, 1993, McNeely et aI, 1995) 1992) Even pastorahst groups m East AfrIca, ApproXImately 5,000 vaneties of sweet potato such as the BarabaIg, practIce maIze sluftmg are found m shIftmg cultivatIon systems of Papua cultIvation m the savanna plams ofTanzama New Gumea, Wlth up to 20 vaneties used wItlun (Lane, 1994) In the Congo Basm, savanna a smgle garden (Wood and LInne, 1993) Some vegetation covers a large portlOn of the shIftmg shIftmg cultivators also mamtam wIld relatIves of cultivatlOn areas (MIracle, 1967) Other cultIvars and overall levels of speCIes dIverSIty examples mclude the grassland systems of the that are close to those of older growth forests Hanq m the Sudan (MIracle, 1967) and (padoch and Peters, 1993) chltemene among the Mambwe m northern ZambIa (RIchards, 1937, Stromgaard, 1989) Many of the groups mamtam and manage sedentary farmIng plots, such as home gardens DiverSity m Croppmg Systems and Cycles of and plantatlOns, along WIth cyclIcal sWIdden Shiftmg CultivatIOn Sluftmg cultivatlOn plots They mtensIvely manage such production systems conSIst of a vanety of croppmg systems, systems to complement sluftmg cultIvatIOn, often cultural practices, and components WlthIn each domesticatmg and expenmentmg WIth many of reglOn where they are found ShIfhng cultlvatlOn the wIld plants found m the succeSSlOns of can be seen, therefore, as a mosruc of land and shIftmg cultIvatlOn In fact, managed resource uses, that IS adapted to local ecologIes, succeSSlOns may have hIgher speCIes dIverSIty cultures, and regIonal economIes These than unmarupulated successlOnal SItes (Irvme, mosaICS are dIfferentIated by a range of shIftmg 1989) Many IndoneSIan farmers, for example, and unshIftmg elements, managed and manage theIr fallows to enhance dIverSIty unmanaged succeSSlOns, and varyIng levels of (padoch, 1988) mtenslty m croppmg systems (See Box 3 for examples) Polycultural home gardens often have very hIgh speCIes dIverSIty Documented cases have Moreover, shIftmg cultivators tYPIcally manage reported more than one hundred plant speCIes, a vanety of cultivated crops and wild plants mcludmg roots, tubers, vegetables, fruItS, herbs, Studies have found that an mdlVIdual plot can medIcmals, dyes, ods, fodder, and fibers (padoch mclude more than one hundred species per and de long, 1993, Fernandes et al , 1988, hectare (Descola, 1993) The Kantu m Soewarmoto et ai, 1985, Padoch and Peters, Kahmantan, for example, plant over 44 vanetles 1993) In thIs context, the cultlVators may of nce, averagmg 17 per household (Dove mtenslvely grow grams and carbohydrates such 1993) Congo Basm farmers often "grow tlurty as taro, cassava and paddy nce, the last of whIch or more dIfferent crops-and as many as SIxty often rehes on nutnents transported from forest [have been] recorded" (MIracle, 1967, p 283) systems or Via swamp or ImgatlOn waters In East Kalimantan, IndoneSia, Dayak sluftmg (Saldanha, 1990, Miracle, 1967, Guyer, 1984) cultivators use over 22 vaneties of upland nce and rune of glutmous nce (Colfer et al , 1988) In SIerra Leone, 98 sluftmg cultlVator The Diversity and Dynanucs of Sluftmg Culhvahon Myths, Reahhes, and Pohcy Imphcahons 13

Box 3 VarIations in Shlfimg Culttvatton- Examples from Afncan mLOmbo Woodlands

Sluftmg cultIvatIon systems have pemsted for for three to Sll( years before abandonment. Without any centunes throughout the ecosystems of Southern SIgnificant change in the soll nutnents (Chldumayo, MnC&'s mJombQ woodland wluch lS chat"actenzed by 1987, p 36) herbaceous layer and .sennclosed tree canOPles, generally on tnferttle aCid solls that spread across The Ben!ba. Mwambe, Lamba. Laht. and other Angola. MalawI. MozambIque. Tanzama. Zau:e, rmombQ sluftmg culhvators supplement their sbrltmg ZambIa and Zl1Ilbahwe AU mlOmbo sbrltmg fields m VatlOUS ways In theu:- garcllimS near the cultivation systems have made use of fire to clear land, homestead, for example, they mterplant diverse crops and drl'ferent natural plant blOmass fertil1zers. such as sorghum. mau;e, nee, cassava. pwnpkm, mcludmg cattle manure, to wprove soll ferttlity sweet potatoes. groundnuts, bull-rush mtllet. cow (Cludumayo. 1987, Stromgaard, 1989) peas, castor ou. and tobacco They also harvest wetland fish, hunt game, and use numerous wild Probably the most well-known and successful herbaceous vegetables. edible 1DSeCts such as m~ombQ sluftmg culhvatlOn system. 1S the ctrCle caterpillars and tetmltes. over 28 mushroom SpecIes, chltemem:. system pracbced by the Bemba. Lamha, and 106 tree specieS that mclude medlCmal functions, and Lala ill the northern wetter mlombo of Zambta some 25 edible fnnts (Chtdnmayo and Slwela, 1988, (Trapnell. 1957, Chtdumayo, 1987. p 37, Stromgaard, 1989) Stromgaard. 1989) Crops such as finger mtllets and cassava are grown, wtthout tillmg the sou, m ash ParadoJUca1ly. even though these culhvahon systems gardens averagmg eight hectares A pIle of branches have been relatively effechVe and are well adapted for tnmmed and lopped from trees m a large woodland the local people, the BntlSh colomal and postcolorual area ("outfield") IS burned to make the ash governments have attempted to ban the USe of rue and (Cludumayo, 1987, Stromgaard, 1989) The Lamba settle the sbtftmg cuhlvators Smce the 1980s, they and Bemba tend to pracbce a block chllemene m whtch have also unposed use of soll tillage and hybnd IIlIllZe brushwood 1$ burned m part of a cleared garden area based on subSldtzed morgamc acId fertll1zer and The Lala practtce a circle crutem.ene WIth smaller encouraged slnftmg cultlvators to clear trees to ground cuhlVated gardens. and sometl1Iles larger outfield areas level Such attempts are seldom successful, as people serve as a source of ash (Stromgaard, 1989) The contmue to prachce the methods that have ensured practIces allow stumps and trunks m the outfield to then! of tbeu hvellhoods qUlckly regenerate back to woodland (Chtdumayo, 1987) TrmhtlOnaUy, a new ash garden WM made In recent years, however, the clutemene and every year, and dunng the second year cassava fiuuklika systems have come under stress, as fallows succeeds millet before the plot 18 abandoned for 25 to are shortened and soll ferb.hty has been reduced For 30 years (Trapnell. 1957) example, Bemba househoWs now tend to clear fields every two years, fallows are mamtaIDed for 12 rather Thejundzlala (or chihela) system IS another form of than 25 years, and oullet has been replaced by sruftmg cultlvation found m rmombo woodlands, It 18 sorghum Such changes are due to mcreasmg practlced by the Mambwe and others m northeastern populahon density and mlgrahon. nsmg use of the Zambia It IS more mtenslve, adapted to lugher mlOmbo for charcoal, growth of agroexport crop populatIOn densIties, up to 30 people per square plantatIOns, and urbamzahon Consequently, these kllomeler (Stromgaard, 1989, Cludumayo, 1987), and systems may need external asSIstance to mtenstfy depends on DUtnents m grass bIOmass compost sustamably Integration of tradltlonal shtftmg mounds and a legume-cereal crop rotahon that cultIvabon land use patterns and contemporary mamtams fertility and productlon for longer penods agncultural methods m a balanced way could support than the chllemene system allows Nltrogen.-fixmg culbvators as they cope With changmg COndItiOns legume crops (beans or groundnuts) are sown on grass (Stromgaard. 1989b) mounds. often wuh cow manure Crops are rotated 14 The Dlverslty and Dynannes of Slufung Cultlvatlon Myths, Reahtles and Pohey Impheatlons

Some groups mtenslvely manage plantatlOns of or food IS offered to anyone wIlhng to help Wlth perenmal cash crops, such as rubber, cacao, tasks rattan, coffee, palm, and coca as part of the shrfimg cultIvatIon system (Hecht, 1982, Alcorn, Off-farm employment IS becommg mcreasmgly 1982, Denevan and Padoch, 1988, Plotkm and Important for both traditIonal and newer smftmg Farmolare, 1992, Dove, 1985) Many of these cultivators Throughout Latm Amenca, for vanatlOns are ffilxed agroforestry systems that example, sruftmg cultIvators typIcally engage m are weeded and fertIhzed, usually wIth locally off-farm work dunng parts of the year SWldden acquIred orgaruc substances groups m IndoneSIa often work for loggmg comparues (Inoue and LahJIe, 1990, Soewardl, DiverSity ofSOCIOeconomic and Labor 1983) In ThaIland, among the northern Characteristics Wlthm smftmg cultlvatlOn sWlddeners off-farm labor IS for timber cuttmg commurutles, there are differences m SOCial and charcoal productlOn (Chapman, 1978) posltlOns, subgroupmgs of the people, labor Among the Lua and Karen sWlddeners m arrangements, and mstoncal and SOCial ThaIland, many work as wage laborers for expenences Contrary to popular perceptIon, ffilrung or loggmg compantes (Kunstadter, these commurutles are often stratIfied rather than 1978b) homogeneous and egahtanan Smftmg cultlvatlOn systems do not clearly fit mto Simple In nearly all smftmg cultIvatIon systems, labor ethruc and SOCial categones (Kundstater and IS typically diVided among household members, Chapman, 1978, Atal and Bennagen, 1983) women, men, elders, and cmldren participate m Although httle research hterature addresses tms dlstmct tasks The diVISion of labor by gender IS Issue, several cases demonstrate the tmportance pronounced m many of these systems (Colfer et of SOCial dlfferentlatlOn m resource management al, 1988) Men are mostly responSible for cash­ In Onssa, India, for example, "tnbals" crop actiVities and tasks such as cleanng land practIcmg shIftmg cultIvatIon pursue dIfferent Women play an Important role m mamtammg productIon strategies, accordmg to their class subslstence-croppmg components, but their and SOCial status (Fernandes et al, 1988, contnbutlOn IS generally not recogruzed and IS Sachcmdananda and Pathak, 1983) rarely researched Among the Mmang of West Sumatra, IndoneSia, for example, women are Labor arrangements m smftmg cultIvatIon are almost entIrely responSible for sWIdden nce also diverse m different regions, and even wltmn productlOn, formtng work parties for plantmg, a given culture, but systems are usually weedmg, and harvestmg (Colfer et ai, 1988) mtegrated mto labor and commodity markets Gender based roles, therefore, shape the Even Isolated shtftmg cultivators are connected conditIons and Impacts of smftmg cultIvatlOn to labor markets Labor may be mred or systems exchanged for cleanng land and other labor­ mtenslve tasks In Afhca, where large portlOns In recent years, some analysts have noted of the male workforce may not be m the rural differences betweeen traditIonal (or longer­ zones, mnng labor and exchanges oflabor are resldmg) smftmg cultivators and ffilgrant smftmg common Labor arrangements are also often cultIvators, appropnately called smfted hnked Wlth customary ntuals or SOCial relatIons cultivators Increasmg numbers of ffilgrants m a given commuruty In the Congo Basm, for have moved mto frontier zones, particularly example, the most common way for households hUffild, tropical forest areas Many are forced to supplement their own labor IS to orgaruze a there by econOffilC needs or demograpmc "workmg bee" (or a work party) m wmch beer pressures and are m search of avaIlable land and The Diversity and Dynarrues of Shrl'tmg Cultivation Myths Reahties and Pohey Impheations 15 resources for therr hvehhoods (Kane, 1995) SubSistence and CommerCial Farmmg Some are resettled or are paid by larger wealthy ActiVIties landholders to clear land for cash crops (Myers, 1994, Peters and Neuenchwacher, 1988, Alcorn, MYTH 3 - Shifting cultivation IS the sole 1994, Dove, 1994) Tlus diVIsion can be overly activIty among rural subSIstence farmers m slmphstlc, but generally the slufted groups have forest margms and IS unconnected to less knowledge than mdlgenous groups of commercial market activIties effective sluftmg cultivatIOn land-use and labor practices (Moran, 1993) They tend to use fire Smftmg cultlVators are often assumed to be more frequently and practice sequential annual subSistence-based producers who barely eke out croppmg more often than IS done m mdlgenous a hvmg and are unconnected to the market systems (cash) economy (Watters, 1971) Slmdarly, they are seen as Isolated from modern econOmIC In sum, the diverse, mosaic patterns of smftmg mfluences Contemporary reports, as well as cultIvatlOn systems have been consistently lustoncal studies, have perpetuated tms overlooked, partly because sCientific analysts and stereotype, wmch IS tied to conventIOnal theory deCISion-makers have tended to focus on smgle about categoncal agncultural stages (Todaro, dlmenslOns of the short-cycle agncultural plot 1989, based on Boserup, 1965) The standard dlsclphnary separation between forestry and agnculture also tends to hmIt REALITY 3 - Shifting cultivators engage m understandmg of smftmg cultIvatlOn In fact, a WIde vanety ofactivIties m subSIstence and components of smftmg cultIvatlOn are mghly cash economIes and often merge subSIstence vanable and mterconnected production WIth commerCIal surplus-onented production. IMPLICATIONS The tremendous diverSity of sluftmg cultivatIOn systems, agroecologlcally, Although some sluftmg cultivatIOn systems are regIOnally, SOCially, and economIcally, IS valuable largely subSistence onented m remote areas (as and has strong potential for the sustamable m some parts of the Amazon and Congo Basms), management of local environments Tms fact most are not confined to subSistence In fact, should be acknowledged and addressed m the smftmg cultivators are not pnmItIve people deSign of agncultural development programs and resldmg outSide of broader econOmIC forces pohcles DeCislOn-makers and analysts must not Most are hnked to local and regIOnal commodity Ignore or restnct the great vanety ofland use and labor markets and the cash economy types, cultural knowledge, and species Smftmg cuitlvatlOn systems have been tied to aSSOCiated With shrftmg cultlVatlOn Further markets for mIllenma (Hecht, 1982, Alcorn, research and programs are needed to Identify 1982, Denevan and Padoch, 1988) Over time, and enhance the diverse mdlgenous many srufimg cultlvatlOn systems have agroecologlcal practices and pnnclples m smftmg mcreasmgly mtegrated cash crops mto the cultivation systems In addition, the analyses of croppmg cycle and m fallows They have smftmg cultIvatlOn systems should account for produced a complex array of commodities, the labor of both men and women, as well as mcludmg rubber, nuts, rattans, medlcmals, ods, differences m their control over land, produce, and dyes, as well as food, fuel, and constructlOn and other natural and finanCial resources (Colfer matenals that have been traded locally, et al , 1988) regIOnally, and mternatlOna1ly over centunes (Barlow and TOmIch, 1991) 16 The DIverSIty and Dyn81TIlCS of Shtftmg CuluvatlOll Myths, Reabtles, and Pobey Impbcauons

The cash crops m sInftmg cultivation systems Illustrated m the BrazIhan Amazon (Hecht et al , often mclude tree products, wInch are part of 1988), Central Amenca (Alcorn, 1989, Starkey, agroforestry systems Tree crops, mcludmg 1993), and Southeast ASIa (Colfer et al, 1988, cocoa, 011 palm, and coffee, are often marketed Peluso, 1992, Denevan and Padoch, 1988) m the domestic, village, reglOnal, national, and mternatlOnal econOffiles (Rtchards, 1937, De A growmg body of field-based research IS also Scruhppe, 1956, Alcorn, 1990a, 1990b, challengmg the general assumption that shIftmg Padoch, 1982, Dove,1985, and Kundstater, cultivators are always matenally Impovenshed 1978b) In some areas, the producers mtegrate Although many cultivators are relatively poor, tree crops spontaneously m response to market espeCIally m terms of cash mcome, It would be opporturutIes (Dove, 1985) The mcorporatlOn Incorrect to assume that they are among the of trees proVIdes an array of benefits, enabhng poorest people In theIr socIeties In PulaI In cultivators to gam added value for new products, West Sumatra, for example, through to enhance ecosystem functlOns such as nutnent diversificatlOn and local adaptIveness, the people cyclIng, and to Improve theIr lIvelIhoods "prOVIde us wIth an example of one way to lIve reasonably well In these margmal upland areas of Furthermore, sruftmg cultIvators usually the hUffild tropICS, standard of lIVIng-though engage m a Wide vanety of econOffilC purSUIts stIll lOW-IS noticeably rugher than that of the besIdes cultIvatlOn per se In ThaIland, for transffilgrants who are tryIng, wIth government example, "the practItioners of sruftmg cultivation encouragement, to transplant a settled partICIpate m many phases of the economy of the agncultural system " (Colfer et al , 1988, North beyond the confines oftherr own VIllages P 206) In East KalImantan, the Benuaq Dayak -m marketmg theIr agncultural products, not only earn "relatively much mcome" through tradmg for supplIes, and most notably, m the theIr tradItional rattan production, but also wage labor market of the reglOn" (Kunstadter maIntam a sWidden system that IS "very and Chapman, 1978) ThaIS m the lowland north sustaInable" (Inoue and LajhIe, 1990, p 281) In often supplement paddy nce, orchard fafffilng, or Onssa, IndIa, sruftmg cultIvation IS practIced by off-farm labor With sruftmg cultIvation members of all econOffilC classes of farmers, (Chapman, 1978) In East KalImantan, Includmg the wealtruest landowners (Fernandes IndoneSIa, dIfferent VIllages of lIke ethrucity et ai, 1988) pursue varymg econoffilc strategIes m addItion to shIftmg cultIvation, rangmg from arumal IMPLICATIONS The range m welfare and husbandry to wage labor for loggmg and ffilrung econOffilC actIVItIes undertaken by sruftmg comparues (Inoue and LahjIe, 1990) cultIvators-IncludIng not only SubSIstence faTffilng, but also market-onented Pursumg multiple econOffilC actiVIties IS also productIon-needs to be understood and typIcal among traditlOnal shIftmg cultIvators In addressed by pohcy makers, project deSIgners, the IndIan state of Arunachal Pradesh, for and the general publIc Pohcles and projects example, sruftmg cultivatIon IS practIced by that affect land and resource users need to tnbals m dIfferent ecologIcal contexts m respect shiftIng cultiVators' expenence and combmatlOn With terrace cultivatlOn, plow Interests m accessmg commerCIal markets of cultIvatIon, and Imgated agnculture (Sarkar, products and they must prOVIde eqUltable 1982) In many tropIcal rural areas, extractive opporturutIes (but not Impose oblIgatlOns) m resources from natural forest areas, such as market development where appropnate and rubber, nuts, fibers, and tImber, are cruCIal deSIred by the local people sources of mcome for the commurutIes, as The Dlverslty and Dynarmes of Shrftmg Cultlvatlon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohey Impheatlons 17

Productivity Levels supported by cattle-ranchIng For example, Amazoruan cattle ranches, With an average size MYTH 4 - Shifting cultivation IS always of 5,000 hectares, support only 10 laborers charactenzed by low productivIty and low (Hecht, 1996) The move to permanent fields YIelds and can support only low population does not necessarily tmprove output m the long­ densIties term

SCientific analysts and pohcy mstltutlOns Furthermore, gross YIeld IS only one cntenon concerned about agncultural development have for evaluatmg fafIDlng systems ProductlOn generally perceived sht:ftmg cu1tlvatlOn to be not should be seen m relatlon to nsk reductlOn, only mefficlent and Simple, but also low consumptlOn, and resource management as well producmg and low Yleldmg It IS seen as Infenor as crop Yields The diverSIty of shIftmg m companson With "modem" agnculture cultIvators' land use methods and the vanety of Another common assumptIon IS that shIfhng the crops they produce reduce nsks posed by cultlVatlOn can support only sparse populatlOns drought, pestilence, and other weather-related m remote areas These vlewpomts are phenomena ShIftmg cultIvators eat much of perpetuated m studies, pollcy reports, and by the what they produce, whIch contnbutes to self­ popular media suffiCiency and hvellhood secunty TheIr multIple outputs, such as fuel and medicmals, REALITY 4 - Shifang cultivation systems have added values for fafIDlng systems When are often productive, make relatively effiCIent the cultIvators engage m cash-croppmg, they use ofresources, and have supported large also contnbute to broader econOIDlC growth populations Some shIftmg cultIvators proVide resource­ related servIces-beneficIal to themselves and to ShIftmg cultlvatlOn practlces have been qUite socIety-through their watershed management, productlve m many areas, supportmg relatlvely conservatlOn of plant dIverSity, and use of tree large populatlons compared wIth some other cover Such benefits are seldom measured, but land uses Assessmg the number of people that a are nonetheless Important cntena for evaluatmg system supports IS one mdlcator of resource shIftmg cultlvatlOn effiCiency and productlvlty In KalImantan, IndoneSia, shIftmg cultivatlOn supports 23 IMPLICATIONS DeCISion-makers and people per square kIlometer, whIch is more than analysts need to understand and learn from tWice the number supported by commercial sluftmg cultivators' abihty to produce and use loggmg (Dove, 1983) In Mesoamenca, sluftmg resources effectively and sustamably m many cultivatlOn of the Mayans supported 100 to 200 cases, and to analyze when and why the systems people per square bIometer and 700 to 1,150 sometimes lose productIVIty over time Sluftmg people per square bIometer With mtensive cultIvators' use ofland and resources should be agnculture (Gomez-Pompa, 1987, p 24) Viewed and measured hohstIcally YIeld Sluftmg agnculture produced 20 to 100 percent measurement of a smgle given crop should be of the subSistence needs ofMeXlco Today, the replaced With measurements of the prodUCtIVIty people of thIs reglOn practice ranclung and and effiCiency of the entire system-mclusive of commercIal IDlxed fafIDlng, the populatlOn is factors such as nsk reductlOn, nutntIon, mcome, only 10 people per square kIlometer (Gomez­ and sustamable management, as well as crop Pompa, 1987, p 24) The population capacity of Yields per se A holIstIc measurement of shIftmg cultivatlOn also far exceeds that productiVity needs to be used and supported m agncultural development polICies and programs 18 The Diversity and Dynannes of Shtftmg Culhvahon Myths Reahhes, and Pohey Impheahons

Environmental Impacts and Resource Use unsustamable For example, a 1993 World Bank pubhcatIOn on Afhca claIms that "TradItional MYTH 5 - Shifhng cultivatIOn systems are low mput low prodUCtiVIty farmtng With sharply environmentally destruchve, wasteful, shortened fallow penods IS neIther unsustainable, and cause the maJonty of envIronmentally sustamable nor VIable 10 terms tropical deforestation and SOli erosIOn oflong-term agncultural productIVlty Slow technological mnovatlOn has mhIblted shIftmg Another common generalIzatIOn related to cultivators from SWitchIng from subSistence to Myth 4 IS that shIftmg cultivatIOn practices are market crops "(Cleaver and Shrelber, 1993, environmentally destructive and need to be pp 4-7) elmunated or replaced ShIftmg cultivatIOn IS blamed for between 50 and 75 percent of REALITY 5 - Shifting cultivation systems tropIcal deforestation worldwIde (ASB, 1993, are not responSIble for the maJonty of Cleaver and Shneber, 1993, Myers, 1992, 1994, deforestation or land degradation, and they UNDPIUNEP, 1992) One recent pubhcatIon, have varying and complex environmental claIms that" slash-and-burn agnculture IS one Impacts, some ofwhich may be sustainable of the greatest threats to the bIOdIversIty of our and enhance bIOd,verSity planet, destroymg ten mllhon hectares of tropIcal forest annually "(ASB, 1993, pp 1,5) The enVlronmentalimpacts of shIftmg Smularly, studIes attnbute to the growmg cultivatIOn are dIverse, they depend on populations of shIftmg cultIvators a key role In cultivatIOn practices used, as well as overall population Increase, whIch they CIte as a SOCIOeCOnOmlC and ecologIcal factors Field­ cause of deforestatIOn (Myers, 1990, 1992) based eVidence does not prove that shIftmg Many foresters 10 the PhIhppmes, openly blame cultIvation IS responSIble for the maJonty of shIftmg cultIvators for most deforestatIon 10 that global deforestatIon, the general claIms noted natIon (Lynch, personal commurucatlOn, 1997) above are exaggeratIons (DIck, 1991, Angelsen, Some of these perceptIons are found In earlIer 1996, WRI, 1997) One analyst recently reports as well, In the 1970s, F AO pubhcatlons concluded "Whde the contnbutIon of tradItional claimed that shIftIng cultIvators were by shIftmg agnculture to overall tropical defimtIOn "destructIve" (FAO, 1973) deforestation IS clearly an Issue of concern, ItS magrutude 10 relatIOn to other causes IS ShIftmg cultIvators are also blamed for much sometimes put way out of proportIOn 10 soll eroSIOn 10 the tropICS (Watters, 1971) aggregate figures for global deforestation whIch Recent studies particularly cntIcize and are at best crude measures" (Angelsen, 1996) dIsparage theIr use of fire burrung IS commonly charactenzed as Inherently harmful RegIOnal and natIonal data confirm thIs Furthermore, shIftmg cultIvators' fires are conclUSIOn For example, 10 IndoneSia, satelhte blamed as the source of a major proportIon of data showed that shIftmg cultivators account for global carbon emlSSIOnS, whIch lead to global only 22 percent of deforestatIon, whIle the chmate dIsturbances (ASB, 1993) Popular use remammg 68 percent IS due to programs of the term "slash and bum" perpetuates thIs supported by the government (DICk, 1991) negatIve stereotype of harmful fires Refemng to thIs study, the World Bank (1994) has concluded that these and other data Such Views also lead to the related perspective "challenge the conventIonal Wisdom that that shIftmg cultIvatIOn IS categoncally tradItIOnal shIftmg agnculture IS the malO agent of deforestatIOn" (World Bank, 1994, P 51) The Dlversity and Dynanucs of Shlftmg CultivatIOn Myths ReahtIes, and Pohcy ImphcatIons 19

S1lTI1larly, m South India, data-based landsat and the eVidence Although carbon emISSiOnS from aenal photographic images show that burrung biOmass are partly from shiftmg deforestatiOn caused by shiftmg cultivators IS cultivatiOn, a focus on the emISSiOnS alone IS less than 30 percent, whereas dams, reservOIrs, mIsleadmg, as It Ignores another Important and plantations have caused 70 percent of parameter-carbon absorptlon (or sequestratlOn) deforestatiOn (Kamal Bawa, Uruverslty of by vegetatlOn Both output and absorptIon must Massachusetts, personal commurucation) In be understood together Shiftmg cultivatlOn Nigena, recent assessments suggest that the systems have relatIvely high carbon absorptIon maJonty of deforestation IS due to large-scale because they typIcally mamtam and enhance rubber and agroexport plantatiOns and the od vegetation m the succeSSiOns and often mclude mdustry rather than shiftmg cultlVation trees m the croppmg cycle In other words, (Osemeobo, 1988) Other regiOnal and natiOnal shiftmg cultivation is closer to bemg carbon­ estimates have revealed SImIlar patterns (e g , neutral than to bemg a major carbon contnbutor Jarosz, 1993) EVIdence mdicates that shiftmg It contnbutes to carbon disturbances less than cultivation systems are actually less degradmg m other forms of land use many ways than settled "modem" farmIng, because they do not convert vegetation Some studies that acknowledge differences permanently-fallows usually allow regeneratiOn between shifted and mdlgenous shiftmg of forests or other plant ecosystems cultlVators place most of the blame for degradatlon on the mIgrants, although Shiftmg cultIvatiOn systems also do not mdigenous peoples are also sometImes necessanly waste and degrade land As noted ImplIcated (Klemman et al , 1993, Kunstadter prevIously, a look at the numbers of people and Chapman, 1978, Myers, 1994, Peters and supported per area of land under shiftmg Neuenschwander, 1988, Borthakur et al , 1985, cultlVatiOn shows that some systems use Husam, 1981, Komkns, 1978, Roy and Verma, resources more effiCIently and less wastefully 1980) (See Box 4) But blamIng shifted than many other forms of land use, and they can cultIvators for destructlOn IS SImplIstiC, partly also support more people (See Myth 5, Hecht, because It Ignores the underlymg econOmIC 1996, Dove, 1983) SImIlarly, blamIng clImate causes that usually mduce them to use certam change on shiftmg cultIvators does not follow unfamIhar practIces In parts ofLatm Amenca,

BOX 4 The Northern That Cultivators Example of Migrant PractJces and Conditions

The northern That are the largest ethmc group of charcoal productlon) dunng the dry season, and sluibng cultlVators ill thelf reglon of the ¢Ountry' mcreasUlg agncultural productlon (mamly nee, (Chapman 1978) Most are newcomers to s1ufung groundnuts m3.lZe and cotton) vla sluftmg cultlvatton cultivatlOn practIces They have been descnbed as dunng the ramy season Rates of return to labor ill the reluctant sWlddeners forced to SWitch from traditional sWldden system are often very low Yet. smce there IS paddy nCe culUvanon (Chapman, 1978, p 222) For not much alternattve ~ployment aVIUlable dunng the most northern ThaI. sluftmg culhvatlon IS a cntlcaI but penod when field preparatIOn takes place. the SWldden romor, part ofhousehold mcome Economtc necesSity and wet-nee systems mtegrate wen Fallowttmes m the has forced them to expand the land farmed through reglon are typlCalJy short--3 to 4 years 10 areas where sluftmg cultIvatlon because lumted land resources. they should exceed 10 years to mamtam soll ferttllty comhmed Wlth a relatively recent upsurge m the local Thus. the Northern thai appear to be caught m a populanon, bas led to food shortages Development has SItuatIon of decreasmg resources combined With resulted tn two new econOmIC strategtes-employment shorterung fallows and falhng Yields (Charley and of men m otr~farm labor (mamly ttmber cuttmg and McOanty,1978) 20 The Diversity and Dynarmcs of Sluftmg CultJ.vatlOn Myths, ReahtJ.es, and Pohcy ImphcatJ.ons for example, even colorusts who have had less condItions are not uruversal Nor do they reflect than a generation of tropIcal forest hvmg meVltable patterns of enVlronmental destructlOn expenence sometimes practice adaptIve and mnovatIve srufimg cultIvatlOn strategIes, What are the more Important causes of contrary to popular perceptIons (Browder, deforestation and enVIronmental degradatIon? As 1994) suggested above, commerclalloggmg and large­ scale cash-croppmg account for more Of course, all systems of agnculture, mcludmg deforestation than srufimg cultivation (Thapa srufimg cultIvatlOn, can contnbute to and Weber, 1991, Del, 1992, Truesenhausen, deforestatlOn and other lands of natural resource 1991) The underlymg causes of enVIronmental degradatIon-dependmg on the practIces and degradation are generally tied to skewed land surroundmg condItions Both tradItional and use and resettlement polICIes, meqUItable mlgrant srufimg cultivatlOn systems proVIde national land tenure systems, and other examples of both relatively degradmg SOClOeCOnOmlC condItions, mcludmg the (unsustamable) and relatIvely nondegradmg extractIve practices of large scale enterpnses, (sustamable) types (Browder, 1994, Inoue and summanzed m Table 1 These factors, m turn, LahjIe, 1990, Kunstadter et al, 1978, Spencer, can squeeze shlftmg cultIvators onto small areas 1966) For example, m many areas of the world, or pressure them to overuse resources Such srufimg cultivatlOn systems have recently destabdizatlOn usually results over time from a evolved m ways that make certam practIces such combmatIon of SOClOeCOnOmlC and polItical as burrung unsustamable and have become changes, demographlc pressures, and blOphysical poorly adapted to local condItions factors that force cultIvators to change theIr Consequently, the sod erodes, nutnents are practices depleted, and fertlhty declmes But such

TABLE 1 Causes of Destablhzatlon and Degradation m Shlftmg Cultivation Systems

Outcomes or Symptoms of Proximate Causes (agents) Underlymg Causes (roots) DestablhzatlOn and Degradatu>D

Shorterung or ceasmg fallows Development of roads and other IneqUltable pohtlcal-econoffilc Over-explOItation ofland/sods mfrastructure structures affectmg use of resources Dechnmg soli fertlhty ExpanSIOn ofmonoculture agnculture InternatlonaVnatJ.onal econOffilC Decreasmg Yields and tJ.mber mdustnes poilcles, esp trade hberahzatlon, Increasmg deforestatJ.on Scarcity of land and other resources structural adjustment Loss of bIOdiverSity avadable to cultivators Disrespect for or neglect of the Changmg demograpluc trends e g , nghts of sluftmg cultivators ffilgratlon and population growth Lack of knowledge of enVlfonmental Lack of alternatives for production and factors m agnculture mcome for rural people Lack of sustamed econOffilC devel- Resettlement of new groups m frontier opment and employment for poor areas Lack of pohtlcal comrrutment for Lack of access to stable markets for poverty allevlatJ.on sluftmg cultivators Inadequate attention to SOCial needs m envlfonmental poilcles The DIverSIty and Dynarmcs of Slnftmg Cu1uvauon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohcy Imphcatlons 21

IMPLICATIONS Sluftmg cultivators should standard of lIfe" (Watters, 1971) Other not be blamed categoncally for deforestation, studIes convey siffillarly pejoratIve VIews of these enVIronmental degradatlOn, and chmate methods A renowned agronomist stated that disruptlOns Some sluftmg cultivatlOn systems "The poor fafffilng methods and soli depletmg have clearly become contnbutors to resource practIces prevalent among Afncan peasant and degradatIon, but tlus IS not uruversal, and many sruftmg cultIvators stem from Ignorance, custom forms and aspects of sluftmg cultIvatIon are and lethargy the mam obstacle to overcome IS enVIronmentally sound The vanatlOns on and the natIve's lack ofunderstandmg for the need evolutlOn of these land use systems need to be for the preventlOn of soli erosion" (Clayton, apprecIated by deCISIon-makers and the pubhc so 1974, p 12) In discusslOns of sWIdden systems that more effectIve programs and pohcles can be m northeast IndIa, wnters have cntically stated developed to conserve and sustamably use that "no arumal or Implement IS used by the resources and Improve agncultural development farmers for the preparatlOn of the land The only At the same tIme, the underlymg causes of tools used are the choppmg krufe, dIbbhng enVIronmental degradatIon need to be stIcks, a small hand hoe, and a sIclde/krufe The understood and addressed More attentIon only mputs are seeds and human labor" should be gIVen to IdentIfymg and addressmg (Borthakur et al , 1985, P 150, Srukia, 1982) In degradatIon's roots, mcludmg bIased pohcIes, 1993, World Bank analysts wrote that Afncan market forces, and extractIve enterpnses sruftmg cultIvators have "hffilted technIcal know LIkeWIse, when sluftmg cuitIvatlOn does lead to how" and that theIr "slow technologIcal degradatIon, these econOffilC factors need to be mnovatlOns mhIbit farmers from SWItchIng from apprecIated so that the degradatlOn IS not blamed subSIstence to market crops" (Cleaver and categoncally on ffilgrant colorusts or tradItional Shneber, 1993, pp 4-5) Such stereotypes have sruftmg cultIvators Methods for addressmg led many analysts to beheve that sluftmg such econOffilC factors mfluencmg sruftmg cultIvators always have hffilted knowledge cultivatlOn mclude ceasmg pohcles that dIsplace, remove and, resettle sruftmg cultIvators, and REALITY 6 - Techmques used m shifttng removmg legal mcentIves and programs deSIgned culttvatlOn systems are generally appropnate to encourage colorusts to settle m margmal areas for theIr agroecologlcal contexts (although not that are unSUited for fafffilng 'fmodern '" and cultivators often have complex and useful knowledge about resources, land Levels of Productive Technologies and use, and su"oundmg environment Agroecologlcal Knowledge Sruftmg cultIVators employ an array of MYTH 6 - Shifttng culttvators usually use technologIes and land use practIces, mcludmg pnmlttve, low levels of technology, have modem technologIes when appropnate, llmlted knowledge about agnculture and the dependmg on the avadablhty of alternatIves, enVIronment, and rarely adopt new markets, and resources The practices used are technologIes tYPIcally well adjusted to local enVIronments and have been adapted to econoffilC, enVIronmental, A commonly CIted F AO study defines sruftmg and technologIcal changes over tIme cultIvatlOn as technIques of farmIng "used by Htstoncally, three types of tool-based systems those farmers who have only the most pnffiltIve were common dIggmg-stIck systems, hoe tools at theIr dIsposal [ShIftmg cultIvators] systems, and plow systems But the range of do not change because of passive acqUiescence technologIes has expanded over time to mecilocre results of productIon and a low 22 The Diversity and Dyn8IllicS of Shrllmg CultIvatIon Myths, ReahtIes and Pohcy ImphcatIons

In the Congo Basm, for example, as mother Pradesh or even m Meghalaya, Nagaland, areas of sluftmg cultivation, "a common type of Marupur and Tnpura, have adopted technology technological change has been the mtroductlOn of modern agnculture, though not on a very of new crops or new vanetles of eXlstmg crops" large scale" (Bose et al , 1982, P 223) Some (Mtracle, 1967, p 287) In chlteme systems of cultIvators employ cham saws to clear forest Zambia, cultivators have mtegrated legumes and (Del, 1992) compo stIng to Improve soll fertlhty (Chtdumayo, 1995) In IndoneSia, some sluftIng cultivator Furthermore, studIes show that sluftIng groups have Incorporated rubber trees Some cultIVators usually have a wealth of knowledge, Afhcan sluftmg cultlvatlOn systems mclude -based on theIr expenence and external mputs such as compost, arumal manure, expenmentatlOn-about theIr blOphyslcal and ImgatlOn (Mtracle, 1967) Sluftmg conditIons, agronomIc practIces, and the cultivators m grass-fallow systems m Bhutan add environment and economy that Influence them collected pIne needles and arumal manure to (Alcorn, 1994, Warner, 1991, Brookfield and mounds of top sOli used as fuel for burrung Padoch,1994) Some have detaIled and complex (Roder et al ,1992) Purchased fertIhzers, knowledge about the management of vegetatIve peStiCIdes, and herbicIdes are used less regrowth, and management of forest resources frequently because they are not accessIble to and medlcmal plants (Alcorn, 1989) They are many shIftIng cultivators, although thIs IS commonly knowledgeable about ecologIcal changmg The Sanbas Than sWlddeners of pnnclples such as nutnent cychng, soIl fertlhty, Sarawak, MalaYSia, for mstance, use small decompositlOn, and use of orgaruc matter­ amounts of dlammoruum phosphate fertdlZers although they do not use such terms (Ghessman and the herbicide paraquat to supplement et al , 1981, Warren et al, 1989, Brookfield and weedIng (Cramb, 1989) In India, "most of the Padoch, 1994, KleInman et al, 1993) tnbes, at least m Onssa, Andhra and Madhya

Box 5 Sblfting CultlVat.on and Complex Knowledge - An Example from MeXICO (adapted from Colber, 1975)

The classic sWldden agncultural cycle practiced by the tassels appear and 18 mtended to aVOid damage from Zmacantecos In Chtapas, soutbemMeXlco. lS adapted to Wmd The mam farmmg operations -such as plantmg lO¢al ¢ondlUOIl.S Thes¢ people have iX>mplex knowledge and harvestmg-are adjusted to the phases of the moon about the resources and the methods needed to mamtam (coordmatIon With the lunar cycles IS common m sWldden production and bave adjusted their practices ()ver ttm<; m systems III many parts of the world and has a sClentIfic response to vanous kmds of change Therr swldden fields bastS for opturuzmg growth) Products gathered from the ate generally located m steeply sloped and htgh·altltude fallow areas or forests, such as pme boughs and needles. areas (3.000 to 8,000 feet) are used m ntuals

Zmacantecos generally have complex: knowledge of Not all of the Zmacanteco's practices are m hannonyWlth agroeoologtcal features and practices fur sW1dden fanrung theenvtronment, however Many of the people'stands and have partIcularly soplushcated mSlghts (based on have suffered from sod erOSlOn and declmmg fertihty expenence) about sotls~ plants. and management orthe partly owmg to Scarcity of land and mcreasmg mtenSlty or fallow Such knowledge has helped mamtam therr famung Such changes have occurred WIth population hvehhood as well as $OCud coheSlon Cultural tradlttons slnfts and polittcal and econonuc developments. espeClally and spmtuai be:befs are also unportant m the Zmacantecos the expanSlOn of wage labor, Illcreasmg market pressw-es swidden cycle RItuals are performed at certain stages in and meqwtable land tenure honor of the sptnts. mcJudmg Wmd, Ltghtnmg, and Ram. For ex~ple. a mdpa ntualts perfotrtted when com The DIversIty and Dynarrucs of Sluftmg CultIvatIon Myths RealItIes, and Pohey ImplicatIons 23

Mayan sInftmg cultIvatIon practIces, for Simllariy, smftmg cultivators are often example, reflect complex knowledge, not sopmstIcated managers of bIologIcal dIverSIty slmphclty (See Box 5) Women, elders, and As noted earher (m Myth/RealIty 2), they may cluldren, as well as men, have specific plant dozens of vaneties m a smgle garden and knowledge about these factors m the sluftmg conserve and use wIld vanetles m fallows (See cultIvatlOn cycle Box 6) These cultural practIces contrast sharply WIth modem agncultural systems, wInch usually StudIes from the fields of botany, geography, erode dIverSIty and aIm for homogeneIty For agroecology, cultural ecology, ethnography, and example, forests that may contam as many as archeology have shown that smftmg cultlvatlOn 400 speCIes per hectare have been replaced by systems are complex, reslhent, and dynamlc m pastures With only 10 or 20 speCIes, or the context of environmental and SOCIal plantatIons With only one speCIes constramts (AltIen, 1997, Gieissman, 1989, Ghessman et al, 1981, Conkhn, 1963, Warner, SInftmg cultIvators use a vanety of sod 1991, Posey and Balee, 1989, Denevan and management methods to sustam productiVity, Padoch, 1988) In many areas, sInftmg usually adJustmg to low sod fertIhty m large cultlVatIon may be seen as managed areas of the tropics The most pervasive types deforestatIon, bUlldmg around patchy cleanngs of sod management practices are the sInftmg where fire IS carefully controlled and (rotatIon) cycle, wInch restores sod fertilIty, and regeneratIon aided through marupulatlOn of burrung, wInch creates a useful ash fertlhzer succeSSlOn by the selective weedmg, fertIhzmg, (Nye and Greenland, 1963) ManyaddltlOnal and protectmg of particular plants (Alcorn, methods are used, as noted m Table 2 1991) In other cases, as m West Kahmantan, smftmg cultivation IS a form of tropical forest management (See Box 6 )

BOX 6. Forest Gardens Managed by Tara'n Dayak ShIfting CultIVators 111 West Kalnnantan

Dayak slufung cultrvator groups m Kalunantan IndoneSia, All of these forest systems may look ahke but each bas use sopmstlcated agncultural practices to manage three dtffetent btstones and management practices. Each type dIVerse forest vegetatIon types forest gardens, managed IS Species I'lch The Dayak managed forest gatdens. for forests, and agroforestry plots, detailed as follows a. examp~ eootain upwards of 42 tree species maO 2 ha Tembaweng Forest Gardens are home gardens of 10 or plot and tanah adat upwards of 51 tree specws per 0 2 ba more hectares that begm as muted pIantmgs of fiult trees plot (By contrast, Dlpterocarp forests m Kahmantan can around dwellmgs. and later COntam additiOnal planted oontam from 200-250 tree Species per hectare) These SpecIes (such as ruhber, rattans, and mecitcmal plants) and culbvlltots promote m sltu conservahon of u:nportant also a nuxture of spontaneous vegetation that grows up culttvars and thelt' WIld relattves and m81Dtam bIOdiversity around fnut trees, b Tanah Adat Forest Reserves are forest gardens whtle feedmg themselves TIns dtversIty preserved by ttadiuonallaw. set IiSlde many generlltlons management could be an e'lternplaty fortil of sustaInable ago and have never been cleared However, the TlU'a~n reSource use Such systems coold be good alternatives to Dayak ofBalat manage these tanah adat by removwg the present practlces of loggmg and total forest unwanted weeds or less useful specles while plantmg conversion tunber and fmlt trees such as tlhpe nut, rattan, sugar palm, bamboo, hmgsat, rambru, mentawa and dunan, c Source C Padoch and C Peters, 1993 "Managed F()test

Tanah Usaba Agroforesty Plots are typlcally commerCIal Gardens m West Kabmantan. jj In C Potter, J Cohen. D plantmgs that are usually part of the cychc agroforestry Janezewskt, (eds) Perspectives on Buxlwers'iIy Case system Rubbet is the IIiOst lII1J:>Ortant tree planted along StudteS oj GenetiC Res.ouree Conservanon and With other commercial trees Development MAS Press, Wasbmgton DC pp 167 .. 176 24 The Dlverslty and Dynanucs of Shrftmg Culbvabon Myths Reahbes and Pohcy Imphcabons

Table 2 SoIl Management Methods m Shlftmg CultIVatIOn

, Management Category SpeCIfic Method PhYSICal modIficatIOn Moundmg for sOlI protectIOn RIdgmg and erosIOn control Contour structures for erOSIOn control Terraces (made oflogs, grass balks, etc)

SoIl protectIon Plantmg ground covermg vmes MultI-story agncultural arclntecture Mulclnng Wmdrows

FertIlIty enhancement Use of short cycle legumes Use of bush or tree legumes MultI-level resource use by crops Nutnent adchtIOns from outsIde the plot Nutnent added from plants m the plot Compostmg and manures Use of Insect nests as fertIlIzer Reburymg Wlthm the plot Mampulated fallows

Source Hecht and Posey, 1989

IMPliCATIONS DeCISion-makers, mstitutIons, agroecoiogical pnncipies that complement and the WIder pubhc need to understand that modem SCIentIfic findmgs The use of many smftmg cultIVators have complex partICipatory methods such as Participatory knowledge of and expenence With natural Rural AppraIsal (PRA) can help make effectIve resources and agroecoiogical condItIons Tms use of peoples' local knowledge PartICipatory know-how should be respected, understood, and methods have proven to benefit research and supported m research and development It can development, contnbute to conservatIOn and play an Important role m enVironmental hvehhood secunty, and can also help empower management and agncultural projects (posey local people (lIED, 1990-1995, Thrupp, 1994, and Balee, 1989, Redford and Padoch, 1992, Chambers et ai, 1989, Famngton and Martm, Thrupp, 1989, 1994, Thrupp et ai, 1994, 1987) (See also Reallty 8) The use of such Rhodes, 1994) At the same tIme, the partICipatory methods m research can also dIsplacement of local knowledge and the Improve understandmg of why some of the ImpOSItIon of Western technologIes should be practIces have become unstable, such as aVOIded Smftmg cultIvators' tradItIonal shorterung fallow penods, and can help deSign agroforestry and soli management techruques measures that need to be taken to mttIgate can be benefiCIal and need to be mcorporated adverse changes mto contemporary proJects, as they encompass The Dlversity and Dynarrues of Slnftmg Cultlvatlon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohey Impheatlons 25

Tenure and Property Systems property nghts, most shtftmg cultlvators are treated as squatters under national laws, MYTH 7 - Shifhng culhvahon systems exist regardless of theIr length of occupancy Lands in empty, open-access forests without any form used for sluftmg culttvatlOn, particularly fallow of legal nghts or controls, thereby areas, are often classlfied as pubhc forest land or necessltahng state and pnvate control for condemned as empty or unused and appropnated management or enclosed by state agencies (Lynch and Talbott, 1995, Dove, 1993, 1985, Bryant, 1994, As m colomal times, contemporary analysts Peluso, 1992, KIng, 1988) often regard the fallow penod of sluftmg cultlvatlOn as abandonment, and lands used by IMPLICATIONS Pohcy-makers, governments, sluftmg cultivators as unused open-access or and analysts need to respect and legally protect empty lands (Dove, 1985, 1993, Peluso, 1992, diverse tenure arrangements of shtftmg Lynch and Talbott, 1995) In the Bnttsh Emplre cultlvators, partlcularly tradlttonal, commumty­ anytlung that dld not look hke a cleared based property nghts and management systems agncultural field was considered terntonum Laws and pohcy-makers should not treat fallow nullzus (Lmdley, 1926) Furthermore, many areas as unused land, because these areas are an analysts presume that sluftmg culttvators do not mtegral part of the sluftmg cultIvatton cycle have tenure systems or property nghts and are State authonty should not be Imposed over not attached to any particular land commumty-based systems (Lynch, 1992a) More analysls IS needed to understand the REALITY 7 - Shifhng culhvatlOn cultures compleXItles of the dlverse tenure systems embrace a vanety oftenure regimes that among sluftmg culttvators and how they are mediate access, use, and transfer ofresources, changmg over ttme as a result of pohcy including informal communzty-based, mterventlOns, market forces, and other factors household, and mdlvldual nghts that overlap The protectlOn of local nghts can reinforce local with state authonty mcenttves for sluftmg culttvators to manage resources appropnately Upholdmg the wlder Sluftmg cultlvatlOn systems rarely eXIst m legal and pohttcal nghts of these people IS open-access sltuatlons Instead, most are based equally lmportant and necessary on commumty property nghts, wluch are tYPlcally dlfferentlated as mdlvldual, gender, InterventIOns of Governments, AgenCies and famIly, lmeage, and commumty nghts of access PoliCies (Berry, 1993, Peluso, 1992, Guyer, 1991, 1984, Rocheleau, 1991, Stamp, 1989) A common­ MYTH 8 - State and internahonal agencies property nghts pattern consists of communal, use intervenhons and poliCies to brmg about lIneage holdmgs of land areas, With famtly and benefiCial agncultural and environmental mdIVldual members haVlng usufruct nghts, as changes affechng the prachce of shifhng occurs m the case of patnhneages m Garo, culhvahon. northeastern Indla (Ramaknshnan, 1992, Majumdar, 1980) The Mmangkabau ofPulru m It lS wldely assumed that government West Sumatra have a matnhnealland holdmg mstltutlOns, development agencles, agncultural system Wlth dlVlslons oflabor, nee product lOn, research centers, and non-governmental and rubber tappmg occumng along gender hnes orgamzattons proVlde the best methods for (Colfer et al , 1988) replacmg or moderruzmg the practtce of sluftmg Desplte the presence of commumty-based cultlvatlOn Pohcy offiCials m such mstItutIons 26 The Diversity and Dynarrucs of Shrllmg Cultivation Myths RealIties and Pohcy ImplIcations

usually see themselves as objective or as agents (Comaroffand Comaroff, 1991, Pagdon, 1993) of positive changes (Bladae, 1985) The Dunng the 16th century, for example, mstltutIons themselves are considered to have Portuguese colomal ehtes and JesUIt mlSSlOnanes SCientifically supenor knowledge and are valued mandated that IndIans learn agnculture so that as a major mformatlOn source for the Western they could be htred by colo mal plantatlOn owners techmques that are mtroduced to shtftmg (Alden, 1968, Gott, 1992) In early colomal cultivators They are also seen as agents of enterpnses, the colomahsts sold products from progress able to transform shtftmg cultivation shtftmg cultivation systems to traders who systems mto modem and sedentary forms of cIrculated extractive tropIcal products, sugar, agnculture and slaves They mtervened m local practIces when they thought these products directly REALITY 8 - Mainstream programs and competed With the pnmary extractive resources policies influenCing shifting cultivators are and SIphoned labor away from the more biased and not neutral, they have often been commercial sectors of the economy (Dove 1985, Unilaterally deSigned to stop, alter, or replace 1993,1994, Peluso, 1992) shifting cultivation or Introduce land use practices that may not be appropnate for or Smce the colomal penod, many regulations deSired by local people. have aImed to stop, prohtblt, and transform shtftmg cultlvatlOn They have also tned to 1 Coloma) Laws and Land-Use Pohcles replace commumty tenure systems and practices of shtftmg cultIvatlOn WIth state control, Dunng the colomal penod, officers of extraction, and commercIal tree plantatlOns agncultural and forestry departments, (Chadran and Gadhtl, 1993, Dove, 1985, 1993, mlSSIOnanes, and sCIentists often VIewed shtftmg 1994, Kmg, 1988, Husam, 1981, Mtllmgton, cultivators as pnmltIves, whtch often proVIded a 1985, Lmdley, 1926, Peluso, 1992, Ratanakhon, moral Justification for theIr subJugatlOn 1978, Lynch and Talbott, 1995) Colomallaws

Box 7 Taungya as an Approach to Transform Shlftmg Cultrvatlon

Taungya comes from the Bunnese word for sbiftmg own use for a few years and concurrently, plant and tend <)u}tlvatlOl'l, Taung (lull) and ya (culbvabon) It is a tree seedImgs {usually tunber trees), wblch are harvested system used to develop plantabon forestry and by the state or company agroforestry inexpensively. and lt was wldely promulgated throughout countnes of the Brlbsh colomal and For modern states. thts model has been consIdered post.. colomal emplte, Ulcludmg Borneo. Nlgena, successful m consohdatmg admmLstrattve and polItiCal Thatfand. Nigena. Ghana and Sn Lanka Taungya m control over shtftmg cultivators and thelf forests and for BnbshBurma's forests was mtended to wean the produemg revenUe through tunher sales Adaptation of In£bgenous Karen siuftmg cultlVators from what was m the the taungya system also reshaped the nature of forest coloruahsts' perspectlve a rude culture. and destructlve control and management Local VIllagers lost land nghts and wasteful ways that placed teak resources m danger for slnftmg <)uluvauon,legal ac¢ess to forest resources, (Bryant. 1994) In IndoneSlil, the taungya system was and the potentlaJ autonomy of forest settlements. The adopted by Dutch coloruahsts and mtegrated moo the taungytl system operates Wlthin a coerclve legal Agrartan Law ofl870 and the Forest Law ofl927 framework ofhtUtted access to forest resources and labor Taungya has be¢ome a coaunon 20th century and often results m the concentratlon of wealth (KLo mternattonal forestIy practICe (Kmg. 1966) and generally 1978, Peluso, 1992) Consequently, the system has ConsiSts of the foUowmg practices the state or a forest provoked a great deal of reSistance from rural people such company removes marketable trees. then culttvators cut as the Karen (Adas, 1986) and burn the reSIdues and plant short.. cycle crops for thelt The Diversity and Dynarrues ofSluftmg Cultivation Myths Reahhes and Pohey Impheabons 27 were passed to formalIze such mterventlOns Many other examples of pohcles adverse to The Indonesian Agranan Law of 1870, for smftmg cultIvatlOn are found throughout AsIa In example, stipulated that customary property the PmlIppmes, General Order 92 Implemented nghts (known as ada!) on Java, Madura, and by the US colomal regIme m 1900 promblted later the Outer Islands were only recogmzed on unauthonzed cleanng of "publIc" lands by fire lands that were contmually cultivated (Lynch and or fellIng of trees With fines of up to US$100 Talbott, 1995) Tms excluded smftmg and 30-day Impnsonment VlOlators were also cultIvators from possessmg property nghts charged for the timber destroyed or an additlOnal IndonesIa's 1927 Forest Law declared state day m pnson for each dollar of unpaId damages forest lands to be lands owned by the state to (Lynch, 1992) Tms prombitIon, With much wmch no other people have nghts or control stiffer penalties, contmues today based on the (Wemstem, 1993, Peluso, 1992, Lynch and ReVlsed Forestry Code of 1975 (Lynch and Talbott, 1995) In Uttar Kannada, IndIa, the Talbott, 1995) The Bhutan Mmstry of BntIsh colomals prombited smftmg cultIvation, Agnculture, m an effort to sedentanze and SImultaneously cleared, extracted, and cultivators, mtroduced finanCIal mcentIves for depleted deCIduous hardwoods hke teak estabhsmng orchards, terraces, bunds, and (Chandran and Gadgd, 1993) These kmds of contours m permanent fields (Roder et al , agranan and forestry laws have remamed m 1992) Thadand's government has been force up to the present day attemptmg to resettle the Northern ThaI people mto the lowlands for a long time, often usmg Startmg m the late 19th century, the colomal coerclOn, m order to extract tImber from or to governance systems m the tropICS were develop permanent agnculture m therr regIon orgamzed accordmg to European models (Chanphaka, 1986, Kmg, 1988) The myths (DaVldson, 1992) Intervention m productlOn descnbed m tms paper have been used to JustIfy processes became one of the pnmary endeavors governmental efforts to expropnate the of colomal governments, often through cultIvators' property nghts and grant nghts to promotion of commerCIal agnculture and loggmg and mImng enterpnses (Dove, 1983) forestry projects Efforts were focussed on controllIng sh1fimg cultIvation m forest areas, StrategIes for agncultural commerClahzatIon producmg export commodItIes, and makmg local have also been prevalent, startmg m colomal people practIce permanent cultIvatlOn Such tImes, for transformmg sh1fimg cultivators, and pohcles have often coerced smftmg cultlVators also to help fund the state For example, mto labor at extraction and commercIal groundnut schemes m Western and Eastern plantations (Dove, 1993, 1994, 1995, Kmg, AfrIca by the BntIsh and French colomal 1988, Peluso, 1992, Mllhngton, 1985) In governments were attempts to modermze Madagascar, for example, French colomal agnculture and sedentanze cultlvators (SEDES, authontles banned shlftmg cultlvatlon practIces 1965, Borget, 1986), although they were largely and tned to resettle the people to grow cash unsuccessful The Senegal groundnut project, crops (Jarosz, 1993) A forest management wmch mcluded 30,000 hectares under model called taungya was among the mam mecharuzed agnculture and used local smftmg approaches to transform smftmg cultIvatlOn cultIvators and mIgrants as wage laborers, turned Most of these colomal methods of mterventlOn out to be uneconomIcal and senously degraded have largely contmued up to now (See Box 7) sods (Borget, 1986) In some cases, colomal regImes used coerClOn to enforce the mtegration 28 The Dlverslty and Dynarrues of Slnfung Cultlvatlon Myths, Reahtles, and Pohey Impheatlons of cash crops such as rubber, cacao, 011 palms, the Outer Islands to start modem permanent tea, coffee, tImber, and frU1t trees m the fallow agnculture m areas used by shtftmg cultIvators (Berry, 1993, Chadran and Gadgll, 1993, Dove, (peluso, 1992, SoewardI, 1983, Wemstem, 1993) 1994, Lynch and Talbott, 1995) Other coloruzatIon projects m IndoneSIa mvolve 2 Contemporary Settlement, ColoDlzatlOn, contract farmtng and wage labor for people who and Agriculture Schemes formerly were shtftmg cultIvators, and the promotion of export crops Another project, In the contemporary era, resettlement and affectmg approXimately 200,000 households, coioruzat1On programs mtended for poor people aImed to develop sedentary and productive are frequently used m attempts to transform sources of hvmg and to mtegrate these people agnculture, allevIate SOCIal 111s outsIde mto the regIonal and provmclal market economy coioruzat1On areas, and generate reg10nai growth (Hecht, 1995) They have been a key part of Along WIth such proJects, the modem rural development pohcles m ASIa, Latm governments often Impose authonty over tenure Amenca, and AfrIca Resettlement programs are and property systems, repeatmg colorual typIcally rumed to reconstruct the hvehhoods of patterns They generally eltffilnate the cultivators as sedentary In Brazd, coioruzat1On commuruty-based tenure arrangements of programs have been used as a means of aVOldmg shtftmg cultIvator commurutIes For example, agranan reform and have become an escape the state may allocate legal nghts to outSide valve to aVOId addressmg the SOCIoeconOffilC enterpnses or mdIVIduals who coopt the land of cnses m the northeastern and central west shtftmg cultivators and dIsplace them In much reg10ns of the country (Hecht and Cockburn, of Southeast ASIa and m areas of the Amazon 1989, Mahar, 1989, Bmswanger, 1989) In the Basm, state agenCIes proVIde the legal nghts to Amazon regIon, shtftmg cultIvators such as vast areas ofland to large parastatal, rubber tappers have frequently been settled mto mternatIonal, and domestic corporations such as agranan reform areas or colorues m an attempt tImber and ffilrung comparues, whtch then explOIt to compensate for loss of theIr holdmgs forest and land resources Typical mducements elsewhere for cooptmg land mclude favorable tax rates, low export fees, ffilrumal stumpage costs for IndonesIa has developed elaborate programs forest removal, and mfrastructure development for resetthng shtftmg cultIvators They are In reg10ns where cultIvators' land has been Justified by the state as promotmg forest coopted, the people have often reSIsted, and conservat1On, econOffilC growth, and SOCIO­ conflIct has ensued over access and ownershtp of pOhtiCal control For example, the IndonesIan resources (Lynch and Talbott, 1995, Peluso, forestry department drrected a resettlement 1992, Tapp, 1989, Hecht and Cockburn, 1989, program from 1971 to 1981 that resettled some Guha, 1989) 13,058 households-mamly shtftmg cultIvators, who were moved to new frontier areas Although many development and coioruzat1On (Wemstock, 1992) Most of these people were projects are well-mtentloned, and can benefit moved mto the transffilgrat10n regions, and certam comparues and well-off producers, they households typically received a small plot (about have seldom been successful at achtevmg thetr two hectares of land) and an 8-day short course alms and often are unsustamable and fraught on sedentary farmtng Smce the 1980s, WIth dIfficultIes, espeCIally for shtftmg cultIvator IndoneSIa's resettlement and reforestat1On commurutIes CultIvators are usually at a program have also brought Javanese farmers to dIsadvantage, because they generally lack The Diversity and Dynarmes of Shrltmg Culhvahon Myths, Reahhes, and Pohey Impheahons 29

econonnc resources and power, get displaced and expand markets, for tms purpose, they have under unfannhar conditIOns, lack formal tenunal prOVIded mcentIves such as favorable credit secunty and pohtIcal mfluence, and seldom are pohcles, tax and fiscal mcentIves, mfrastructure allowed to participate m the deSign of projects development, and techmcal services for new As stated m a recent World Bank report, productlOn technologies resettlement frequently Imphes landlessness, Joblessness, margmahzatlOn, food msecunty, loss Thls predonnnant VIew has been modified to of access to common property, and SOCial some extent m certam F AO projects For disarticulatIOn (World Bank, 1994) Other example, the F AO' s recent program on problems result from meffiCient orgamzatlOn of Commumty Forestry reflects mcreased respect the programs, lack of SOCial services, and poorly for smftmg cultivator practIces "SWlddeners' adapted crops and development models for local knowledge can be apphcable to both sustamable needs and conditions (Wemstock, 1992) They mtenslficatlOn of smftmg cultivation and usually result m out-nngratlOn by the people, development of other sustamable land use who may end up unemployed m poor urban systems With pnnclples ofmtegratIon of trees areas or seekmg out new pOSSibilities m frontier mto the agncultural system, utIhzatIon of nncro areas enVironments, nncro Sites, multiple crops and multi vanetIes and stablhty mamtamed by the 3 InternatIOnal Development and Research many components of the system" (Warner, InstItutions and Programs 1991) The program IS very small, however, and represents an unusual perspective m the F AO Efforts to transform smftmg cultivatIOn m mstItutlOnal structure developmg countnes are also shaped by mternatlOnal development agencies, such as InternatIOnal and natIOnal research and FAO, and multtlateral banks such as the World development mstltutIons, mcludmg the Bank As noted before, early F AO reports ConsortIUm for InternatIOnal Agncultural Judged shiftIng cultIvatlon to be Inherently Research (CGIAR) (conslstmg of over a dozen "pnmltIve," "backward," and Incapable of large agncultural research mstItutes throughout supporting "clvlhzatlon" (FAO, 1973, Watters, the world), umverslty systems and NatIOnal 1971 )-behefs that have formed the baSIS for Agncultural Research Institutes have also many F AO projects aImed at replacmg shIftIng estabhshed programs over several decades that cultlvatlOn have generally aImed to directly or mdlrectly ehnnnate or transform mdlgenous agncultural One of the predonnnant approaches to practices F or example, they have developed econonnc growth used by F AO and other and spread the Green RevolutIon model, whlch agencies IS a market-led development model that promotes the use of mono cultural productIOn focusses on the export of tImber, nnnerals, and systems, hlgh-yteldmg crop vanetIes and htgh agncultural products as mecharusms to proVide mput chenncal technologies worldWide state revenues Development agencies, along Although these mstItutIons do not have a general With many state mstItutlOns, tend to favor those pohcy statement on smftmg cultivation, they actors deemed most dynannc as commercial have been leadmg supporters of technologies entities, and backed by powerful econonnc and mtended to replace traditIonal systems through pohtlcal groups (Berry, 1993) Slnnlarly, they Green Revolution systems CGIAR has have prescnbed and estabhshed pohcles for developed slgruficant techmcal mnovatlOns that large-scale agnculture to open new frontIer areas contnbute to nsmg agncultural productIVity and has been mfluentlal m shapmg rural development 30 The Diversity and Dyn8lll1CS of Sluftmg Cultivation Myths Reahties and Pollcy Imphcahons programs Yet, some patterns of agncultural replace shIftmg cultlvatlOn and other traditIonal research and moderruzatlOn have also systems Agatn, local reSidents are generally contnbuted to adverse social and enVIronmental excluded In the design and development of such effects such as those descnbed m thIs paper conventIonal programs In recent years, some ConventIonal research approaches have seldom programs and mdlvlduals withIn the Bank have mvolved full participatIon of farmers as well changed their VIews and given more positive attentlOn to Indigenous practices For example, Dunng the 1990s, several of the mternatlonal a recent World Bank publIcation on IndoneSia and national agncultural research centers have recogruzes that shIftIng cultivators are not become mcreasmgly concerned about declImng necessanly the mam cause of deforestation productiVIty, deforestation, and shorter fallows (World Bank, 1994) Such changes may help to m shIftIng cultIvatlOn and have developed overcome predomtnant perceptlOns specific projects to address these problems (UNDP, 1992, ASB, 1993) These centers have 4 Environmental and Forest Management generally assumed that shIftmg cultivators need Programs and Pohcles to be settled, develop alternatIve practIces, and mtegrated mto modem, hIgh-mput mono cultural IncreasIng numbers of programs and polICies agnculture (El Moursl, 1984, FAO, 1985, Nair have been estabhshed that attempt to deal With and Fernandes, 1984, Oktgbo, 1981, 1983, the environmental Impacts of shIftIng cultlvatlOn 1984) Recent research efforts m thIs field have They are agaIn based on assumptIons that all helped to Improve understandmg of land use, forms of shIftIng cultlvatlOn are destructIve and resources and specific crops A relatively small must be ehmtnated or replaced Interventions number of sCientIsts have also given attentIon to have mcluded projects for reforestation, forest the value of traditIonal practices, partIcularly management and conservation, parks, forest mdlgenous agroforestry used by cultivators (e g , reserves (Conelly, 1992), and forced FUJlsaka et al, 1995, Smtth et ai, 1995, resettlements mto reservatIons (ASB, 1993, Brookfield and Padoch, 1994) However, many Lynch and Talbott, 1995, Padoch and Peters, of the sCientIsts mvolved stdl tend to overlook 1993, Stewart, 1992) Some programs are the tradItIonal fanrung practices of shIftmg specifically directed to halt shIfted cultIvators cultIvators, who are often stdl assumed to be who are perceived to be particularly culpable for technologically mcompetent (Benneh, 1996, enVIronmental destructlOn lecture at IFPRI, Balee, 1989, 1992, Irvme, 1989, Hecht et aI, 1988, Dove, 1993, Padoch Estabhshmg forest reserves has also been and Pe~ers, 1993) Agncultural research centers used to move shlftmg cultIvators One example and SCIentists have an opporturuty to better IS 10 Nagpana, Phlhppmes (Stewart, 1992) appreciate and buIld upon the agroecologlcal Also, the recently created Mantadla NatlOnal knowledge and practIces of mdlgenous shIftmg Park m Madagascar has excluded and prohIbited cultIvatIon- and to aVOId the mtsperceptlOns of shIftmg cultlvatlOn, despite hIstoncal property the past (UNDP, 1992) Such an approach can claims by cultivators Agroforestry alternatives Improve the potentIal for sustamable agncultural are part of the park plans (Sodlkoff, 1996) development Ugandan parks have eVIcted all local shIftmg cultivators even though traditIonal shIftmg World Bank programs that Influence cultIvatlOn was less ecologically harmful than agnculture and land use generally have aImed to cultIvatlOn by mtgrants patd by wealthy patrons develop mdustnal patterns of commerCIal mterested m tImber (Alcorn, 1994) The Karen J agncultural development, and, by ImphcatlOn, to In Burma and the Azande In ZaIre are other The DIVerslty and Dynannes of Slnftmg Cultivation Myths, Reahbes, and Pohey hnpheabons 31 sluftmg cultivator groups who have been gardens that provlde hvelIhoods for sluftmg pressured off theIr tradItional lands by nature cultivators are bemg destroyed to accommodate conservation programs reforestation projects controlled by timber comparues (Stepharue Fned, personal Resettlement programs are sometimes commurucatIOn, 1997) Monocultural forest promoted to protect tImber m gazetted forests plantations reduce bIOdlverslty and assoclated and for conservatIon areas Such projects are econOmIC values, as well as dlsrupt the lives of ongomg m ThaIland, IndonesIa, MalaysIa, Indlgenous people (Jarus Alcorn, Pat Durst, Alex Uganda, Cote d'IvOlre, IndIa, Ghana, Tanzarua, Moad, personal commurucatIons, 1997) Gabon, and ZaIre, and mvolve over 2 mIllIOn SlmIlarly, some forest protectIOn programs, such people In the K.1bale forest reserve m Uganda, as forest reserves and parks, have led to the 35,000 people were VIOlently dIsplaced and eVlctIOn of sluftmg cultivators and other rural eVicted m 1992 and theIr houses, food, and populatIOns, who tend to lack nghts (Lynch and posseSSIons burned by the forest police guards Talbott, 1995, Wells and Brandon, 1992) They were resettled some 150 mIles away In Cote d'IvOlre, 200,000 forest reSIdents were to Moreover, government agencles have be removed and proVided With small agncultural estabhshed other pohcles and programs that plots In projects financed by the World Bank contradlct conservatIOn and forest protectIOn for forestry and enVironmental protection, at programs, and that Instead are almed to least 109,000 famtlies have been mvoluntanly stimulate deforestation Examples are resettled In addItion, dam constructIOn coloruzatlon proJects, road development, and programs have affected close to one mIlhon credlt programs In Latm Amenca, one people (World Bank, 1994) incentive to farmers t-o clear forest lands and maIntam them as pastures lS that domg so Such enVironmental mterventIOns, both past establishes theIr legal clalms to land (Hecht, and present, have seldom succeeded m 1993, MacDonald, 1992, Ledec, 1992 ) catalyzmg posItIve reforms for envIronmental and SOCIOeCOnOmIC purposes They rarely Some groups have reacted to the account for the needs and expenences of sluftmg enVironmental or forest-related policles cultIvators Although such efforts may be descnbed above by trymg to defend thelr nghts deSIgned With the well-mtentIOned alms of For example, some have resorted to poaclung conservation or development, they tend to lack from the reserve areas (Wells and Brandon, practIcallty and the partlclpatIOn and support of 1992, Peluso, 1992) In an effort to meet thelr local commurutIes (Bass and Momson, 1994) In food needs IndIgenous peoples have also fact, they often dIsplace and dISrupt sruftmg undertaken polItical efforts to regam nghts In cultIvators and aggravate enVlronmental BohVla, for example, the tradItIonal lands of the degradatIon and poverty The adverse effects Crumane (forest-based sruftmg cultIvators) are further aggravated by meqUltable politlcal became part of a debt-for-nature swap Intended and SOClOeCOnOmIC structures that work agamst to convert the lands to a state-controlled the local peoples' Interests protected reserve Tlus provoked great reslstance from thousands oflocal people, who For example, many of the reforestatlon marched from the Amazon to La paz tnggenng programs undertaken In the South benefit large the largest popular demonstration In modem forest Industnes and dlsplace local people who Bohvian lustory They were successful m do not have secure tenure In the area In affirmtng theIr nghts Indonesla, for example, tradltIonal dlverse rattan 32 The Diversity and Dynarrnes of Shrlbng Culhvahon Myths Reahhes, and Pohey Impheahons

On the other hand, certam types of cultivators to Improve their well-bemg In reforestation efforts have, mdeed, helped to attempts to develop alternattves and pohcles that Improve forest management and lIvelIhoods, or can benefit smftmg cultivators, local at least they have the potential for poslttve commumttes must be respected and mtegrated m outcomes, If they mvolve social forestry pollcles and projects LikeWise, the diverSity of acttVlttes or agroforestry directed to benefit and smftmg culttvatlOn systems, and the mvolve sht:ftmg cultivators and other rural agroecologlcal pnnclples upon wmch they are people (Gradwohl and Greenberg, 1988, Warner based, need to be better understood and and Wood, 1993, Wells and Brandon, 1992) appreCiated It makes sense for people to Such projects are more environmentally participate m deCISIOns that affect thelr lIves As sustamable and socially benefiCial, but have been noted earher (See Myth 2 ), the use of few and under-funded compared With other partiCipatory research methods, and the forest projects mvolvement of local people m planrung and polley-makmg can help towards acmeVlng IMPLICATIONS Development mstltutlOns benefiCial results (lIED, 1990-1995, Chambers and researchers can no longer contmue to Ignore et al, 1989, Thrupp, 1994) Yet, beSides tms, the IDlstakes, deletenous effects, and myths that more substantial reforms are also urgently have been common to development and needed m land use pohcles and agncultural enVlronmental programs and pohcles They development paradigms, to Improve hvelIhoods must reform polICies and programs, to stop the and empower local people Developmg effective mappropnate patterns of displacement and changes m pohcles and programs for land use by resettlement of smftmg culttvators, and mstead smftmg cultivators Will also help m promotmg budd mcenttves for sustamable management, broader goals related to sustamable development mcludmg tenunal secunty and opportumttes for The Dlverslty and Dyn81TIlCS of Shtftmg CultlvatlOn Myths, Reahtles, and Pohcy Imphcatlons 33

III. Conclusions: Reconciling Policy with Reality

From thts analysIs emerge lessons about polIcy programs An InterdISCiplInary systems Issues, research approaches, and development approach to research and development IS programs related to shtftIng cultivatIon and ItS needed alternatives Clearly, change must come from many actors, particularly development agenCIes, • Respect Local Knowledge governments, and research Institutes These UnderstandIng and bulldIng on the knowledge groups must overcome myths, acknowledge and expenence of shtftIng cultIvators (and the realIties, and focus on the implIcations Identified polICIes that Influence them) IS useful and In thts paper RecogruzIng the dIverSIty, nghts, needed for agncultural development and knowledge of shtftIng cultIvators IS essential • Enhance DIverSIty DIverSIty and fleXlbIhty are VItal pnncipies for Many of the dIverse forms of shtftIng both agroecoiogical and SOCIOeCOnOmIC cultlvatlOn have been and still are effectIve purposes, In developmg effectIve optIons adaptatIons to troPICal conditlOns They have evolved dynamIcally in different patterns over • Confront Root Causes ofProblems time In the face of adverse InterventlOns and Attempted SolutIons should confront the regulations, shtfhng cultivators have surviVed underlYIng causes of problems and should and thnved, often contInuIng theIr strategIes for ensure that the rural poor have faIr access to nsk reductIOn Even though some shIftIng resources and opporturutles to Influence cultivatlOn practIces have become unsustaInable decislOn-makers, and partICIpate actively In In recent times, the knowledge upon whIch agnculture and land use programs shIftIng cultivatIOn systems are based offer InSIghts useful to agncultural development In addItlon to the pohcy suggestIons strategIes mentIOned throughout thIs paper, some final general recommendatIOns on pohcy optIons are Four crosscuttmg general pnnciples-lessons reIterated as suggestIons for government and that can be used In developmg changes to development agenCIes research, development, and poltcy Irutiatives­ follow 1 Develop partICIpatory approaches to polIcy deCISIons, research, and development actIVIties • Use an Integrated Approach to support the Involvement of shtftIng cultIvatIOn The IntegratIOn of SOCIOeCOnOmIC, polItical, populatIOns, as well as other farmers, extractIve and agroecologIcal factors affectIng shtftIng enterpnses, and researchers cultIvators IS central to the deSIgn and Implementation of effective pohcles and 2 EstablIsh Incentives for commuruty-based 34 The Diversity and Dynarmcs of Shrl'tmg Culbvabon Myths Reahbes and Pohey Imphcabons approaches to resource management (Tins Among these suggestIons, agroforestry IS often should mclude the strengthemng of legal nghts upheld as a solutIon on ItS own Although and protectIons and the creatIon of opportumtIes agroforestry systems are promIsmg, plantmg for poor rural men and women to acqUIre secure trees alone m farmIng systems IS not adequate to land tenure) address land use problems The other pohcy and SOCIOeConOmIC changes noted above are also 3 Ratlonahze (and when necessary repeal) laws needed, partly to enable the ImplementatlOn of that restnct shIftIng cultIvatIon practIces appropnate agroforestry optIons Furthermore, smce agroforestry IS well known to many shIftmg 4 ElImmate mappropnate land settlement and cultIvators, It IS vItal to take advantage of and coloruzatIon programs that can lead to land budd upon shIftmg cultIvators' local knowledge explOItatIon or otherwIse dISrupt shIftIng of trees and resources Hybnd strategies that cultIvator populatIons Include pnncipies from local technIques as well as SCIentIfic methods are more lIkely to be 5 Reform market polIcIes to buIld market adapted successfully opportumtIes for shIftmg cultivators (e g , non­ tImber forest products or agroforestry products) Further research can make a sigruficant where appropnate contnbutlOn to understandIng and taking advantage of slnftmg cultivatlOn systems and 6 Promote sustamable land use practIces and pnnciples, and to developmg sustrunable and approaches, mcludIng agroforestry, productIve use of natural resources wlnle agroblOdiversity soIl conservatIon, cover crops, ImproVIng the lIvelIhoods of rural people But mtercroppmg, and use of orgamc matenals, m research needs to be mterdlsciplInary, and IS shIftmg cultIvatIon systems, taking advantage of more constructive If It IS apphcable to polIcy and local knowledge of such methods development processes The contnbutlOns of anthropologIcal studIes and studIes of the 7 Enforce regulatIons to control explOItatIve polItICal economy of land use change are practIces and dOmInatIon by extractive mdustnes especially valuable At the same tIme, research that are often responsIble for large-scale IS hkely to be more beneficial If It mvolves deforestatIon and dIsplacement of shIftmg partIcIpatIon of poltcy decIsion-makers and local cultIvators people from project deSIgn through follow-up and evaluation actIVItIes 8 Develop trrumng programs and commumty actIVItIes on land use practIces and optIons for It IS also essentIal for researchers, as well as local shIftmg cultIvator populatIons and new poltcy decIsIon-makers and development ImmIgrants, agam buIldmg on local knowledge officers, to assess and learn from past and eXlstmg research and development programs m All of these polIcy suggestIons reqUIre order to better understand what has been elaboratIOn and adaptatIon m partIcular national effective and meffectIve m Improvmg and local CIrcumstances Each needs to be sustamablhty, SOCIal well-bemg and eqUIty, and conSIdered on a case-by-case basIs by local prodUCtIVIty Understandmg the dIversity, declSlon-makers The ImplementatIon of such dynamICS, and SOCIal processes underlymg land strategIes reqUIres concerted actlOns by both use change can be an Important contnbution publIc and pnvate entItles toward more sustamable and eqUItable development patterns The DIversIty and Dynanucs of Shrftmg Cultivation Myths, RealltIes, and Polley ImphcatIons 35

About the Authors

Lon Ann Thrupp DIrector of Sustainable Agnculture, Center for InternatlOnal Development and EnVIronment, World Resources Institute, Washmgton, D C

Suzanna Hecht Professor, Urban and RegIonal PlannIng Department, Umverslty of Cahforma, Los Angeles, CA

John Browder Professor, Department ofReglOnal PlannIng, Vrrglma Polytechnic Umverslty, Blacksburg, VA

Owen Lynch Fellow, Center for International EnVIronmental Law, Washmgton, DC

Nablha Megateh Doctoral CandIdate, Anthropology Department, Johns Hopkins Umverslty, Baltimore, MD

Wilham O'Bnen Research ASSIstant, Department ofReglOnal PlannIng, VlrgIma Polytechnic Umverslty, Blacksburg, VA The Thverslty and Dynamics of Shtftmg Culttvatton Myths Reahttes, and Pohey Irnpheattons 37

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Gatmaytan, Augusto 1992 uLand RIghts and Land Hecht S B 1996 "From Paysannt to TropIcal Tenure Sltuatlon of Indlgenous Peoples m the Coloruzatlon Ratlonal Planrung and SClentlfic Order PlnlIppmes Phllzppzne Natural Resources Law In the Congo and How It Spread "In B Gregory, JournaI5(1) 5-31 Encountenng the Colonzal, London Routledge (In Press) Geertz, Chfford 1963 Agncultural InvolutIOn The 1995 "DyamIcs of Deforestatton In the Processes ofEcologIcal Change In Indonesza BolIVIan Lowlands" UnpublIshed Paper Urban Berkeley and Los Angeles Umversity of Cahforma Planmng Department, Umversity of CalIforma Los Press Angeles 1993 "Valwng LIvelIhoods Extractton, Glacken, C 1978 Traces on the Rhodean Shone LIvestock, and Peasant Agnculture In Comparattve Berkeley Umversity of Cahforma Press Perspecttve " In K Redford and C Padoch, eds Neotroplcal ConservatIOn New York ColombIa Ghessman, S R 1989 Agroecology Researching Press the EcologIcal Baszs for SustaInable Agnculture 1985 "EnVIronment, Development and New York Spnnger-Verlag Pohttcs CapItal Accumulatton and the LIvestock Sector" World Development 13(6) 663-84 Ghessman, S R, E R GarcIa, and M Amador --- 1982 "Agroforestry In Amazoma " In S 1981 "The Ecological BasIs for the AppbcatIon of Hecht and G Nores, eds Agnculture and Land Use Traditional Agncultural Technology In the Reseach zn Amazonza) Cab, ColombIa CIAT Management of TropIcal Agroecosystems " (Centro InternacIOnal De AgrlCultura TropIcal) Agroecosystems 7 173-185 Hecht, S B ,A B Anderson, and P May 1988 Gomez-Pompa, Arturo 1987 "On Maya "The SUbSIdy from Nature ShtftIng Culttvatton, SilvIculture " MeXIcan StudIes 3 1-19 SuccessIOnal Palm Forests, and Rural Development" Human Organzzatzon 47 25-35 GoswamI P C 1985 "Importance of SOCIO­ econOmIC Factors and Role of Incentives In Hecht, S B and A Cockburn 1989 The Fate of Controlling ShtftIng Culttvatton In Northeast India" the Forest Developers, Destroyers and Defenders of Indian Forester 111 1-11 the Amazon London Verso

Gott, R 1992 Land Without EVIl London Verso Hecht, S Band D Posey 1989 "PrelImInary Results of SoIl Management of the Kayapo, " Gradwohl, J And R Greenberg 1988 Savzng the Advances In Economzc Botany 7 174-88 Tropzcal Forests London Earthscan The Diversity and Dynamics of Shtftmg CultJ.vatJ.on Myths Reahttes, and Pohey ImpheatJ.ons 41

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Additional Reading

Alcorn, J B 1993 "IndIgenous Peoples and IncreaSing ProductIVity In Jhum Lands," 10 Shiftzng ConservatIon," ConservatIOn BIOlogy 7(2) 424-426 CultivatIOn zn Nonh East Indza ShIllong, Meghalaya 1984 "Development Pohcy, Forests and North East IndIa CouncIl for SOCIal SCience Peasant Farms ReflectIons on Huastec-managed Research Forests" Economic Botany 38 (4) 389 Braun, H 1974 "ShIftmg CultIvatIon 10 Develop1Og Allen, JulIa C and Douglass F Barnes 1985 "The AgriCulture " Pages 112-116 10 FA 0 SOlis Bulletzn Causes of DeforestatIon 10 Develop1Og Countries " No 24 Rome FAO Annals ofthe Assoczatzon ofAmencan Geographers 75(2) 163-184 Brokensha D ,D Warren, and 0 Werner 1980 Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development Anderson, A 1990 "Smokestacks 10 the Ramforest Lanham, Maryland UmversIty Press of Amenca IndustrIal Development and DeforestatIon 10 the Amazon Basm " World Development 18 1191-1205 Browder, John 0 1995 RedemptIve CommumtIes 1990 "ExtractIon and Forest Management IndIgenous Knowledge, Colomst FarmIng StrategIes by Rural InhabItants 10 the Amazon Estuary " 10 A and TropIcal Forest ConservatIon Agnculture and Anderson, ed , Alternatives to DeforestatIOn New Human Values York ColumbIa Umversity Press 1988 "PublIc Pohcy and DeforestatIon In the BrazIhan Amazon" Pages 247-298 In PubliC Ashby, J 1995 "OrgamzIng ExpenmentIng Farmers PoliCies and the Misuse ofForest Resources (Robert for PartICIpatIon In AgrIcultural Research " Repetto and Malcolm GIllIs, eds) Cambndge UnpublIshed Paper Call, ColombIa CIAT (Centro Cambndge UmversIty Press InternaclOnal De AgrIcultura TropIcal) 1988 "The SocIal Costs of RaInforest DestructIon" Interclencza 13(3) 115-20 Atal, Yogesh and P L Bennagen 1983 1987 "BrazIl's Export PromotIon Pohcy IntroductIon In Y Atal and P L Bennagen, eds (1980-84) Impacts on the Amazon's Industrial Wood Swulden CultivatIOn zn Asza, Vol 2 Bangkok Sector" Journal ofDevelopmg Areas 21, AprIl 285- UNESCO RegIonal Office for EducatIon In ASIa and 304 the Pacific CapIstrano, Ana DOrIS 1990 "Global EconOmIC BInswanger, Hans P 1989 "BrazIhan polIcIes that Change and TropIcal Broadleaved Forest DepletIon " encourage deforestatIon 10 the Amazon" World Bank Economic Catalysts to Ecological Change 39th EnvIronment Department, Paper No 16 Annual Conference, Center for LatIn AmerIcan WashIngton, D C The World Bank StudIes, Umversity of FlOrIda, Ga1Oesville, February Blumwood, Val and RIchard Routley 1982 "World RaInforest DestructIon - The SocIal Factors " The Chambers Rand J JIggIns, 1986 "AgrIcultural EcologlSt 12(1) 4-22 Research for Resource-poor Farmers a Parsimomous ParadIgm " DISCUSSIOn Paper 220 Borthakur, D N ,R P AwasthI, and S P Ghosh Sussex, England Umversity of Sussex 1980 "AlternatIve Systems of FarmIng for The DiversIty and Dynanues of Shrftmg Culhvahon Myths, Reahhes and Pohey Impheahons 47

Conway, G R 1985 "Agroecosystem AnalYSIS" Development (Brokensha, D , D M Warren, and 0 Agncultural AdmznlStratzon 2031-55 Werner, eds) Langham, Maryland Umverslty Press of Amenca Crocombe, Ron 1971 "An Approach to the AnalYSIS of Land Tenure Systems " In Ron Kunstadter, Peter and E C Chapman 1978 Crocombe, ed Land Tenure zn the Pacific "Problems of ShIftmg CultIvatIon and Economlc Development In Northern ThaIland" In P Das, D C 1980 "An Integrated Approach for Kunstadter, E C Chapman, and S Sabhasn, eds , TreatIng the Lands Subject to ShIftmg CultIvatIon " Farmers zn the Forest Economic Development and Pages 45-53 In Shiftzng Cultzvatzon zn Nonh East Margznal Agnculture zn Nonhem Thazland Indza ShIllong, Meghalaya North East Incha Honolulu Umversity Press of Hawall Council for SocIal SCIence Research Ledec, George 1985 "The PohtIcal Economy of FeldsteIn, H And J Jlggms, 1992 Methodologzes TropIcal DeforestatIon" In H J Leonard, ed Handbookfor Gender AnalysIS zn Farmzng Systems Dzvestzng Nature's Capltal The Polltlcal Economy of Research New York PopulatIon CouncIl EnVironmental Abuse zn the Thzrd World New York Holmes and MeIer FUJIsaka, Sam 1986 PIoneer ShIftmg CultIvatIon Upland Ecosystems and SOCIal Forestry PolIcy In the Nepsted, D ,C Uhl, and E A Serrao, 1990 PhIhppInes " PhIhppIne SocIOlogical ReVIew 34 "SurmountIng Barners to Forest RegeneratIon In (104) 26-36 Abandoned, HIghly Degraded Pastures A Case 1991 "A DIagnOStIC Survey of ShIftmg Study from Paragomlnas, Para, BrazIl" In A CultIvatIon In Northern Laos TargetIng Research to Anderson, ed Alternatives to DeforestatIOn Improve Sustamablhty and ProdUCtIVIty " ColumbIa Umverslty Press New York Agroforestry Systems 13 95-109 Norgaard, R 1984 "TrachtIonal AgrIcultural Hardjono, J 1983 "Rural Development In Knowledge Past Performance, Future Prospects, IndoneSIa The 'Top-Down' Approach" In DAM and InstItutIonal ImphcatIons " Amencan Journal of Lea and D P Chaudhn, eds Rural Development and Agncultural Economzcs 66 874-878 the State Contradzctzons and Dzlemmas zn Developzng Countnes New York Methuen Repetto Rand M GIlhs, eds 1988 Publlc Polzczes and the MISuse ofForest Resources Cambndge Hauck, F 1974 IntroductIon Shiftzng Agnculture Cambndge Umversity Press and Sozls zn Afnca Rome Food and AgrIculture OrgamzatIon Rudel, Thomas K "PopulatIon, Development, and TropIcal DeforestatIon A Cross-natIonal Study " Hmton, Peter 1978 "Dechmng ProductIon among Rural SocIOlogy 54(3) 327-338 Sedentary SWldden Cultlvators the Case of the Pwo Karen" In P Kunstadter, E C Chapman, and S Scherr, S J 1990 "The DiagnOSIs and DeSign Sabhasn, eds ,Farmers zn the Forest EconomIc Approach to Agroforestry Project Planmng and Development and Margznal Agnculture zn Nonhem Implementatlon Examples from Western Kenya" In Thazland Honolulu Umversity Press of Hawall W W Budd, I Duchhart, L H Hardesty, F Stemer, eds Plannzng for Agroforestry Amsterdam KIo, R 1972 "ShIftmg Cultlvatlon and MultIple Use ElseVIer of Land In Nlgena " Commonwealth Forestry Revzew Vol 51(2) 144-148 Schultz, T W 1964 Transformzng Tradlttonal Agnculture New Haven, CT Yale Umverslty Press Krught, C G 1980 Ethnosclence and the AfrIcan Farmer RatIonale and Strategy (Tanzama) Pages 203-230 In Indzgenous Knowledge Systems and 48 The Diversity and Dynanucs of Shrftmg CultivatIon Myths Reahties, and Pohcy ImphcatiOns

Schusky, Ernest L 1989 Culture and Agnculture Vayda, A P , C J PIerce Colfer, and M an Ecologlcal Introductwn to Tradltwnal and Modem Brotokusumo 1980 InteractIons Between People and Farmzng Systems New York Bergm & Garvey Forests m East Kahmantan " Impact ofSclence on Publishers Soclety 30 179-190

Seymour, FrancIs J 1991 "SOCIal Forestry on PublIc Velt P 1995 From the Ground Up WashIngton, Lands m IndonesIa a Blurnng of Ends and Means " D C World Resources InstItute m Soczal Forestry Communal and Pnvate Management Strategles Compared WashIngton, Vermeer, D 1976 "The TradItIon of D C John Hopkms Umverslty School of Advanced ExperImentatIOn m ShIftIng CultIvatIon among the InternatIonal StudIes TIv of NIgena " In FraZIer and B Epstem, eds Proceedmgs ofApplzed Geography Conference Sharma, Tarun C 1980 "The Prelnstonc Bmghamton State Uruverslty of New York Background of ShIftmg CultIvatlOn " Pages 1-5 m Shiftzng CulUvatlOn m North East Indza ShIllong, WeInstock, J A and S Sumto 1989 "RevIew of Meghalaya North East CouncIl for SOCIal SCIence ShIftIng CultIvatIon m IndonesIa" Jakarta, Research F AOlMImsty of Forestry

Tommy, J L 1984 "ShIftIng CultIvatIon and World Bank 1989 Stnkmg a Balance the POSSIbIlitIes for Improvmg It m SIerra Leone " FAO EnVironmental Challenge ofDevelopment Sozls Bulletm No 53 Rome FAO WashIngton, D C World Bank

Vanclay, Jerome K 1993 "SaVIng the TropIcal Forest Needs and PrognosIs" Ambw 22(4) 225-231 World Resources Institute

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