2017 Africa Emerging Markets Forum
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Côte D'ivoire Risk Assessment 2014
INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AND COUNTERTERRORISM Côte d’Ivoire Risk Assessment 2014 INSCT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA INITIATIVE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report assesses some of the key security threats that Côte d’Ivoire—a West African coastal nation— faces. Once a model for development among West African states, Côte d’Ivoire has struggled with economic challenges, political issues, and ethnic conflict since 1993, following the death of its first president. As the home of several ethnic groups, Côte d’Ivoire also has struggled to maintain a peaceful balance among its tribes. Tribal tensions have reemerged along with political tensions, creating an air of instability and distrust. This issue raises the possibility that the nation could deteriorate and collapse around ethnic lines.1 Nonetheless, Côte d’Ivoire has potential, and its agricultural sector—along with its mineral resources, improving infrastructure, and revived tourism trade— may hold the promise of future economic development. The country is the world’s largest producer of cocoa, and a major producer of other cash crops, such as cashews. Furthermore, if specific FIGURE 1: Map of Côte d’Ivoire (University of Texas). tensions that were fueled by the election crisis of 2010 and 2011 begin to settle, some measure of stability and security is likely to return. To provide an overview of security issues in Côte d’Ivoire, this report examines four key areas: ! The 2010 election crisis and recovery. ! Security Threats, including exogenous threats (such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb) and endogenous threats (such as a partisan military, unofficial militias, corruption, and impunity). -
Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE COI Compilation August 2017 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire COI Compilation August 2017 This report collates country of origin information (COI) on Côte d’Ivoire up to 15 August 2017 on issues of relevance in refugee status determination for Ivorian nationals. The report is based on publicly available information, studies and commentaries. It is illustrative, but is neither exhaustive of information available in the public domain nor intended to be a general report on human-rights conditions. The report is not conclusive as to the merits of any individual refugee claim. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa Immeuble FAALO Almadies, Route du King Fahd Palace Dakar, Senegal - BP 3125 Phone: +221 33 867 62 07 Kora.unhcr.org - www.unhcr.org Table of Contents List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 4 1 General Information ....................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Historical background ............................................................................................ -
Country Risk Overview
Côte d’IvoIre Country Risk Overview Côte d’Ivoire’s President Alassane Ouattara is expected to remain in power until 2020 when his two term limit expires. This provides a solid foundation for current investment prospects, which is particularly impressive against the backdrop of the 2010 political unrest. However, various factors developing in the run-up to the next elections have the potential to impact investment in the country. When Ouattara was inaugurated in 2011, his immediate mandate was to bring stability and a safer security environment following the electoral crisis resulting from the 2010 election. A close second was economic reform. Ouattara led major investments in infrastructure, education, health, transportation as well as Côte d’Ivoire’s restoration as the world’s leading producer of cocoa and cashew nuts. In October 2016, a new constitution was approved following a referendum which allowed the consolidation of executive power. A legislative election was held in December that year which saw the RDR-led ruling coalition retain power by securing 167 of the 255 seats. Ouattara used the successful election to reduce Côte d’Ivoire has the cabinet and appoint longstanding allies into key positions, as permitted by maintained steady the new constitution. Notably, Ouattara placed Daniel Kablan Duncan in the economic growth over newly formed Vice President role and Amadou Gon Coulibaly as Prime Minister. These appointees reinforce Ouattara’s strong control over the country, and the last 5 years and support his continued hold on power until the next election in three years. boasts strong agriculture, mining, oil and gas and Opportunities Côte d’Ivoire is an economic and transportation hub for French-speaking West infrastructure sectors. -
New Records of the Togo Toad, Sclerophrys Togoensis, from South-Eastern Ivory Coast
Herpetology Notes, volume 12: 501-508 (2019) (published online on 19 May 2019) New records of the Togo Toad, Sclerophrys togoensis, from south-eastern Ivory Coast Basseu Aude-Inès Gongomin1, N’Goran Germain Kouamé1,*, and Mark-Oliver Rödel2 Abstract. Reported are new records of the forest toad, Sclerophrys togoensis, from south-eastern Ivory Coast. A small population was found in the rainforest of Mabi and Yaya Classified Forests. These forests and Taï National Park in the western part of the country are the only known and remaining Ivorian habitats of this species. Sclerophrys togoensis is confined to primary and slightly degraded rainforest. Known sites should be urgently and effectively protected from further forest loss. Keywords. Amphibia, Anura, Bufonidae, Conservation, Distribution, Mabi/Yaya Classified Forests, Upper Guinea forest Introduction In Ivory Coast the known records of S. togoensis are from the Cavally and Haute Dodo Classified Forests The toad Sclerophrys togoensis (Ahl, 1924) has been (Rödel and Branch, 2002), and the Taï National Park described from Bismarckburg in Togo (Ahl, 1924). Apart and its surroundings (e.g. Ernst and Rödel, 2006; Hillers from a parasitological study (Bourgat, 1978), no recent et al., 2008), all situated in the westernmost part of the records are known from that country (Ségniagbeto et al., country (Fig. 1). During a decade of conflict, both 2007; Hillers et al., 2009). Further records have been classified forests have been deforested (P.J. Adeba, pers. published from southern Ghana (Kouamé et al., 2007; comm.), thus restricting the species known Ivorian range Hillers et al., 2009), western Ivory Coast (e.g. -
African Dialects
African Dialects • Adangme (Ghana ) • Afrikaans (Southern Africa ) • Akan: Asante (Ashanti) dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Fante dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Twi (Akwapem) dialect (Ghana ) • Amharic (Amarigna; Amarinya) (Ethiopia ) • Awing (Cameroon ) • Bakuba (Busoong, Kuba, Bushong) (Congo ) • Bambara (Mali; Senegal; Burkina ) • Bamoun (Cameroons ) • Bargu (Bariba) (Benin; Nigeria; Togo ) • Bassa (Gbasa) (Liberia ) • ici-Bemba (Wemba) (Congo; Zambia ) • Berba (Benin ) • Bihari: Mauritian Bhojpuri dialect - Latin Script (Mauritius ) • Bobo (Bwamou) (Burkina ) • Bulu (Boulou) (Cameroons ) • Chirpon-Lete-Anum (Cherepong; Guan) (Ghana ) • Ciokwe (Chokwe) (Angola; Congo ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Mauritian dialect (Mauritius ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Seychelles dialect (Kreol) (Seychelles ) • Dagbani (Dagbane; Dagomba) (Ghana; Togo ) • Diola (Jola) (Upper West Africa ) • Diola (Jola): Fogny (Jóola Fóoñi) dialect (The Gambia; Guinea; Senegal ) • Duala (Douala) (Cameroons ) • Dyula (Jula) (Burkina ) • Efik (Nigeria ) • Ekoi: Ejagham dialect (Cameroons; Nigeria ) • Ewe (Benin; Ghana; Togo ) • Ewe: Ge (Mina) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewe: Watyi (Ouatchi, Waci) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewondo (Cameroons ) • Fang (Equitorial Guinea ) • Fõ (Fon; Dahoméen) (Benin ) • Frafra (Ghana ) • Ful (Fula; Fulani; Fulfulde; Peul; Toucouleur) (West Africa ) • Ful: Torado dialect (Senegal ) • Gã: Accra dialect (Ghana; Togo ) • Gambai (Ngambai; Ngambaye) (Chad ) • olu-Ganda (Luganda) (Uganda ) • Gbaya (Baya) (Central African Republic; Cameroons; Congo ) • Gben (Ben) (Togo -
Why Is the African Economic Community Important? Mr
House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations Hearing on “Will there be an African Economic Community?” January 9, 2014 Amadou Sy, Senior Fellow, Africa Growth Initiative, the Brookings Institution Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and Members of the Subcommittee, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for convening this important hearing to discuss Africa’s progress towards establishing an economic community. I appreciate the invitation to share my views on behalf of the Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution. The Africa Growth Initiative at the Brookings Institution delivers high-quality research on issues of economic growth and development from an African perspective to better inform policy research. I have recently joined AGI from the International Monetary Fund’s where I led or participated in a number of missions to Africa over the past 15 years. Why is the African Economic Community Important? Mr. Chairman, before we start answering the main question, “Will there be an Africa Economic Community?” it is important to look at the reasons why a regionally integrated Africa is beneficial to African nations as well as the United States. In spite of its remarkable economic performance over the past decade, Africa needs to grow faster in order to transform its economy and create the resources needed to reduce poverty. Over the past 10 years, sub-Saharan Africa’s real GDP grew by 5.6 percent per year, a much faster rate than the world economy, which grew by 3.2 percent. At this rate of 5.6 percent, the region should double the size of its economy in about 13 years. -
The Dakar Agenda for Action (DAA)
The Dakar Agenda for Action (DAA) Moving Forward Financing for Africa’s Infrastructure I. Leveraging Public-Private Partnerships for infrastructure transformation 1. We, African Heads of State and Government, Ministers and representatives of African countries, Regional Economic Communities, leading business, investment and private sector organizations, development finance institutions as well as development partner institutions, met in Dakar, Senegal on 15 June 2014 at the Financing Summit for Africa’s Infrastructure, to build and strengthen innovative synergies between the public and private sectors towards mobilizing pan-African and global financial investments for infrastructure development in the continent. 2. The Dakar Financing Summit was held under the distinguished leadership of His Excellency Macky SALL, President of the Republic of Senegal and Chairperson of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). The Summit was preceded by a Preparatory Forum on 14 June. 3. Noting that infrastructure development remains a key driver and a critical enabler for sustainable growth in Africa, we reaffirm that the current favourable economic landscape in the continent provides unique opportunity to collectively address the infrastructure deficit by financing critical national and regional high impact projects. Addressing Africa’s infrastructure gaps will help in creating the economic pre-conditions needed for longer-term growth enshrined in the goals of African Union and NEPAD. 4. Acknowledging Africa’s steady growth in the past decade, its much improved macro-economic performance and public finance management which helped in withstanding the impact of the global economic crisis, we re-emphasize the paramount need for the growth impact to be geared towards social inclusiveness and competitiveness through infrastructure modernization. -
KAS International Reports 09/2015
9|2015 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 89 ON THE OTHER SIDE OF CRISIS OR BACK ON THE BRINK? OUTLOOK ON THE 2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN IVORY COAST Valentin Katzer INTRODUCTION West Africa is currently running a veritable election marathon: Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Niger, Ghana – the cards in the region are being reshuffled in the 2015 and 2016 electoral period.1 Past experience indicates that polls always prove to be a test for security, as well as social and political stability in the electoral democracies between Sahel and the Gulf Dr. Valentin Katzer of Guinea. The presidential and semi-presidential systems of the is a trainee in the Promotion region have repeatedly given rise to tension and conflict in the of Democr acy in past, and even more so where the newly elected head of state the West Africa is endowed with extensive powers. The “Présidentielles” in Ivory program of the Konrad-Adenauer- Coaste fiv years ago resulted in a particularly dramatic escalation. Stiftung. Due to the Civil War (2002/2007), the elections, which had been originally scheduled for 2005, were postponed several times, and were finally held against the backdrop of a deeply divided country. The first ballot of the belated 2010 presidential elections initially put southern incumbent Laurent Gbagbo ahead, but during the run-off, northern challenger Alassane Ouattara was certified to have received the highest number of votes by the Independent Electoral Commission (Commission Électorale Independente de Côte d’Ivoire). The Constitutional Council, however, declared Gbagbo the victor. Both candidates took their oath, resulting in two Ivorian presidents being in office at the same time. -
Côte D'ivoire Prime Minister's Passing Shakes up Electoral Outlook
ASG Analysis: Côte d’Ivoire Prime Minister’s Passing Shakes Up Electoral Outlook July 10, 2020 Key Takeaways • Already expected to be contentious, Côte d’Ivoire’s October 2020 presidential elections became more uncertain following Wednesday’s unexpected death of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly. • Ahead of the polls, analysts are concerned that an increasingly fragmented political field could lead to electoral violence reminiscent of Côte d’Ivoire’s previous unstable electoral periods and hamper economic recovery from the Covid-19 crisis. • Political jockeying has begun within the ruling party to replace Gon Coulibaly as the standard bearer and face off against likely opposition front runner Henri Konan Bédié. Ruling party stalwarts are calling on President Ouattara to run for a third term, and Minister of Defense Hamed Bakayoko as well as Vice President Daniel Kablan Duncan are also considered strong contenders for the candidacy. Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly’s sudden death upends Ivorian election Despite Covid-19, Cote d’Ivoire has remained steadfast in moving forward with plans to hold presidential elections in October 2020. Early in the electoral process, speculation over whether President Alassane Ouattara would attempt to stand for an unconstitutional third term was rampant. Last December, Ouattara declared his intention to participate in the elections should former Ivorian presidents and opposition members Laurent Gbagbo and Henri Bédié opt to run. International and local political pundits let out a collective sigh in relief this March when Ouattara announced that he would not seek reelection, helping to avoid a major constitutional crisis. But the sudden death of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly on July 8 has reignited uncertainty over Ouattara’s candidacy and the election in general. -
« Ils Les Ont Tués Comme Si De Rien N'était »
Côte d’Ivoire « Ils les ont tués comme si HUMAN RIGHTS de rien n’était » WATCH Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire « Ils les ont tués comme si de rien n’était » Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-820-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 51, Avenue Blanc 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBRE 2011 1-56432-820-1 « Ils les ont tués comme si de rien n’était » Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire Cartes ............................................................................................................................... -
Côte D'ivoire Country Focus
European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9476-993-0 doi: 10.2847/055205 © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2019 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Mariam Dembélé, Abidjan (December 2016) CÔTE D’IVOIRE: COUNTRY FOCUS - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT — 3 Acknowledgements EASO acknowledges as the co-drafters of this report: Italy, Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for the Right of Asylum, International and EU Affairs, COI unit Switzerland, State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), Division Analysis The following departments reviewed this report, together with EASO: France, Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (OFPRA), Division de l'Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches (DIDR) Norway, Landinfo The Netherlands, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, Office for Country of Origin Information and Language Analysis (OCILA) Dr Marie Miran-Guyon, Lecturer at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), researcher, and author of numerous publications on the country reviewed this report. It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. -
The Catalyst for Africa's Post-Pandemic Recovery
Partner Insight governments must also lessen dependence INFRASTRUCTURE: on foreign lenders by mobilising domes- tic resources. This should send a positive message to the world that the continent is proactively contributing to its recovery and THE CATALYST not just relying on others. LEVERAGING ASSET RECYCLING There are several ways of mobilising domes- tic capital for infrastructure, especially from FOR AFRICA’S institutional investors. The assets under management of African institutional inves- tors are expected to rise to $1.8 trillion by 2020, which has increased from $1.2 trillion POST-PANDEMIC in 2017 according to the African Develop- ment Bank. Mobilising just a fraction of this capital for infrastructure could make a tremendous difference. RECOVERY Africa50 has taken a leadership role in promoting asset recycling, whereby govern- ments grant private sector investors con- cessions over infrastructure that is mostly already revenue generating. It enables gov- ernments to unlock capital tied up in assets that they already own, which would be more efore the Covid-19 crisis, Africa shocks, capital seeks safety and gravitates productively managed by private sector in- needed massive investments to back to home markets. Once the crisis dies vestors. By offering these assets through close its infrastructure gap. This down, investors will again look for oppor- concession schemes to credible private sector has become even more urgent now tunities, and Africa presents a plethora of investors, governments could free up funding with the health crisis. Any post- such prospects to invest in. In the short for critical new projects. Such concessions pandemic stimulus plan should in- term, however, Africa needs substantial fis- promise long-term revenue streams and cludeB an infrastructure component and ways cal stimulus to compensate for the capital new infrastructure investment opportuni- to increase the participation of the private flight and rising debt levels.