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Strong Men, Weak State: Power Ministry Officials and the Federal
Strong Men, Weak State Power Ministry Officials and the Federal Districts PONARS Policy Memo 284 Brian D. Taylor University of Oklahoma October 2002 Vladimir Putin's KGB past, strong state rhetoric, and specific policy decisions (Chechnya, the attacks on media oligarchs Boris Berezovskii and Vladimir Gusinskii, etc.) have heightened fears of the return to a police state in Russia. The creation of seven federal districts in May 2000, five of which were headed by police and military generals, seemed to provide further evidence of this authoritarian drift. Two and one half years later, we can now draw some conclusions about the extent to which Putin's federal reforms are based on the use of military and police power. Although some of the nightmare scenarios have not materialized, the degree to which power ministry officials dominate federal district structures is striking. Paradoxically, however, the presence of so many officers in these positions will ultimately weaken, rather than strengthen, Putin's efforts to build a strong state. In the twenty-first century, effective state administration relies as much on horizontal ties as on vertical ones. As a general rule, Russian officers lack the political skills and training required to create these ties. Russia's strong men are likely to create a weak state. Coloring the Regions Khaki "Power ministries" or "power structures" (silovie strukturi, or siloviki for personnel from these structures) are the catchall terms used to describe Russian government bodies whose personnel carry weapons or wear uniforms. There are more than a dozen such agencies in Russia. The three most important are generally considered to be the Armed Forces, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), and the Federal Security Service (FSB). -
Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
Russia Yello Rdy 4 Py
The Kremlin wants to tackle long-festering problems, and painful reform can’t be avoided much longer. Russia’s Military Retrenchment AP photo/Murad Sezer Agent of change. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched the cut-and- reshape campaign to revitalize Russia’s forces. In this June photo, the By Stewart M. Powell Kremlin leader reviews Russian peacekeeping troops at Pristina airport in Kosovo. USSIA’S military, tapped by the scope and magnitude of which of valuable equipment for sale to President Vladimir Putin for can be glimpsed in a random sam- criminal gangs. a thorough revitalization, is pling of problems: Now, the Kremlin, for the first under pressure to clean up Fighter pilots get 14 hours of time since collapse of the Soviet R its own act. flying time per year. Union a decade ago, seems serious Even staunch advocates of in- Murder claims 500 troops per about tackling problems besetting creased support for Russia’s soldiers, year—18 times the number in US the force. Fueled by humiliating set- sailors, and airmen are turning their armed forces. backs in Chechnya and the disas- guns on the waste and mismanage- Ground station fires knock out trous loss last summer of the subma- ment that have weakened the force ground military communications rine Kursk with all hands, Putin’s in recent years. They say that spend- systems and communications with planned revitalization aims to in- ing more on the military as presently satellites. crease the resources and prestige of constituted will only feed its pen- Commanders sometimes seize the armed forces. -
Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform?
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Information Warfare in the Second (1999-Present) Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform? by Timothy L. Thomas, Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS., 2002. This article was previously published in Russian Military Reform 1992-2002 Published by Frank Cass Publishers, 2003 Chapter 11, Page 209-233 During the past ten years, the Russian military has attentively studied the subject of information war (IW). The main catalyst for this interest was the successful use of IW by coalition forces during Operation Desert Storm. Russian military theorists watched coalition planes bomb Iraqi targets in real time with precision and understood that warfare had entered a new phase, one dominated by information-based equipment and resources. Two further motivators were the poor use of IW by the Russian armed forces during the first Russian-Chechen war (1994-1996), which contributed to the loss of Russian morale, and the successful use of IW by NATO during the conflict over Kosovo. The success of the coalition forces in both Desert Storm and Kosovo indicated that military reform would be bankrupt if the technical aspect of reform did not include information-based technologies. These technologies must be imbedded into new military equipment, from sensors and radars to jet fighters and cruise missiles. However, Russia was also concerned about the impact of information technologies on the brain and consequently morale. -
Background Information on Chechnya
Background Information on Chechnya A study by Alexander Iskandarian This study was commissioned by UNHCR. The views expressed in this study by the author, Director of the Moscow-based Centre for Studies on the Caucasus, do not necessarily represent those of UNHCR. Moscow, December 2000 1. Background information on Chechnya Under Article 65 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Chechnya is mentioned as one of the 89 subjects of the Federation. Chechnya officially calls itself the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It is situated in the east of the Northern Caucasus, with an area of around 15,100 square kilometres (borders with the Republic of Ingushetia have not been delimited; in the USSR, both republics were part of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic). According to the Russian State Committee on Statistics, as of January 1993, Chechnya had a population of around 1,100,000. There are no reliable data concerning the current population of Chechnya. Chechens are the largest autochthonous nation of the Northern Caucasus. By the last Soviet census of 1989, there were 958,309 Chechens in the USSR, 899,000 of them in the SSR of Russia, including 734,500 in Checheno-Ingushetia and 58,000 in adjacent Dagestan where Chechens live in a compact community.1 The largest Chechen diaspora outside Russia used to be those in Kazakhstan (49,500 people) and Jordan (around 5,000). One can expect the diaspora to have changed dramatically as a result of mass migrations. Chechnya has always had a very high population growth rate, a high birth rate and one of the lowest percentages of city dwellers in Russia. -
Shifting Faces of Terror After 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
SHIFTING FACES OF TERROR AFTER 9/11: FRAMING THE TERRORIST THREAT A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elena Pokalova Dissertation written by Elena Pokalova B.A., Ural State Pedagogical University, 2002 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by Andrew Barnes, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon Hancock, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Karl C. Kaltenthaler, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by Steven Hook, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Political Science John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................ vii Note on Transliteration ....................................................................................................viii List of Frequently Used Abbreviations.............................................................................. ix 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... -
Putin's War in Chechnya
Putin’s War in Chechnya: Who steers the course? PONARS Policy Memo 345 Pavel K. Baev International Peace Research Institute, Oslo November 2004 Each time a proposition is raised to resolve the Chechen conflict through negotiation, the Russian authorities respond with a double-riposte: We do not negotiate with terrorists, and there is nobody in Chechnya with whom to negotiate. The hostage tragedy in Beslan on September 1-3, 2004 revealed the real meaning of this rhetoric: no one in Moscow was ready to take responsibility for handling the crisis. The immediate response to the emergency and the following political measures (including the presidential initiative to abandon regional elections) were clearly inadequate. This malfunctioning decisionmaking mechanism raises serious questions about its integrity, the chain of command, and the flow of information. The authorities show little if any interest in addressing these questions and concentrate their efforts on maintaining the façade of impeccably organized executive power. This paper attempts to examine the evolution of the decisionmaking system on Chechnya, while admitting that the answers provided here are not informed by any insight and are derived from speculative secondary sources, scarce official information, and observable cadre rotation. Style is substance Putin’s secretive style of managing state affairs has remained remarkably consistent since his arrival in the Kremlin on New Year’s Eve 2000. His style reflects a general mistrust of public politics and the lack of previous leadership experience of any kind. Departing from the traditions of Yeltsin’s court, Putin has sharply reduced media access to his administration and exterminated leaks altogether. -
The Use of Russian Airpower in the Second Chechen War
Conflict Studies Research Centre B59 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Marcel de Haas Contents Introduction 3 Figure 1: Levels of Strategy in the Conflicts in Dagestan & Chechnya (1999-) 3 The Use Of Russian Airpower In Dagestan (August-September 1999) 4 Background & Course Of The Conflict 4 Russian Grand Strategy: Actors & Objectives 4 Russian Military Strategy: Command & Control Structure 5 Russian Operational Level: Organisation Of Airpower 5 Russian Tactical Level: Application Of Airpower 6 Failures 7 Successes 7 Chechen Insurgents: Strategy & Operations 7 Subconclusions 8 Russia 8 The Chechen Insurgents 9 The Second Chechen Conflict (October 1999-Present) 9 Background 9 Course Of The Second Chechen Conflict 9 Russian Grand Strategy: Actors & Objectives 11 Russian Military Strategy: Command & Control Structure 11 Russian Operational Level: Organisation Of Airpower 12 Russian Tactical Level: Application Of Airpower 13 Tasks & Lessons Learned 14 Failures, Problems & Losses 14 Successes 15 Chechen Strategy & Operations 15 Subconclusions 16 Russia 16 Chechen 19 Comparison Of the Use Of Airpower In Both Chechen Conflicts (1994-1996 & 1999-date) 19 Structural Problems 19 Improvements 19 1 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Conflict Studies Research Centre ISBN 1-904423-18-3 January 2003 B59 Marcel de Haas Characteristics 20 Russia 20 Chechen 21 Dominants Characteristics 21 Conclusions 22 2 B59 The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War The Use Of Russian Airpower In The Second Chechen War Marcel de Haas Introduction This paper describes part of the second Chechen conflict, which started in autumn 1999. The purpose of this document is not to provide a comprehensive study of this conflict. -
Vladimir Putin and Russia's Armed Forces: a Faustian Bargain?
Vladimir Putin and Russia's Armed Forces: A Faustian Bargain? Stephen Blank Professor Strategie Studies Institute U.S. Army War College forces, especially the General Staff. They forged this deal during wars, Vladimir international Putin crisis, came and intense to political power struggle withinlargely the armed forces.through a deal with Russia's armed NATO's 1999 Kosovo operation offered the General Staff the opportunity to win its campaign to redefine official Russian threat assessments and reverse defense policy by postulating the NATO threat. The General Staff avidly seized this op portunity and with the Duma began publicly attacking Russian defense policy in March 1999.1 Russia's 1997 security concept had proclaimed there was no threat of ag gression against Russia, that no state was Russia's enemy and that the armed forces' excessive size was a burden to Russia. It advocated specific military reforms, downsizing the armed forces, reducing costs, and relying mainly on nuclear weap ons—specifically the new Topol-M (SS-27) ICBM until the year 2007. It was expected then that Russia would recover from its domestic crisis and could then begin devoting resources to its conventional forces.2 This posture, associated with Defense Minister General Igor Sergeyev, immediately encountered the General Staff's unyielding opposition. General Anatoly Kvashnin, Chief of the General Staff, wanted to expand the General Staff's control over all Russian armed forces, argued for conventional as well as nuclear forces' modernization, and expressed a much more consistent hostility to NATO's enlargement.3 Kosovo gave Kvashnin and Putin their first opportunity. -
Grozny 2000: Urban Combat Lessons Learned Military Review
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Grozny 2000: Urban Combat Lessons Learned by Mr. Timothy L. Thomas Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file and location. Military Review July-August 2000 Today, Grozny is no more. The contrast between the damaged Grozny before the latest battle and the utter destruction afterwards could not be more pronounced. The literal leveling of the city points to lessons that the Russian Armed Forces learned from their earlier battles for Grozny. The January 2000 battle was the second major battle for Grozny in five years along with two minor battles in 1996. In fall 1994 Grozny was the scene of fighting between opposing Chechen forces, those of President Djokhar Dudayev versus the Dudayev opposition, which received covert support from President Boris Yeltsin's government in Moscow. In late November, the opposition attacked Grozny with a few tanks and armored vehicles and was quickly annihilated. A month later, the first major battle for Grozny took place. It involved Russia's armed forces and turned the city into a bloody battleground before the Russians drove Dudayev's forces from the city. In August 1996 the Chechens retook the city. In late 1999 and early 2000, after a very well planned advance to theTerek River, Russian forces again assaulted Grozny—this time with artillery fire and air power instead of tanks and infantry— turning the city into rubble.1 This battle for Grozny proved different from the infamous January 1995 battle in both the attackers' strategy and tactics. -
Russian Federation
PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT : RUSSIAN FEDERATION Compilation of the information available in the Global IDP Database of the Norwegian Refugee Council (as of 12 October, 2001) Also available at http://www.idpproject.org Users of this document are welcome to credit the Global IDP Database for the collection of information. The opinions expressed here are those of the sources and are not necessarily shared by the Global IDP Project or NRC Norwegian Refugee Council/Global IDP Project Chemin Moïse Duboule, 59 1209 Geneva - Switzerland Tel: + 41 22 788 80 85 Fax: + 41 22 788 80 86 E-mail : [email protected] CONTENTS CONTENTS 1 PROFILE SUMMARY 7 CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF DISPLACEMENT 11 THE CONFLICTS IN CHECHNYA 11 BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT: CHECHNYA RECENT HISTORY (1922-1998) 11 THE MILITARY OPERATIONS IN DAGESTAN AND CHECHNYA (SEPTEMBER 1999 - MARCH 2000) 13 VIOLATIONS OF HUMANITARIAN LAW BY THE FEDERAL FORCES HAS LED DIRECTLY TO THE DISPLACEMENT OF THE CIVILIAN POPULATION (1999-2000) 16 CIVILIAN POPULATION IN CHECHNYA EXPOSED TO ABUSES BY THE CHECHEN REBELS (1999- 2000) 18 FEDERAL AUTHORITIES TAKE MEASURES TO STABILISE THE SITUATION IN CHECHNYA (2000- 2001) 18 THE ARMED CONFLICT CONTINUES IN THE FORM OF A GUERILLA WARFARE (2000-2001) 20 CIVILIAN POPULATION IN CHECHNYA ALSO EXPOSED TO THE VIOLENCE OF THE CHECHEN REBEL GROUPS (2000) 23 REVIEW OF POPULATION MOVEMENTS BETWEEN CHECHNYA AND INGUSHETIA (SEPTEMBER 1999-DECEMBER 2000) 24 OTHER CAUSES OF DISPLACEMENT 26 ETHNIC RUSSIAN POPULATION LEAVE NORTH CAUCASIAN REPUBLICS IN A CONTEXT OF ETHNIC