COMMENTARY NİLÜFER GÖLE

COMMENTARIES

Gezi – Anatomy of a Public Square Gezi Park: Negotiating a New Left Movement Identity NİLÜFER GÖLE DOĞAN EŞKİNAT

The Political Reverberations of the The Clash of ‘Nations’ in Turkey: Gezi Protests Reflections on the Gezi Park Incident HATEM ETE TAYFUN ATAY

The Gezi Park Protests in Turkey: Rowhani’s Election: Promise of Change A Qualitative Field Research or More of the Same? COŞKUN TAŞTAN MAHMOOD MONSHIPOURI

6 Insight Turkey COMMENTARY GEZİ – ANATOMY OF A PUBLIC SQUARE MOVEMENT

Gezi – Anatomy of a Public Square Movement

NİLÜFER GÖLE*

ABSTRACT The Occupy Gezi movement has been a staging ground for the creativity of micro-practices, and it embodies the importance of the politics of everyday life. The claim to protect the park is not merely metaphorical. The park signifies the physicality of the pub- lic sphere. Ideally it is the concrete space, open space for citizens where they can manifest freely their presence and interact with each other. The public square Gezi movement represents a new threshold for democracy where old cleavages between authoritar- ian secularism and Islam are surpassed and new forms of citizen- ship are rehearsed. The Gezi Park movement opened up a new arena of creative experience and provided a home for democratic imaginaires growing and resonating from Istanbul, Turkey.

“Yaşamak bir ağaç gibi tek ve hür ve bir orman gibi kardeşçesine” “To live like a tree alone and free and like a forest in brotherhood” Nazım Hikmet

the Occupy Gezi movement force, the Gezi movement gained new has been a staging ground for momentum from the massive sup- Tthe creativity of micro-practic- port of the middle class and the ex- es, and it embodies the importance of pansion from Istanbul to other urban the politics of everyday life. As a pub- cities. The public has not hesitated to lic square movement, it opened up a take to the streets and block avenues, new arena of experience and demo- neighborhoods, and their city’s cen-

* Professor cratic opportunities growing and res- tral spaces. Others participate from of Sociology, onating from Istanbul, Turkey. their balconies, with whole families Ecole des chiming in to the protestors’ chorus, Hautes Etudes en Sciences The Occupation of Gezi Park started banging on pots and pans. They have Sociales on May 28, 2013, in protest against the found pacifistic means of protest that implementation of an urban manage- require no arms or political slogans Insight Turkey Vol. 15 / No. 3 / ment project. When the police bru- to express their discontent and frus- 2013, pp. 7-14 tally intervened and used aggressive trations with the AK Party govern-

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For Istanbul citizens, ment. This urban movement, started the project of by young people, supported by the constructing a middle class, and featuring a strong female presence, has not weakened shopping mall in the in the face of impressive displays of middle of Gezi Park force by riot police who use tear gas is nothing more than without hesitation. Clouds of gas filled the sky in city centers, making the confiscation of breathing difficult; but these clouds, a public space by symbols of pollution and the abuse of power, have only bolstered the anger private capital of ordinary citizens.

The Gezi movement marked a new also distinct and unique. As in the threshold for democracy. As every case of these other movements, Gezi new event unfolded, there is a date, is a demonstration of citizens – an ex- ‘before’ and ‘after’ Gezi. The move- pression of civilian resistance, staged ment in which they have gained a in the streets and occupying local new voice and unifying force happi- squares. It is a public movement. As ly surprised the participants them- in the case of the 1968 movements in selves. The movement created its ac- France, Gezi distinguishes itself as a tors, a repertoire of action of its own, youth movement, with its own gener- and instigated a new social dynamic ational characteristics. However, this that challenges the established polit- was not a case of the younger gen- ical norms. eration turning against the previous generation. On the contrary – their The Gezi movement has been com- parents were joining their children pared to other social protest move- and participating in the same pro- ments throughout history. Similari- test movement. In Paris, the 68 slo- ties were drawn to the “May 68” youth gan “ça suffit” (“enough is enough”) protest movement in France. The was aimed against Charles De Gaulle “Tahrir Square” movement in Egypt for holding power in office for ten and the “Arab Spring” came to mind. years. Similar to the French context, But the movements in the capitals of the Gezi protest says “enough” to the Western cities, such as “Occupy Wall last ten years of power held by Prime Street” and the “Les Indignes,” were Minister Tayyip Erdogan. also given as examples to understand the anti-capitalist stand of the Gezi For some, who use the Arab Spring protest movement. as a model, these protests resem- ble the occupation of Tahrir Square, The Gezi movement is both all of and demonstrate the population’s these movements, and none of them. anger against the authoritarian po- It borrows from them all, and has litical regime. However, the political similarities with each. However, it is structures are not similar. Turkey is

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a parliamentary system, holding free the financial world and neo-conser- elections since 1946. The Arab Spring vatism. In Turkey, capitalism has tak- was about the dissolution of an au- en a material form, incarnated in the thoritarian regime and the demand shopping mall, a new and concrete for democracy, and giving the public symbol of global financial capital- – the majority – a voice. The protests ism. It makes tangible commercial in Turkey were the criticism of a de- capitalism, a consumerist society, mocracy of the majority in defence of and the global exploitation of labor. individual, minority voices. For some, The initial enthusiasm for malls as the Gezi movement is similar to Eu- both shopping centers and places to ropean activists who protest against socialize has faded away. Malls have global economic powers. The Turkish started to ruin the urban fabric in the debate has similar elements within it, same way as commercial greed and but also more specific ones. Europe- consumerism. For Istanbul citizens, an activists, “les indignes” (those who the project of constructing a shop- were “outraged” and defended their ping mall in the middle of Gezi Park dignity against neo-liberalism) have is nothing more than the confiscation been themselves threatened by the of a public space by private capital. global economic instability. Turkish protestors were not victims of the fi- The transformation of the Turkish nancial crisis, but they refused to be economy under the AK Party govern- the pawns of the hyper-development ment has been considered a success projects undertaken by the AK Party story. However, it has been also sub- government. jected to critiques among left-wing Muslims. They have voiced their cri- It is thus necessary to look for the tiques of this so-called “pious-cap- meaning of these protests in their italism” (capitalists with ablution). original context. Defending a few The Gezi movement is in line with trees in Istanbul’s Gezi Park is not this critique of hyper-development merely a pretext for political contes- and anti-capitalism. It expresses a tation. The plan to destroy this public new urban awareness against con- park in order to construct a shop- sumer culture. ping mall has aroused a new critical consciousness. The Gezi occupation The protection of the park is not mere- movement reflects resistance to the ly metaphorical. The park signifies extreme urban development of the the physicality of the public sphere. past ten years. It is the concrete space, open space for citizens to manifest themselves. Within the Gezi movement, envi- The Gezi movement is protecting this ronmental sensitivity and criticism public space from the commercializa- of capitalism became intertwined. In tion by the state and the transforma- general, capitalism escapes the grip of tion of urban life as merely a way to politics, as it manifests itself through generate income from rent. The par- abstract concepts like global forces, ticipation of ordinary citizens with

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pots and pans shows the demand of particularly due to the moralist rhet- the general public to be heard. oric surrounding it. The latest regu- lations aim to restrict sales of alcohol The public space was shrinking and and ban all images, advertisements, being suffocated prior to the Gezi and movie scenes involving alcohol protests. consumption; this brought together students, merchants, actors, sing- Restrictions on the freedom of ex- ers, and directors in fear of restric- pression and the crackdown on the tions on their individual and artistic opposition – particularly journal- freedoms. ists who have lost their jobs, and the mass media changing its editorial Fighting the invasion of personal space had been on the agenda of the “anxious moderns” from day one, at New decrees and moralizing times verging on Islamophobia. The “Demonstrations for the Republic” discourses have aroused the (Cumhuriyet Mitingleri) voiced this suspicion that government fear of interference, although they was intending to intervene in were tainted with hints of sympa- thy for military interventions. These secular ways of life demonstrations can also be seen as the preliminary signs of the social- ization of secularism or descending line – have put a muzzle on pub- from the state to the streets. The cur- lic discourse. The fact that the Gezi rent movement, on the other hand, is protests were not covered during the a voluntary civilian resistance move- most important first few days by the ment. We cannot say that it embodies mainstream media was ample proof the same exclusive nature of secular- of this. That is hardly realistic when ism seen under centralised authori- one considers the myriad TV chan- ty. This is a youth movement where nels in Turkey. secular values are ingrained in their lifestyles. Moralizing intrusions into the citi- zen’s way of life have abounded. New But the Gezi movement has been a decrees and moralizing discourses civilian and pluralistic movement. It have aroused the suspicion that gov- staged unification in ‘the square.’ The ernment was intending to intervene Gezi movement managed to unite in secular ways of life and reorga- people around a tree, against the po- nize public life to align with Islamic larizing rhetoric and politics of the values. A warning issued to a young government. People with disparate couple kissing on a subway in Anka- ideas and lifestyles – young and old, ra has triggered anger and criticism. students and bureaucrats, feminists A decree limiting the sale of alcohol and housewives, Islamists and leftists, has ignited a huge negative reaction, Kurds and Alawites, Besiktas fans

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Protestors visit an impromptu library at Gezi Park. and Fenerbahce fans – who would it expresses the need for a return to not normally be seen together were civility in Turkish public life. united. For the past few years, the mode of In addition to this authoritarian and governance has seen the personal- moralizing drift, it is Erdogan’s style ization of power, not unlike that of and tone of address that have pro- the sultanate. Enjoying a majority foundly offended the public. He re- rule with no real political opposition, fers to his opponents by referring Erdogan has not hesitated to make to them in a pejorative manner, as major decisions himself, without “marginal,” “thugs,” “scum” (çapul- deigning to consult those primarily cu), or even “drunkards” (ayyaş). concerned – the citizens – nor his His remarks, initially commended own political entourage. By monop- for their sincerity, and occasionally olizing discourse he has undermined humorous, turned into an offensive, the power of others, such as the may- patronizing, and scornful rhetoric. or of Istanbul, who sought to ease His contemptuous vocabulary is no tensions during the demonstrations longer a simple source of mockery in in Gezi Park. This personalization of conversations, but has incited collec- power is felt in his omnipresence in tive indignation. He provoked a scan- the public space, and it is now being dal by naming a new bridge over the turned against him as it crystallizes in Bosphorus Strait after Yavuz Sultan anger. He has been left alone as the Selim, a name that evokes the atroc- sole addressee of the protestors in the ities committed against the Alevis. park. People have felt more and more “Respect” has become a new slogan disempowered about their own lives, tagged on walls all over the cities, and environment, and urban spaces.

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The Gezi protest reminds us of the word “çapulcu” (scum) and redefined importance of manners and civil- it as “a proactive person who puts his ity in the public life. It seems like a money where his mouth is, an activ- paradox that a young and libertarian ist.” A well-known essayist, leftist in- movement is fighting for concepts tellectual Murat Belge, has criticised like respect and civility, which are the vulgarity of the word “ayyaş” and traditionally regarded as the monop- suggested that the word “akşamcı” oly of conservatives. This movement (man of the evening) referred to the displays a new public culture that is tradition of drinking raki and the respectful of the other, and careful in culture of drinking, and added that the rhetoric of the movement. the people with a good command of Turkish would distinguish between This public square movement pro- these nuances. vides a stage for interaction and per- formativity. As opposed to political This movement is doomed to stay as movements, the park is open to im- a minority movement in the eyes of provisation, creativity, and humor. some, since it cannot impose sanc- Hence, these young adults have been tions or turn into a political opposi- experiencing a kind of communal life tion. However, the significance and reminiscent of the peaceful gather- transformative power of active mi- ings of the 68 counter cultural move- norities in democracies should be ment, with music, environmental- remembered. Maybe these people are ism, politics, flowers and beer. They on the stage for a brief moment, but shared their improvised, performed, this moment is now etched in the col- alternative, peaceful ‘Occupy Gezi’ lective memory and engraved on the culture instantly with the rest of the square’s history. It is wrong to view world through social media – Face- this movement through a political book and Twitter being the new glob- lens. This is a public protest move- al networks of our time. ment. And it can rejuvenate social imaginary and regenerate the fabric The movement has created its own of democracy as long as it remains language and repertoire of action. innocent and under the canopy of Ayyaş and çapulcu have acquired the trees. The movement may lose its new humorous meanings. Individual democratic soul if it takes on a polit- protestors have claimed these names ical agenda. Its political significance in reference to themselves and have and effectiveness is rooted in its pub- thus inverted these hurtful, stigma- lic performativity. tizing, offensive words into a humor- istic assertion. Çapulcu stands for the The call for “respect” and the call for common identity of the movement. “resignation” represent different dy- This playful nature of the move- namics. We should not confuse an ment was brought to the TV screen uprising demanding respect from its when the presenter of a game show leaders with an effort to overthrow a changed the original meaning of the democratically elected government.

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The originality of this movement resides in its occupation of the pub- The future of Turkish democ- lic square, not to be confused with a street movement that defies the rules racy resides in the credo of of democracy. this movement, which asks that those in power hold their The Gezi movement brought to our attention the public space as a way tongues, abstain from moral of enhancing and staging democracy intrusions, and ban violence as part of everyday practices of ordi- nary citizens. It has shown the public sphere as a vital sphere of democracy, that should be open to everyone, not Gezi movement for hindering and trapped in state authority or invested harming the peace process that has with capitalist ventures. However, for just been initiated between the AK the government, it is not the public Party government and the Kurdish sphere but the public order that mat- nationalist movement. There are also ters. It refuses to give in to a bunch those who are reluctant for peace, and of “marginals” and fringe extremists. are adamant that it will only consol- Their method of rule, legislation, and idate the AK Party government, not over-enthusiasm to discipline their bring about true democracy. The Gezi citizens are indications that they have civil resistance movement has already trouble leaving public spaces for the expanded the limits of our democra- ordinary people. They seem to pre- cy. Hence, as Sırrı Süreyya Önder, a fer ballot-box democracy to pub- supporter of the peace movement and lic-square democracy. MP for Istanbul (Peace and Democ- racy Party) stated, it is inconceivable The struggles for democracy can oc- that the Gezi movement could harm cur across different time zones, and the peace process – the real threat elections, reforms, or demonstrations to peace process would come from can take place in different temporal- oppression. ities. Long-term problems and re- forms for the democratization of Tur- The Gezi movement shows that we key include: the retreat of the army are at a new threshold of democracy, from the public domain, the initiation in which Istanbul and Diyarbakır are of the Kurdish peace process, and the not that different. At the heart of this discussion of the taboo of Armenian movement is the restoration of pub- Genocide. Compared to these fun- lic space in democracies. These are damental and deeply rooted issues spaces that are open to all, and bring of Turkish democracy, the Gezi Park together men and women, Muslims movement might be dismissed as “mi- and the non-religious, Alevis and nor” politics, a struggle by people for Kurds, young and old, middle and day-to-day issues, aiming to preserve lower classes. This has allowed for a their privileges. Some even blame the new critical theory to circulate, one

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that focuses on protecting the public itics of polarization and stigmatiza- space in its physical sense, with its tion. While it is predominantly a sec- ability for bringing people togeth- ular movement, it is not a movement er in a convivial way. In the face of in favor of authoritarian state secu- state oppression through commerce larism and the exclusion of Muslims and morality, citizens have put cul- from sharing the same public spac- ture before consumption and traded es. The square presents an oppor- contempt for the respect for diversity. tunity and space for congregation, It is about lifting the taboo about the debate, support, and reassembling. Armenian Genocide, making peace The square becomes the stage where with Kurdish nationalists a possibil- actors improvise and perform. In the ity and withdrawing the army from square they create libraries, organize public life; this movement announc- workshops, and distribute “kandil es the need for a new public culture simidi” (a religious holiday bagel). based on recognition and acceptance. They rehearse together new forms of The future of Turkish democracy re- citizenship. sides in the credo of this movement, which asks that those in power hold The soul of this libertarian and uni- their tongues, abstain from moral in- fying movement is best summed up trusions, and ban violence. The Gezi by Nazim Hikmet’s poem: Live like a movement is reuniting people across tree lone and free, live like brothers ancient divides by rejecting the pol- like the trees of a forest.

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