Studies in Australian Political Rhetoric

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Studies in Australian Political Rhetoric Studies in Australian Political Rhetoric Studies in Australian Political Rhetoric Edited by John Uhr & Ryan Walter Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Studies in Australian political rhetoric / edited by John Uhr and Ryan Walter. ISBN: 9781925021868 (paperback) 9781925021875 (ebook) Subjects: Rhetoric--Political aspects--Australia--History. Communication in politics--Australia--History. Politics and literature--Australia. Australia--Politics and government. Other Authors/Contributors: Uhr, John, 1951- editor. Walter, Ryan, editor. Dewey Number: 320.014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Nic Welbourn and layout by ANU Press Cover photographs: Kevin Rudd speaking. (Photo: John Gass / APN) Prime Minister Julia Gillard speaks during House of Representatives question time at Parliament House in Canberra, Tuesday, Oct. 9, 2012. Mr Abbott is asking the Speaker be removed from office immediately under section 35 of Constitution. (AAP Image/Lukas Coch) A file photo of Sept. 4, 2001 of former Prime Minister John Howard speaking to eldery people at a community morning tea in Melbourne. Mr. Howard turns 70 on Sunday, July 26, 2009, relaxed and comfortable in his retirement yet still busy interpreting his own place in the political pantheon. (AAP Image/Julian Smith, files) Coalition Leader Tony Abbott speaks during the Coalition’s election campaign launch in Brisbane, Sunday, Aug. 25, 2013. (AAP Image/Dan Peled) Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2014 ANU Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii Contributors . ix Introduction What’s at stake in Australian political rhetoric? . 3 John Kane Part I: Just rhetoric? Language and behaviour 1 . ‘I am sorry’: Prime ministerial apology as transformational leadership . 19 Stephen Mills 2 . Economic management, rhetorical tactics, and the cost of promises . 33 Ryan Walter 3 . Leaders and legitimacy: Lessons from two Labor leadership transitions . 63 Jennifer Rayner 4 . Unintended rhetoric: The ‘Little children are sacred’ report . 85 Barry Hindess 5 . The gilded cage: Rhetorical path dependency in Australian politics . 99 Dennis Grube Part II: Standards of rhetoric 6 . Looking backwards to the future: The evolving tradition of ideal political rhetoric in Australia . 121 Mark Rolfe 7 . Whistling the dog . 143 Barry Hindess 8 . Debating the Speaker . 155 John Uhr Part III: The content of rhetoric 9 . ‘The maximum of good citizenship’: Citizenship and nation building in Alfred Deakin’s post-Federation speeches . 177 Mark Hearn and Ian Tregenza 10 . The rise and fall of economic rationalism . 195 Geoffrey Stokes 11 . Languages of neoliberal critique: The production of coercive government in the Northern Territory intervention . 221 Melissa Lovell Conclusion Studying Australian political rhetoric . 243 John Uhr and Ryan Walter Acknowledgements This volume represents the proceedings of a symposium, ‘Australian Political Rhetoric’, which was hosted by the School of Politics and International Relations, The Australian National University, in May 2013. The editors would like to thank Justine Molony for her excellent editorial assistance in preparing the manuscript, and the Australian Research Council for financial support (DP130104628). vii Contributors Editors Professor John Uhr, Director, Centre for the Study of Australian Politics, School of Politics and International Relations, The Australian National University. Dr Ryan Walter, School of Political Science and International Studies, University of Queensland. Contributors Dr Dennis Grube, School of Government and International Relations, Griffith University. Dr Mark Hearn, Department of Modern History, Politics and International Relations, Macquarie University. Emeritus Professor Barry Hindess, School of Politics and International Relations, The Australian National University. Professor John Kane, Centre for Governance and Public Policy, Griffith University. Dr Melissa Lovell, National Centre for Indigenous Studies, The Australian National University. Dr Stephen Mills, Graduate School of Government, University of Sydney. Jennifer Rayner, School of Politics and International Relations, The Australian National University. Dr Mark Rolfe, School of Social Sciences, University of New South Wales. Professor Geoffrey Stokes, Deputy Pro Vice-Chancellor (Research), College of Business, RMIT University. Dr Ian Tregenza, Department of Modern History, Politics and International Relations, Macquarie University. ix Introduction What’s at stake in Australian political rhetoric? John Kane Rhetoric — generally defined as the art of discourse — has been distrusted as deceptive or subversive ever since the Greek sophists made a living instructing how to make the weaker argument seem the stronger in the law courts, or how to use persuasion to win in politics. Still today, people commonly dismiss rhetoric as ‘mere rhetoric’ — an effusion of ineffectual words by slippery politicians, concealing more than it reveals.1 Yet rhetoric remains central to democratic politics, which necessarily depend more fundamentally on the power of persuasion than on the force of command. Persuasion relies crucially on explanation and argument — in Greek, the logos. But how are non-expert citizens to judge whether a political argument (which does not admit of mathematical demonstration) is sound or merely cleverly deceptive? Here Aristotle’s amendment of sophistical cynicism remains as salient today as when he issued it millennia ago. He argued that of equal importance to logos in rhetorical practice were judgements of character — ethos — both the listeners’ judgement of the character of the speaker and the speaker’s judgement of the character of the audience. In the former case an audience must judge whether the speaker is a competent and trustworthy source, and in the latter the speaker must understand what matters to, and therefore will move, a particular audience. This last consideration brings up another of Aristotle’s requirements of rhetoric — pathos — an appeal to the emotions. Even a sound argument from a reliable source is meaningless if no one cares about the issue at hand (Aristotle 2000, 1356a1–16; Bk II, Chs 2–11). Aristotle’s analysis resonated through the ages as political leaders strove to find the words and style that could move people in presumptively virtuous directions.2 Ideal rhetoric was that capable of moving an audience by the evident wisdom of the argument and the indubitable character of the speaker. The hope of seeing this ideal realised endures, though hope is always shaded by the distrust that speech inevitably arouses in the political arena. The papers 1 At the opposite extreme, rhetoric may be feared as all too effectual in arousing a democratic rabble to insurrection. 2 Cicero took up the Aristotelian elements of rhetoric in his De Oratore (55 BCE), describing them as probare, delectare, flectere (to prove, to delight, to stir). This formulation is later taken up by Quintilian and becomes important in Augustine’s discussion of Christian eloquence (see Kennedy 1986: 100). For a modern reassessment, see Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2003) and Garsten (2006). 3 Studies in Australian Political Rhetoric in this collection afford material for contemplation of this perennial tension between ideal and actual in the Australian context, and allow us to address our leading question: what is at stake in Australian political rhetoric? Australian political rhetoric A general inquiry into Australian political rhetoric may be imagined to aim at one or both of two things: a) to apply a general understanding of the functioning of political rhetoric to particular Australian cases; or b) to discern what may be distinctively Australian in the rhetoric of our nation. Reflection on the papers collected in this volume suggests that these aims are so deeply intertwined in practice as to be scarcely separable. To be sure, Barry Hindess reports that the term ‘dog-whistle politics’ may (or may not) be of Australian coinage, but that marks an exception (if it is one). The profound interconnectedness across history of the Australian political system with the systems of other nations — Britain and the United States in particular, but also all other democracies — means there has been massive influence on Australian rhetoric from sources abroad, as well as a comparable set of challenges and problems that rhetorical practices must try to meet. Thus Mark Rolfe in this collection explores how political leaders in the developing Australian colonies and in the early Commonwealth looked consciously to the evolving rhetoric of US leaders to discern a style suited to their own burgeoning democracy. More recently, as Stephen Mills notes, Australian leaders have borrowed a new ‘rhetoric of apology’ for past official wrongs from examples set in Europe and elsewhere since the 1990s. But for all the inherited commonalities and influences, Australian political history has followed such an idiosyncratic path that we should be surprised if Australian rhetoric had not acquired its own distinctive accents. Rolfe traces the general evolution of political rhetoric from a high-flown aristocratic
Recommended publications
  • Book 1 Tuesday, 23 December 2014
    PARLIAMENT OF VICTORIA PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL FIFTY-EIGHTH PARLIAMENT FIRST SESSION Book 1 Tuesday, 23 December 2014 Internet: www.parliament.vic.gov.au/downloadhansard By authority of the Victorian Government Printer The Governor The Honourable ALEX CHERNOV, AC, QC The Lieutenant-Governor The Honourable Justice MARILYN WARREN, AC The ministry Premier ......................................................... The Hon. D. M. Andrews, MP Deputy Premier, Minister for Education ............................. The Hon. J. A. Merlino, MP Treasurer ....................................................... The Hon. T. H. Pallas, MP Minister for Public Transport and Minister for Employment ............ The Hon. J. Allan, MP Minister for Industry and Minister for Energy and Resources ........... The Hon. L. D’Ambrosio, MP Minister for Roads and Road Safety and Minister for Ports ............. The Hon. L. A. Donnellan, MP Minister for Tourism and Major Events, Minister for Sport and Minister for Veterans .................................................. The Hon. J. H. Eren, MP Minister for Housing, Disability and Ageing, Minister for Mental Health, Minister for Equality and Minister for Creative Industries ........... The Hon. M. P. Foley, MP Minister for Emergency Services and Minister for Consumer Affairs, Gaming and Liquor Regulation .................................. The Hon. J. F. Garrett, MP Minister for Health and Minister for Ambulance Services .............. The Hon. J. Hennessy, MP Minister for Training and Skills .................................... The Hon. S. R. Herbert, MLC Minister for Local Government, Minister for Aboriginal Affairs and Minister for Industrial Relations ................................. The Hon. N. M. Hutchins, MP Special Minister of State .......................................... The Hon. G. Jennings, MLC Minister for Families and Children, and Minister for Youth Affairs ...... The Hon. J. Mikakos, MLC Minister for Environment, Climate Change and Water ................. The Hon. L.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Misconduct: the Case for a Federal Icac
    MISCONDUCT IN POLITICS A HISTORY OF MISCONDUCT: THE CASE FOR A FEDERAL ICAC INDEPENDENT JO URNALISTS MICH AEL WES T A ND CALLUM F OOTE, COMMISSIONED B Y G ETUP 1 MISCONDUCT IN POLITICS MISCONDUCT IN RESOURCES, WATER AND LAND MANAGEMENT Page 5 MISCONDUCT RELATED TO UNDISCLOSED CONFLICTS OF INTEREST Page 8 POTENTIAL MISCONDUCT IN LOBBYING MISCONDUCT ACTIVITIES RELATED TO Page 11 INAPPROPRIATE USE OF TRANSPORT Page 13 POLITICAL DONATION SCANDALS Page 14 FOREIGN INFLUENCE ON THE POLITICAL PROCESS Page 16 ALLEGEDLY FRAUDULENT PRACTICES Page 17 CURRENT CORRUPTION WATCHDOG PROPOSALS Page 20 2 MISCONDUCT IN POLITICS FOREWORD: Trust in government has never been so low. This crisis in public confidence is driven by the widespread perception that politics is corrupt and politicians and public servants have failed to be held accountable. This report identifies the political scandals of the and other misuse of public money involving last six years and the failure of our elected leaders government grants. At the direction of a minister, to properly investigate this misconduct. public money was targeted at voters in marginal electorates just before a Federal Election, In 1984, customs officers discovered a teddy bear potentially affecting the course of government in in the luggage of Federal Government minister Australia. Mick Young and his wife. It had not been declared on the Minister’s customs declaration. Young This cheating on an industrial scale reflects a stepped aside as a minister while an investigation political culture which is evolving dangerously. into the “Paddington Bear Affair” took place. The weapons of the state are deployed against journalists reporting on politics, and whistleblowers That was during the prime ministership of Bob in the public service - while at the same time we Hawke.
    [Show full text]
  • Let Her Finish: Gender, Sexism, and Deliberative Participation in Australian Senate Estimates Hearings (2006-2015)
    Let Her Finish: Gender, Sexism, and Deliberative Participation In Australian Senate Estimates Hearings (2006-2015) Joanna Richards School of Government and Policy Faculty of Business, Government and Law University of Canberra ABSTRACT In 2016, Australia ranks 54th in the world for representation of women in Parliament, with women ​ accounting for only 29% of the House of Representatives, and 39% of the Senate. This inevitably ​ inspires discussion about women in parliament, quotas, and leadership styles. Given the wealth of research which suggests that equal representation does not necessarily guarantee equal treatment, this study focuses on Authoritative representation. That is, the space in between winning a seat and making a difference where components of communication and interaction affect the authority of a speaker.This study combines a Discourse Analysis of the official Hansard transcripts from the Senate Estimates Committee hearings, selected over a 10 year period between 2006 and 2015, with a linguistic ethnography of the Australian Senate to complement results with context. Results show that although female senators and witnesses are certainly in the room, they do not have the same capacity as their male counterparts. Both the access and effectiveness of women in the Senate is limited; not only are they given proportionally less time to speak, but interruption, gate keeping tactics, and the designation of questions significantly different in nature to those directed at men all work to limit female participation in the political domain. As witnesses, empirical measures showed that female testimony was often undermined by senators. Results also showed that female senators and witnesses occasionally adopted masculine styles of communication in an attempt to increase effectiveness in the Senate.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategy-To-Win-An-Election-Lessons
    WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 i The Institute of International Studies (IIS), Department of International Relations, Universitas Gadjah Mada, is a research institution focused on the study on phenomenon in international relations, whether on theoretical or practical level. The study is based on the researches oriented to problem solving, with innovative and collaborative organization, by involving researcher resources with reliable capacity and tight society social network. As its commitments toward just, peace and civility values through actions, reflections and emancipations. In order to design a more specific and on target activity, The Institute developed four core research clusters on Globalization and Cities Development, Peace Building and Radical Violence, Humanitarian Action and Diplomacy and Foreign Policy. This institute also encourages a holistic study which is based on contempo- rary internationalSTRATEGY relations study scope TO and WIN approach. AN ELECTION: ii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 By Dafri Agussalim INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS UNIVERSITAS GADJAH MADA iii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 Penulis: Dafri Agussalim Copyright© 2011, Dafri Agussalim Cover diolah dari: www.biogenidec.com dan http:www.foto.detik.com Diterbitkan oleh Institute of International Studies Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada Cetakan I: 2011 x + 244 hlm; 14 cm x 21 cm ISBN: 978-602-99702-7-2 Fisipol UGM Gedung Bulaksumur Sayap Utara Lt. 1 Jl. Sosio-Justisia, Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta 55281 Telp: 0274 563362 ext 115 Fax.0274 563362 ext.116 Website: http://www.iis-ugm.org E-mail: [email protected] iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book is a revised version of my Master of Arts (MA) thesis, which was written between 1994-1995 in the Australian National University, Canberra Australia.
    [Show full text]
  • Gazettal Notice
    Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. S 198, Tuesday, 2 October 2007 SPECIAL Published by the Commonwealth of Australia Amendment to Special Gazette No. S100, Tuesday, 20 June 2006. On 20 June 2006 the Minister for the Environment and Heritage published a notice including Old Parliament House and its National Heritage values in the National Heritage List in which there we re factual errors relating to the National Heritage values. This notice corrects the original schedule of that notice. Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 INCLUSION OF A PLACE IN THE NATIONAL HERITAGE LIST I, Ian Gordon Campb ell, Minister for the Environment and Heritage, having considered, in relation to the place listed in the Schedule of this instrument - (a) the Australian Heritage Council’s assessment whether the place meets any of the National Heritage criteria; and (b ) the comments given to the Council under section 324G of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 ; and being satisfied that the place specified in the Schedule has the National Heritage value or values specified in the Schedule i nclude, pursuant to section 324J of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999, the place listed in the Schedule in the National Heritage List. Dated 8 November 2005 Ian Gordon Campbell Minister for the Environment and Heri tage Cat. No. S 19807 ISSN 1032 -2345 Commonwealth of Australia, 2007 2 Special Gazette Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. S 198 , 2 October 2007 SCHEDULE AUSTRALIAN CAPITAL TERRITORY Australian Capital Territory Old Parliament House and Curtilage: About 2.5ha, King George Terrace, Parkes, comprising the area bounded by the centre lines of King George Terrace, Queen Victoria Terrace and Parlia ment Square, and including all of Sections 39, 42, 43 and 50 Parkes.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
    SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside This Issue ENTERTAINMENT Video 1 Gameology By: John H
    May, 2009 Tinity Christian Academy, Addison, Texas U.S.A. Editor: Harrison G. Inside This Issue ENTERTAINMENT Video 1 Gameology By: John H. and Harrison G. The Middle 2 Video Gameology, the study of video games. Here, among the students of Trinity School Murder Christian Academy the Xbox 360 is the leading console. Other popular systems are the Mystery Wii, and the iPhone 3G. Life at Trinity 2 First is the Xbox 360, made by Microsoft Gaming Studios. There Christian are three types of Xbox‟s: the Arcade, the PRO, and the Elite. Academy The #1 selling Xbox is the PRO. It comes with 60GB hard drive, two free games and a headset/mic sold for $299.99. “The Xbox Claymation 3 360 owns all!” says John H. The Elite is for extreme gamers only Station with an extreme price of $399.99. The last one is the Arcade, a great family system priced at $199.99. Now a popular game for the Xbox 360 is Madden 09. This foot- Wacky Texas 4 ball game is a major hit among TCA students and usually costs between $45 and $50. Weather The Madden series features NFL based games. In the past years the Madden series has improved by only small changes, like some The Jungle in 4 graphic increase, and a few dif- ferent players, but now all that is the City changed. Madden 09 is a com- pletely different game having over 250 improvements from Madden 08. Increased play call allows player s to modify plays and substitute players. The graph- Middle School 5 ics have improved greatly along with the other improvements.
    [Show full text]
  • Western Australia State Election 2017
    RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2017–18 18 SEPTEMBER 2017 Western Australia state election 2017 Rob Lundie Politics and Public Administration Section Contents Introduction ................................................................................................ 2 Background ................................................................................................. 2 Electoral changes ................................................................................................ 2 2013 election ...................................................................................................... 2 Party leaders ....................................................................................................... 3 Aftermath for the WA Liberal Party ................................................................... 5 The campaign .............................................................................................. 5 Economic issues .................................................................................................. 5 Liberal/Nationals differences ............................................................................. 6 Transport ............................................................................................................ 7 Federal issues ..................................................................................................... 7 Party campaign launches .................................................................................... 7 Leaders debate ..................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Proposed Redistribution of Victoria Into Electoral Divisions: April 2017
    Proposed redistribution of Victoria into electoral divisions APRIL 2018 Report of the Redistribution Committee for Victoria Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 Feedback and enquiries Feedback on this report is welcome and should be directed to the contact officer. Contact officer National Redistributions Manager Roll Management and Community Engagement Branch Australian Electoral Commission 50 Marcus Clarke Street Canberra ACT 2600 Locked Bag 4007 Canberra ACT 2601 Telephone: 02 6271 4411 Fax: 02 6215 9999 Email: [email protected] AEC website www.aec.gov.au Accessible services Visit the AEC website for telephone interpreter services in other languages. Readers who are deaf or have a hearing or speech impairment can contact the AEC through the National Relay Service (NRS): – TTY users phone 133 677 and ask for 13 23 26 – Speak and Listen users phone 1300 555 727 and ask for 13 23 26 – Internet relay users connect to the NRS and ask for 13 23 26 ISBN: 978-1-921427-58-9 © Commonwealth of Australia 2018 © Victoria 2018 The report should be cited as Redistribution Committee for Victoria, Proposed redistribution of Victoria into electoral divisions. 18_0990 The Redistribution Committee for Victoria (the Redistribution Committee) has undertaken a proposed redistribution of Victoria. In developing the redistribution proposal, the Redistribution Committee has satisfied itself that the proposed electoral divisions meet the requirements of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (the Electoral Act). The Redistribution Committee commends its redistribution
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between Voting Behavior and Election Commitment: a Literature Review
    Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2020, 8, 201-210 https://www.scirp.org/journal/jss ISSN Online: 2327-5960 ISSN Print: 2327-5952 The Relationship between Voting Behavior and Election Commitment: A Literature Review Qin Guo School of Administrative Management, Jinan University, Guangzhou, China How to cite this paper: Guo, Q. (2020). Abstract The Relationship between Voting Behavior and Election Commitment: A Literature By reading the existing literature and combining the Chinese reality, based on Review. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 8, a literature review of the research results on the relationship between election 201-210. commitments and election behaviors, this paper summarizes the existing aca- https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2020.82016 demic achievements and finds that academic discussion on the relationship Received: January 30, 2020 between election behavior and election commitment forms three perspectives: Accepted: February 25, 2020 just a cheap talk view, determining view and neutral view. Published: February 28, 2020 Keywords Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and Scientific Research Publishing Inc. Voting Behavior, Election Commitment, Selection This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY 4.0). http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ 1. Introduction Open Access “Building the No. 1 Village on the Bank of the Yellow River!” This inspiring slo- gan comes from the 2009 election of the director of the village committee of Gaojie Village, Qingjing County, Shaanxi Province. A 19-year-old girl named Bai Yitong from northern Shaanxi, delivered a keynote speech entitled “Building the No. 1 Village on the Bank of the Yellow River” and made “Top Ten Promis- es”: build a comprehensive service building, build a Western House, repair a theater, repair a road, solve draught problems, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • The Most Vitriolic Parliament
    THE MOST VITRIOLIC PARLIAMENT EVIDENCE OF THE VITRIOLIC NATURE OF THE 43 RD PARLIAMENT AND POTENTIAL CAUSES Nicolas Adams, 321 382 For Master of Arts (Research), June 2016 The University of Melbourne, School of Social and Political Sciences Supervisors: Prof. John Murphy, Dr. Scott Brenton i Abstract It has been suggested that the period of the Gillard government was the most vitriolic in recent political history. This impression has been formed by many commentators and actors, however very little quantitative data exists which either confirms or disproves this theory. Utilising an analysis of standing orders within the House of Representatives it was found that a relatively fair case can be made that the 43rd parliament was more vitriolic than any in the preceding two decades. This period in the data, however, was trumped by the first year of the Abbott government. Along with this conclusion the data showed that the cause of the vitriol during this period could not be narrowed to one specific driver. It can be seen that issues such as the minority government, style of opposition, gender and even to a certain extent the speakership would have all contributed to any mutation of the tone of debate. ii Declaration I declare that this thesis contains only my original work towards my Masters of Arts (Research) except where due acknowledgement has been made in the text to other material used. Equally this thesis is fewer than the maximum word limit as approved by the Research Higher Degrees Committee. iii Acknowledgements I wish to acknowledge my two supervisors, Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • 05-PYNE GRASSROOTS Edited 20012009 Et
    Restoring the Grassroots Christopher Pyne * Abraham Lincoln in the famous series of debates with his Democratic Presidential opponent Stephan A Douglas said: Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. He was referring to Douglas’ indifference to slavery, but the lesson is easily applied to any political issue in any age. Lincoln recognised the importance of engaging the public, and attempting to shape the public mood. He recognised that the person who can do that will achieve their policy goals. Some commentators argue that WorkChoices destroyed the Liberal Party’s electoral chances in 2007. Whether or not the policy was a dog is not the point. The point is that the Howard Government struggled to shape public sentiment or make the case for industrial changes, leaving public sentiment to be shaped and influenced by the union movement. We failed, where previously we had succeeded, in selling these tough decisions. Consider the GST. Consider the war in Iraq. Once the emotive union fear campaign had captured the public imagination, and framed the public debate, it seemed like there was nothing we could do to win it back. * Christopher Pyne, MP, Shadow Minister (Liberal Party) for Justice, Border Protection & Assisting Shadow Minister for Immigration and Citizenship. Australasian Parliamentary Review , Autumn 2009, Vol. 24(1), 43–50. 44 Christopher Pyne APR 24(1) A vote for the Liberal Party was unpalatable for many swinging voters in the 2007 election — the same voters who had supported us despite the GST in 1998 despite the Iraq War in 2004.
    [Show full text]