Potentials for Cooperation Between Ukraine and the European Union in the Sphere of Security
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Euromaidan Newsletter # 343 CIVIC SECTOR of EUROMAIDAN
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT 2020 EuroMaidan Newsletter # 343 17, - Kyiv denies calling for new elections in Belarus Ukraine shares EU position on elections in Belarus mercenaries to Russia. Delegations of Ukraine, UK, Baltic States to PACE condemn election violations, violence in Belarus, President's Office denies statement by Belarusian August 11 August 11 warn Russia against interference. administration saying that Kyiv calls for new election in country. Belarusian police detain and beat teenagers, injure 5-year-old. Iran’s ambassador to Ukraine has said that 343. compensation for the Ukrainian plane which was Ukraine generally shares EU position on elections # downed mistakenly near Tehran in January 2020 in Belarus – MFA. will be based on international regulations. UWC condemns violence against protesters in StopFakeNews with Marko Suprun (No. 293). Belarus. Fake: Terrorists arrested in Crimea. Russian From falsifications to Russia’s role: Nine questions constitutional changes make Crimea forever and answers about the protests in Belarus. Russian. Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry acknowledges Belarus to start missile troops, artillery exercise that Crimeans are forever lost to Ukraine. near Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant on Lithuanian Pro-Kremlin disinformation and elections in NEWSLETTER border on Monday. Belarus. Belarus initiates ‘mass riot’ criminal charges Kremlin watch briefing: Russia’s pillars of against detained Ukrainian rights activists. disinformation and propaganda. Belarus hands over 32 of 33 Russian Wagner Bestiarium Kremlinensis S – Z. Left: Flowers stronger than guns as “Ladies in White” protests spread throughout Belarus Centre: Chilling testimonies of police brutality, humiliation & “re-education” amid vicious crackdown on Belarusian protesters. Right: Lukashenko regime’s savagery may be backfiring in Belarus Protests in Belarus: is there anything Ukraine can do? Russian hybrid intervention into Belarus is likely imminent The gathering autumn clouds. -
Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned
Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 204 November 4, 2011 06:14 PM Age: 49 days By: Taras Kuzio (Source: AP) Western policymakers and Ukrainian experts are perplexed as to why President Viktor Yanukovych agreed to the court quickly sentencing Yulia Tymoshenko on October 11 to a seven year sentence, a three year ban from political life and a fine of 1.5 billion hryvnia ($190 million). The “7+3” charges ban Tymoshenko from the next two presidential and three parliamentary elections. The sentence, refusal to heed the flood of Western criticism and the new charges against Tymoshenko only one day later led the EU to cancel the October 20 visit to Brussels by Yanukovych. The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) has launched two new charges against Tymoshenko related to when she was CEO of United Energy Systems in 1995-1997 and the assassination of Viktor Yushchenko’s protégé Vadym Hetman in 1998. Ten factors explain how and why the Yanukovych administration dug itself into a hole. Feral elites: Ukraine’s elites have little connection to society whose citizens and voters they treat with contempt and do not feel any responsibility toward. Feral elites believe the world is Machiavellian and the ends justify the means. Most Western media coverage used language similar to the Economist (October 11) to describe Yanukovych as “thuggish and vindictive” (The Times, October 14, The New York Times, October 17). National interests: personal and business interests are of greater importance than Ukraine’s national interests. Revenge against Tymoshenko for removing the opaque gas intermediary RosUkrEnergo from the 2009 gas contract with Russia is more important for the feral elites than European integration. -
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1 NORTH KOREA AND NUCLEAR DETERRENCE Patrick Morgan Contrary to the usual view, deterring a state like North Korea is not really more difficult if it has nuclear weapons. Pre- venting North Korea from deterring a government like the US, or a UN coalition, is also not more difficult if the North has nuclear weapons. It is very difficult to make a decision to use nuclear weapons. It is especially difficult if a government is devoted to its survival, will certainly cease to exist if it uses nuclear weapons (the reaction would be so extreme), and its opponents may not react so harshly if it decides not to use nuclear weapons. This is the situation the North will be in with a modest number of nuclear weapons. Thus those who pres- sure the North should stop short of threatening its existence. And the North should take seriously the current opportunity to negotiate a settlement of the Korean problem. Since early in the nuclear age, when it was suggested that states would soon have to rely on nuclear deterrence to keep safe, the idea of doing so has aroused uneasiness, particularly on the grounds that this is too static and leaves too much of the responsibility for national secu- International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2004, pp. 1-19. Copyright © 2004 by KINU 2 North Korea and Nuclear Deterrence Patrick Morgan 3 rity in the hands of another state, one that may be a dangerous oppo- 1950 was a striking failure of security policy for the US and the ROK. -
Ukrainian Armed Forces
June 23, 2021 Ukrainian Armed Forces In 2014, the Ukrainian military, which observers noted had lower (around 2.5% of GDP). Ukraine’s 2021 defense been weakened by years of neglect and underfunding, faced budget is 117.6 billion hryvnia ($4.2 billion), 127 million Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and hryvnia ($4.6 million) less than 2020’s budget. invasion of eastern Ukraine. Since that time, the Ukrainian Additionally, Ukraine’s defense budget allocations are split armed forces have made considerable improvements; they between funds necessary to maintain the military and funds have undertaken efforts to adopt NATO standards and to support its ambitious reform program. received significant NATO and U.S. assistance. Many of these reforms began out of the experience of defending Ukraine inherited a sprawling defense industry from the against Russian aggression. Reforms range from the tactical Soviet Union, producing a wide range of products, to the strategic levels and include both political measures including tanks and armored vehicles, aircraft, radars and (e.g., increasing transparency, countering corruption, and electronics, missiles, and ships. Defense conglomerate ensuring civilian control over the military) and military Ukroboronprom oversees the defense industry, which reforms (e.g., modernizing equipment, reforming command comprises over 130 state-run companies. In recent years, and control, and increasing professionalization). Ukrainian officials have made reforming Ukroboronprom and increasing transparency key goals, including passing a Significant hurdles remain, however, and the reform new law, On Defense Procurement, in July 2020 to process is complicated by Ukraine’s Soviet legacy, the implement NATO standards in defense procurement. -
The British Commonwealth and Allied Naval Forces' Operation with the Anti
THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH AND ALLIED NAVAL FORCES’ OPERATION WITH THE ANTI-COMMUNIST GUERRILLAS IN THE KOREAN WAR: WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE OPERATION ON THE WEST COAST By INSEUNG KIM A dissertation submitted to The University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham May 2018 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the British Commonwealth and Allied Naval forces operation on the west coast during the final two and a half years of the Korean War, particularly focused on their co- operation with the anti-Communist guerrillas. The purpose of this study is to present a more realistic picture of the United Nations (UN) naval forces operation in the west, which has been largely neglected, by analysing their activities in relation to the large number of irregular forces. This thesis shows that, even though it was often difficult and frustrating, working with the irregular groups was both strategically and operationally essential to the conduct of the war, and this naval-guerrilla relationship was of major importance during the latter part of the naval campaign. -
Freedom on the Net, Ukraine
Ukraine https://freedomhouse.org/country/ukraine/freedom-net/2020 The COVID-19 pandemic saw the authorities prosecute users for spreading rumors online and launch several initiatives aimed at stopping the spread of the disease, including an app that monitors individuals in mandatory isolation, that infringe upon users’ privacy rights. Online journalists continued to face extralegal retaliation for their work. Cyberattacks remain a regular occurrence, affecting government and nongovernment targets alike. C1 1.00-6.00 pts0-6 pts Do the constitution or other laws fail to protect rights such as freedom of expression, access to 3.003 information, and press freedom, including on the internet, and are they enforced by a judiciary that 6.006 lacks independence? The right to free speech is granted to all citizens of Ukraine under Article 34 of the constitution, but the state may restrict this right in the interests of national security or public order, and it is sometimes restricted in practice. Article 15 of the constitution prohibits censorship.132 Ukrainian courts are hampered by corruption and political interference, and public trust in the judiciary remains low.133 Serious crimes against journalists often remain unresolved (see C7). President Zelenskyy’s administration has at times denied reporters access to information (see B5). The IMI recorded 21 COVID-19–related restrictions on the work of journalists from mid-March 2020 until the end of April 2020, including cases in which journalists were prohibited from attending government meetings or prevented from reporting.134 C2 1.00-4.00 pts0-4 pts Are there laws that assign criminal penalties or civil liability for online activities? 2.002 4.004 No dedicated law mandates criminal penalties or civil liability specifically for online activities. -
Peasant Rebels Under Stalin This Page Intentionally Left Blank Peasant Rebels Under Stalin
Peasant Rebels under Stalin This page intentionally left blank Peasant Rebels Under Stalin Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance Lynne Viola OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS New York Oxford Oxford University Press Oxford New York Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogota Buenos Aires Calcutta Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris Sao Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Copyright © 1996 by Oxford University Press, Inc. First published in 1996 by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 First issued as an Oxford University Press paperback, 1999 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Viola, Lynne. Peasant rebels under Stalin : collectivization and the culture of peasant resistance / Lynne Viola. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-19-510197-9 ISBN 0-19-513104-5 (pbk.) 1. Collectivization of agriculture—Soviet Union—History. 2. Peasant uprisings—Soviet Union—History. 3. Government, Resistance to—Soviet Union—History. 4. Soviet Union—Economic policy—1928-1932. 5. Soviet Union—Rural conditions. I. Title. HD1492.5.S65V56 1996 338.7'63'0947—dc20 95-49340 135798642 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper You have shot many people You have driven many to jail You have sent many into exile To certain death in the taiga. -
Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
Ukrainian Armed Forces
June 23, 2021 Ukrainian Armed Forces In 2014, the Ukrainian military, which observers noted had lower (around 2.5% of GDP). Ukraine’s 2021 defense been weakened by years of neglect and underfunding, faced budget is 117.6 billion hryvnia ($4.2 billion), 127 million Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and hryvnia ($4.6 million) less than 2020’s budget. invasion of eastern Ukraine. Since that time, the Ukrainian Additionally, Ukraine’s defense budget allocations are split armed forces have made considerable improvements; they between funds necessary to maintain the military and funds have undertaken efforts to adopt NATO standards and to support its ambitious reform program. received significant NATO and U.S. assistance. Many of these reforms began out of the experience of defending Ukraine inherited a sprawling defense industry from the against Russian aggression. Reforms range from the tactical Soviet Union, producing a wide range of products, to the strategic levels and include both political measures including tanks and armored vehicles, aircraft, radars and (e.g., increasing transparency, countering corruption, and electronics, missiles, and ships. Defense conglomerate ensuring civilian control over the military) and military Ukroboronprom oversees the defense industry, which reforms (e.g., modernizing equipment, reforming command comprises over 130 state-run companies. In recent years, and control, and increasing professionalization). Ukrainian officials have made reforming Ukroboronprom and increasing transparency key goals, including passing a Significant hurdles remain, however, and the reform new law, On Defense Procurement, in July 2020 to process is complicated by Ukraine’s Soviet legacy, the implement NATO standards in defense procurement. -
Citizens and the State in the Government-Controlled Territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions Problems, Challenges and Visions of the Future
Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future Funded by: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union through International Alert. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of International Alert and UCIPR and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. Layout: Nick Wilmot Creative Front cover image: A mother and daughter living in temporary accommodation for those displaced by the violence in Donetsk, 2014. © Andrew McConnell/Panos © International Alert/Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research 2017 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future October 2017 2 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Methodology 6 3. Findings 7 4. Statements from interviewees 22 5. Conclusions and recommendations 30 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions 3 1. INTRODUCTION The demarcation line (the line of contact)1 and the ‘grey zone’ between the government-controlled2 and uncontrolled territories3 of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions separates the parties to the conflict in the east of Ukraine. The areas controlled by the Ukrainian authorities and bordering the ‘grey zone’ are very politically sensitive, highly militarised, and fall under a special governance regime that is different from the rest of the country. In the absence of a comprehensive political settlement and amid uncertain prospects, it is unclear how long this situation will remain. It is highly likely that over the next few years, Ukrainians in areas adjacent to the contact line will live under very particular and unusual governance structures, and in varying degrees of danger. -
The Supreme Court of Ukraine Has Pointed out That in the Case When
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE The Supreme Court of Ukraine has pointed out that in the case when the heat of passion passed and then a person committed murder, the actions have to be qualified under Articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine that provide responsibility for such crimes without attenuating circumstanced [2]. The new Supreme Court also has enough casework related to murders committed in the heat of passion. The most common situation is the necessity to determine whether to use Article 115 or 116. Taking into account all things considered, it is very important to find out all the circumstances of the case and pay attention to the emotional state of a person. The absence of the heat of passion means that Article 116 cannot be used. References: 1. Кримінальний кодекс України: чинне законодавство зі змінами та допов. станом на 12 лютого 2019 року: (ОФІЦ. ТЕКСТ). – Київ : Алерта, 2019. – 214 с. 2. Постанова Пленуму Верховного Суду України від 7 лютого 2003 року «Про судову практику в справах про злочини проти життя та здоров’я особи» №2 [Електронний ресурс]. – Режим доступу: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/v0002700-03 (дата звернення: 10.03.2019 р.). 3. Українсько-англійський словник правничої термінології / [уклад. Л. В. Мисик]. – Київ, 1999. – 523 c. UDC 316.4:314.15(477) SPECIFIC FEATURES OF NATIONAL MIGRATION IN UKRAINE Sofiia Golobrodska, student Iryna Tkalia, Phd In Philology, Language Supervisor V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Kharkiv Such question is relevant nowadays because modern migration processes belong to the biggest social problems not only of Ukraine, but of the whole modern world. -
Enlargement and Ukraine's Relations
Enlargement and Ukraine’s Relations with Other Central and Eastern European Countries 1998-2000 NATO-EAPC Fellowship Final Report June 2000 Oleksandr Pavliuk EastWest Institute, Kyiv Centre Contents Page Introduction 2 I. The new dynamics of CEE development 4 II. Evolution of bilateral relations 7 III. “Strategic partnership” with Poland 14 IV. Ukraine and regional cooperation 17 V. Another lost momentum? 21 VI. The impact of enlargement 27 Conclusion 34 Endnotes 38 1 Introduction Ukraine is a medium-sized state whose foreign policy interests and ambitions are of a regional nature and lie primarily in the region of Central and Eastern Europe1. From the first days of its independence in 1991, Ukraine has attached particular importance to its relations with the post-communist Central and Eastern European (CEE) states, first of all with immediate geographic neighbors. These relations have been seen in Kyiv as crucial for the ultimate success of Ukraine’s transition and for the shaping of the country’s geopolitical future. Ukraine has preferred to identify itself as CEE as opposed to CIS/Eurasian country, and has cultivated an ambition to establish itself as an integral and essential part of Central and Eastern Europe. Ukraine has also declared that its long-term strategic goal is integration into European and Euro-Atlantic institutions, with priority given to getting full membership in the EU. Having decided about joining the European integration process, Ukraine views its relations with other, especially more advanced, CEE states as an important and necessary component of its European integration. In the region of Central and Eastern Europe, Ukraine is the largest country.