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Appalachia, Usa: an Empirical Note and Agenda for Future Research*

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Appalachia, Usa: an Empirical Note and Agenda for Future Research* Journal of Rural Social Sciences, 31(1), 2016, pp. 52–23. Copyright © by the Southern Rural Sociological Association APPALACHIA, USA: AN EMPIRICAL NOTE AND AGENDA FOR FUTURE RESEARCH* RUSSELL WEAVER TEXAS STATE UNIVERSITY ABSTRACT Drawing regional bright-lines to separate one “kind” of space from another is often complex and nebulous, if not impossible, in social science research. These circumstances generate two countervailing tendencies: they (1) promote multiple conceptualizations of a given ideational region; and (2) increase demand for a standardized operational definition of that region with which to facilitate intertemporal and interdisciplinary empirical research. These two tendencies animate much of the discourse on “Appalachian” geographies in America. While comparatively theoretically-oriented work emphasizes the unbounded, socially constructed nature of Appalachia, empirical research must often represent the region as a bounded spatial unit. The operational definition commonly used in such empirical analyses is the one established by the federal Appalachian Regional Commission in the 1960s. This research note engages in exploratory spatial data analysis to illustrate some pitfalls that are possible when this political/administrative definition functions as a study area in quantitative Appalachian social research. For over a century, scholars, politicians, and various other stakeholders have attempted to draw the physical bounds of an American Appalachian region (e.g., Fenneman 1916; Shapiro 1978; Gatrell and Fintor 1998; Williams 2002). Like many comparable efforts, the reasons for regionalization in Appalachian studies range from classification and description (e.g., Moore 2005), to planning, governance, and social activism (e.g., Strickland 1999; Wimberley 2010), and to framing or facilitating scientific inquiry (e.g., Cooper et al. 2011). Simply put, the act of partitioning continuous space into discrete components allows users to abstract away from some innumerable complexities and heterogeneities that otherwise stand in the way of describing, explaining, predicting, and controlling parts of the real world. In this sense, well-defined regional boundaries play a large role in furthering the scientific enterprise. Simultaneously, however, the process of drawing regional bright-lines that separate one “kind” of space or phenomenon from another is often complex and nebulous–if not impossible (Smith 2015)–especially when the region of interest is social or cultural in its constitution. These circumstances seem to generate two oppositional tendencies. First, they set the stage for multiple competing theoretical conceptualizations of a given ideational region. Second, they likely increase the demand for a standardized or “official” operational definition of that region with which to facilitate empirical research across time and academic disciplines. *Address correspondence to: Russell Weaver, Department of Geography, 601 University Drive, San Marcos, TX, USA 78666. Telephone: (512) 245-2170. Email: [email protected] 52 APPALACHIA, USA 53 These two counter-tendencies have animated much of the discourse on the location(s) and characteristics of “Appalachia” in the United States. While comparatively theoretically-oriented work in cultural geography (e.g., Ulack and Raitz 1982), anthropology (e.g., Batteau 1990), rural sociology (e.g., Billings 2007), political science (e.g., Fisher 2010), history (e.g., Shapiro 1978), and other disciplines has emphasized the socially constructed and unbounded nature of Appalachia, empirical research on the region—despite engaging with these same issues from similar disciplinary perspectives—is often forced [by analytical methods and data availability] to operationalize Appalachia as a bounded spatial unit that either does or does not contain certain phenomena of interest (e.g., Alexander and Berry 2010; Cooper et al. 2011). Within this literature, perhaps the most widely used spatial representation of Appalachia is the definition established by the federal Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) in the 1960s for targeting its anti- poverty programs (e.g., Williams 2002; Moore 2005; Alexander and Berry 2010; Cooper et al. 2011; Joshi and Gebremedhin 2012). The present research note highlights some pitfalls that are possible when this political/administrative definition functions as a study area in quantitative social science research on Appalachia. Questioning the relevance of the ARC borders is not a novel contribution to Appalachian studies (e.g., Watts 1978; Strickland 1999; Williams 2002), not even to its quantitative branch (e.g., Cooper et al. 2011). That being said, this research note goes beyond simple questioning to illustrate, empirically, through exploratory spatial data analysis, mismatches between the ARC boundaries and common (measurable) perceptions of Appalachia. Importantly, the goal here is not to discover or propose a new set of boundaries that somehow captures Appalachia “better” than the ARC’s or any other existing delineation of the region. Rather, what follows is merely an attempt to understand how adopting the ARC boundaries as a study area in empirical investigations of Appalachia might affect the findings and implications of those analyses. Toward that end, the research note draws on geospatial (1) socioeconomic data from the U.S. Census Bureau, (2) physiographic data from the U.S. Geological Survey, Sayre et al. (2014), and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and (3) business data from Esri, to perform a series of geovisualization and spatial analytical operations. First, cluster analysis in data space shows that the demographic, socioeconomic, and topographic attributes that are sometimes used to describe Appalachia map onto territories outside the ARC boundaries, but within physiographic and perceptual definitions of the region. One implication of this finding is that the ARC might define Appalachia too narrowly, if one conflates the region with a collection of characteristics that are regularly attributed to it. Second, following sociologist John Shelton Reed (1982, 1983), and contemporary scholars who build on his work 54 JOURNAL OF RURAL SOCIAL SCIENCES (Alderman and Beavers 1999; Ambinakudige 2009; Cooper et al. 2011), the distribution of businesses having the character string ‘Appalachia’ in their name is examined for clustering in geographic space. Previous research has argued that the spatial patterning of businesses with symbolic/regional names is a “proxy for regions” (Liesch et al. 2014: 2). In the present research note, the less sweeping assertion is made that regional naming patterns convey information about the geographies of Appalachia perceived by local business owners (e.g., Cooper et al. 2011; Cooper and Knotts 2013). In other words, place-specific business names bring particular conceptualizations of the Appalachian region to life. While these conceptualizations may or may not have salience beyond the business community (e.g., Liesch et al. 2014), at minimum they present a tangible challenge to the ARC definition of Appalachia (Cooper et al. 2011). The results from analyzing these naming patterns for spatial clustering reveal that a core region of perceived Appalachian identity falls within roughly three-fifths of the area enclosed by the ARC boundaries, thereby implying that the ARC might define Appalachia too broadly. These seemingly inconsistent findings—i.e., that Appalachia may extend far beyond the ARC borders on the one hand, and that it might occupy considerably less territory than the ARC region on the other—do well to articulate the central theme of this note. Namely, representing Appalachia is the “impossible necessity of Appalachian studies” (Smith 2015). It is at this intersection of the impossible and the necessary where, as argued above, theoretical and quantitative research on Appalachia are sometimes separated. Engaging in quantitative research requires one to abstract away from the multiplicity of regional conceptualizations suggested by theory. Although such abstractions are necessary if they favor a single regionalization (viz., the ARC definition) over alternatives, then they might be insufficient to answer the diverse range of social research questions to which they are applied. This note concludes by commenting on directions for future research in this topical area. PHYSIOGRAPHIC AND ARC DEFINITIONS OF APPALACHIA Given the objectives outlined above, it is beyond the scope of this note to survey the literature on Appalachian regional geography comprehensively. Instead, this section offers only a brief and partial treatment of the [arguably] two most popular and influential definitions of Appalachia that feature in social science research. Figure 1 superimposes both sets of boundaries onto their respective spaces in the eastern U.S. In the first case, “initial attempts to define Appalachia were based on…physical geography” (Gatrell and Fintor 1998, 885-6). Most notably, Fenneman’s (1916) classification of the conterminous United States into distinct physiographic divisions defines the “Appalachian Highlands” as a APPALACHIA, USA 55 region—extending from northern Alabama northeasterly to Maine—that is characterized by “an ancient geomorphic history that formed its rock and surfaces…[and which] is very different from surrounding country in relief, lithology, and natural resources” (Ulack and Raitz 1982, 731). This naturalistic definition served as a primary input to early physical geographic and sociocultural studies
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