The Cuba Triangle: Sovereign Immunity, Private Diplomacy, and State (In-)Action
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The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role As an Ethnic Interest Group
The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role as an Ethnic Interest Group Author: Margaret Katherine Henn Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/568 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Introduction Since the 1960s, Cuban Americans have made social, economic, and political progress far beyond that of most immigrant groups that have come to the United States in the past fifty years. I will argue that the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) was very influential in helping the Cuban Americans achieve much of this progress. It is, however, important to note that Cubans had some distinct advantages from the beginning, in terms of wealth and education. These advantages helped this ethnic interest group to grow quickly and become powerful. Since its inception in the early 1980s, the CANF has continually been able to shape government policy on almost all issues related to Cuba. Until at least the end of the Cold War, the CANF and the Cuban American population presented a united front in that their main goal was to present a hard line towards Castro and defeat him; they sought any government assistance they could get to achieve this goal, from policy changes to funding for different dissident activities. In more recent years, Cubans have begun to differ in their opinions of the best policy towards Cuba. I will argue that this change along with other changes will decrease the effectiveness of the CANF. -
Like It Or Not, Trump Has a Point: FISA Reform and the Appearance of Partisanship in Intelligence Investigations by Stewart Baker1
Like It or Not, Trump Has a Point: FISA Reform and the Appearance of Partisanship in Intelligence Investigations by Stewart Baker1 To protect the country from existential threats, its intelligence capabilities need to be extraordinary -- and extraordinarily intrusive. The more intrusive they are, the greater the risk they will be abused. So, since the attacks of 9/11, debate over civil liberties has focused almost exclusively on the threat that intelligence abuses pose to the individuals and disfavored minorities. That made sense when our intelligence agencies were focused on terrorism carried out by small groups of individuals. But a look around the world shows that intelligence agencies can be abused in ways that are even more dangerous, not just to individuals but to democracy. Using security agencies to surveil and suppress political opponents is always a temptation for those in power. It is a temptation from which the United States has not escaped. The FBI’s director for life, J. Edgar Hoover, famously maintained his power by building files on numerous Washington politicians and putting his wiretapping and investigative capabilities at the service of Presidents pursuing political vendettas. That risk is making a comeback. The United States used the full force of its intelligence agencies to hold terrorism at bay for twenty years, but we paid too little attention to geopolitical adversaries who are now using chipping away at our strengths in ways we did not expect. As American intelligence reshapes itself to deal with new challenges from Russia and China, it is no longer hunting small groups of terrorists in distant deserts. -
Mandatory Minimum Penalties and Statutory Relief Mechanisms
Chapter 2 HISTORY OF MANDATORY MINIMUM PENALTIES AND STATUTORY RELIEF MECHANISMS A. INTRODUCTION This chapter provides a detailed historical account of the development and evolution of federal mandatory minimum penalties. It then describes the development of the two statutory mechanisms for obtaining relief from mandatory minimum penalties. B. MANDATORY MINIMUM PENALTIES IN THE EARLY REPUBLIC Congress has used mandatory minimum penalties since it enacted the first federal penal laws in the late 18th century. Mandatory minimum penalties have always been prescribed for a core set of serious offenses, such as murder and treason, and also have been enacted to address immediate problems and exigencies. The Constitution authorizes Congress to establish criminal offenses and to set the punishments for those offenses,17 but there were no federal crimes when the First Congress convened in New York in March 1789.18 Congress created the first comprehensive series of federal offenses with the passage of the 1790 Crimes Act, which specified 23 federal crimes.19 Seven of the offenses in the 1790 Crimes Act carried a mandatory death penalty: treason, murder, three offenses relating to piracy, forgery of a public security of the United States, and the rescue of a person convicted of a capital crime.20 One of the piracy offenses specified four different forms of criminal conduct, arguably increasing to 10 the number of offenses carrying a mandatory minimum penalty.21 Treason, 17 See U.S. Const. art. I, §8 (enumerating powers to “provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States” and to “define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations”); U.S. -
In the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA JOSE J. BASULTO 5790 S. W. 84th Street Miami, FL 33143 Plaintiff, v. Case No. _____________ THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA c/o The Permanent Representative of Cuba to the United Nations 14 East 79th Street New York, N.Y. 10021 and FIDEL CASTRO RUZ c/o Presidential Palace Havana, Cuba and GENERAL RAUL CASTRO RUZ c/o Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces Havana, Cuba Defendants. COMPLAINT Plaintiff, Jose J. Basulto, by counsel, for his complaint against Defendants The Republic of Cuba, Fidel Castro Ruz and General Raul Castro Ruz alleges as follows: I. CAUSES OF ACTION. 1. Plaintiff brings this action for assault and intentional infliction of emotional distress seeking money damages and other relief, jointly and severally, against the Defendants. 2. This action arises out of an act of terrorism by the Defendants and their agents on February 24, 1996, in which two Cuban Air Force fighter planes ("MiGs"), intentionally shot down two unarmed, civilian planes of Hermanos al Rescate [or “Brothers To The Rescue” (BTTR) in English] in international airspace in an unprovoked aerial ambush, killing four BTTR aviators, while two other Cuban Air Force MiGs chased a third unarmed, civilian BTTR plane, piloted by Plaintiff Basulto, unsuccessfully attempting to shoot it down before it returned to Opa Locka airport in Florida. 3. The Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act enables suits for money damages against foreign states that cause "personal injury or death that was caused by an act of…extrajudicial killing, aircraft sabotage… or the provision of material support or resources (as defined in section 2339A of title 18) for such an act." See 28 U.S.C. -
Redalyc.Myths About Cuba
História: Debates e Tendências ISSN: 1517-2856 [email protected] Universidade de Passo Fundo Brasil Domínguez, Francisco Myths about Cuba História: Debates e Tendências, vol. 10, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2010, pp. 9-34 Universidade de Passo Fundo Passo Fundo, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=552456400004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Myths about Cuba Francisco Domínguez * Abstract His article aims at deconstructing Cuba is not perfect. Blocaded and sub- this fallacious though no less powerful jected to the unrelenting harassment mythology that has been constructed and aggression by the most powerful about Cuban reality, not an easy task military machine of the history of hu- that sometimes reminds us of Thomas manity for five decades cannot avoid Carlyle biographer of Oliver Cromwell, suffering from deficiencies, shortages, who said he “had to drag out the Lord distortions, inefficiencies and other di- Protector from under a mountain of fficulties. However, since literally 1959, dead dogs, a huge load of calumny.” the Cuban revolution has been subjec- All proportions guarded, it must have ted to a defamation campaign that has been much easier for Carlyle to remo- managed to embed a demonized de- ve the mountain of dead dogs from the piction of her reality in the brains of memory of Cromwell that to undo the millions of innocent consumers of mass infinite torrent of calumnies that falls media “information”. -
Introduction the Foundations of Diplomatic Security
INTRODUCTION THE FOUNDATIONS OF DIPLOMATIC SECURITY INTRODUCTION 8 THE FOUNDATIONS OF DIPLOMATIC SECURITY Diplomatic security is as old as diplomacy itself. Initially, diplomatic security was primarily the secure conveyance of government communications using couriers and codes. The Persian, Babylonian, Egyptian, Chinese, Greek, Roman, Aztec, and Incan empires developed courier services to carry imperial messages. The Greeks and Romans also developed ciphers to preserve confidentiality of diplomatic messages.1 By the Renaissance (1500s), codes had emerged, and Spanish, French, English, Vatican, and Venetian foreign ministers routinely used ciphers and codes when writing to their diplomats abroad. The European monarchies also developed courier networks to carry messages. Courier work was seen as a training ground for diplomats because couriers had to exercise discretion, know the local language, and employ disguises to avoid detection.2 Colonial-era leaders in North America were acutely aware of the need to protect their correspondence. As tensions escalated between Great Britain and its American colonies in the 1760s, the Sons of Liberty communicated with each other by Figure 1: Henry Laurens, U.S. Commissioner to the dropping letters at secretly designated coffee houses or Netherlands. Laurens and his papers were captured by the British while en route to Europe. His papers provided taverns, where sympathetic postmen or ship captains evidence of Dutch aid to the American Revolution and led would pick up and deliver the letters. During the Great Britain to declare war on the Netherlands. Portrait by Pierre Eugène du Simitière, 1783. Source: Library of American Revolution, the small fleet of sympathetic Congress, Prints and Photographs Division. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 104 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 142 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 1996 No. 29 House of Representatives The House met at 11 a.m. Mr. TRAFICANT led the Pledge of required that he remove those sections The Chaplain, Rev. James David Allegiance as follows: of the Palestine National Covenant Ford, D.D., offered the following pray- I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the Unit- which call for the destruction of Israel. er: ed States of America, and to the Republic for Until such time as Arafat lives up to Your goodness to us, O God, is be- which it stands, one nation under God, indi- those agreements he has signed and yond our measure and Your grace to us visible, with liberty and justice for all. eliminates Hamas from areas for which is not restrained. In spite of missing f he bears responsibility, the United the mark and seeing too much our own MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE States should know that there is little way, You allow your blessings to flow A message from the Senate by Mr. good in negotiating with him. and Your mercies never to cease. We Lundregan, one of its clerks, an- f pray that this day we will open our nounced that the Senate agrees to the hearts and minds to the daily gifts of report of the committee of conference HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE faith and hope and love and pray that on the disagreeing votes of the two (Mr. -
Read the Testimony Here
1 Chairman DeSantis, Ranking Member Lynch, and Members of the Subcommittee: Thank you very much for convening this hearing to remind us all of the February 24, 1996, attack by the Castro regime on two unarmed U.S. civilian aircraft, which took the lives of four innocent people—Armando Alejandre, Jr., Carlos Costa, Mario de la Pena, and Pablo Morales—who were patrolling international waters to locate and rescue their Cuban brothers and sisters in peril on the sea.i Although 14 individuals were indicted for their role in this barbaric attack and one Cuban spy was convicted of murder, Fidel and Raul Castro were not indictedii—despite the late dictator’s public admission that the two brothers orchestrated this ambush and use of lethal force.iii In short, Mr. Chairman, the Castros and their coconspirators have never faced justice for this public execution of four innocent and courageous men. Indeed, this hearing is a timely opportunity to recognize that the regime in Havana has never been confronted for its international crime spree—which began six decades ago and continues to this very day. Until the United States and the international community recognize and confront this criminal enterprise, the gangsters in Havana will continue to act with impunity. From urging a preemptive nuclear strike against the United States in 1962,iv to organizing a terror campaign against Central American nations,v to sharing anti-American intelligence with our enemies from Baghdad to Belgrade;vi—the Castro regime (which remains the true source of power in Cuba despite a recent presidential transition to a hand- picked successor, Miguel Díaz-Canel) is an implacable and tireless foe of the United States. -
STEPS to FREEDOM 2006 a Comparative Analysis of Civic Resistance in Cuba from February 2006 Through January 2007
STEPS TO FREEDOM 2006 A comparative analysis of civic resistance in Cuba from February 2006 through January 2007 Cuban Democratic Directorate Center for the Study of a National Option PASOS A LA LIBERTAD 1 Executive Editor: Janisset Rivero-Gutiérrez Editor: Dora Amador Researchers: Humberto Bustamante, Laura López, Aramís Pérez, John Suárez Copy Editors: Laura López and Marcibel Loo Data analyst and graphic production: René Carballo Transcription of recorded audio interviews: Modesto Arocha Layout: Dora Amador Cover design: Relvi Moronta Printing: Rodes Printing Translation: Alexandria Library Proof reading: John Suárez, Laura López, and Teresa Fernández Cuban Democratic Directorate is a non-profi t organization dedicated to pro- moting democratic change in Cuba and respect for human rights. As part of its work, Directorio sponsors publications and conferences in the United States, Latin America and Europe that contribute to the restoration of values of Cuban national culture and solidarity with the civic opposition on the island. The Center for the Study of a National Option is a non-profi t organiza- tion that aims to help rescue and rebuild the values, traditions, and fun- damental democratic civic concepts of the Republic of Cuba. Directorio Democrático Cubano P.O. Box 110235 Hialeah, Florida 33011 Telephone: (305) 220-1713 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.directorio.org ©2007 Directorio Democrático Cubano 2 INDEX Main achievements of the Cuban civic resistance movement in 2006 4 A nation that dreams, stands up, and fi ghts for freedom 5 A critical look at the pro-democracy movement in Cuba 7 Development of nonviolent civic actions in 2006 10 Classifi cation of non-violent actions 11 Total acts of nonviolent civic resistance from 1997 to 2006 13 Comparison of civic resistance actions by province 1 4 Commemorative dates and number of actions 18 Acts of civic resistance by month 19 PASOS A LA LIBERTAD 3 Main achievements of the Cuban civic resistance movement in 2006 • Carried out 2,768 nonviolent civic actions. -
Leonard P. Roy Testimony
To: The Honorable Justices of the Supreme Court of the State of Minnesota From: Leonard Roy Date: March 28, 2017 Re: Rule 10 and proposed amendments (Tribal Court Orders and Judgments) Honorable Justices, thank you for allowing me to submit this testimony on the proposed Rule 10 amendments under consideration. I am Leonard Roy, a White Earth Tribal member, and I oppose Rule 10 and the proposed amendments because it negatively affects Tribal members. On October 29, 2002, the Supreme Court of the State of Minnesota considered the possibility of granting full faith and credit to Tribal Courts.1 Specifically, the petition for adoption of a rule of procedure for the recognition of Tribal Court orders and judgments was presented. However, the Supreme Court decided not to provide full recognition. During the hearing, Tribal members claimed that no separation of powers existed in the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe Constitution.2 Specifically, Tribal members from the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe—which includes White Earth Reservation, Bois Forte Reservation, Mille Lacs Reservation, Fon Du Lac Reservation, Grand Portage Reservation, and Leech Lake Reservation—claimed that an independent judiciary did not exist. This was true in 2002 and it is still true today. While the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe and its Bands have made great progress towards professionalizing and institutionalizing Tribal Courts, the Tribe has yet to amend its Constitution to create Tribal Courts. To complicate the matter even further, Minnesota passed Rule 10 that provided a modicum of recognition for Tribal Court decisions.3 This has led to the hearing today. This Constitutional impasse was evident at the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe’s Special Meeting held on March 15, 2017. -
How a Level I Negotiator Deals with a Level II Agitator
\\jciprod01\productn\H\HNR\21-1\HNR104.txt unknown Seq: 1 31-MAR-16 8:39 Strategizing the Two-Level Negotiation: How a Level I Negotiator Deals with a Level II Agitator Shivan Sarin* CONTENTS I. Introduction .......................................... 143 R II. A Theoretical Guide to the Two-Level Negotiation .... 145 R III. The Logan Act: An Example of the Level I Block ..... 149 R A. History and Purpose of the Logan Act ............ 149 R B. Limitations and the Two-Level Game ............. 151 R IV. Two-Level Negotiation in Practice .................... 152 R A. Folding in Level II with Level I: The Case of Central America .................................. 152 R B. The Bifurcated Middle Ground: The Case of the China-India Relationship ......................... 156 R C. Expanding the Win-Set with a Hard Line: The Case of Early 2015 Iran Negotiations ............. 159 R V. Conclusion ........................................... 161 R I. INTRODUCTION On March 9, 2015, forty-seven senators, led by Senator Tom Cot- ton, published an open letter to the leaders of the Islamic Republic of * Litigation associate at Ropes & Gray LLP in Boston, MA. I would like to thank the many colleagues who have contributed to the ideas and execution of this Article. In particular, I greatly appreciate the guidance of Nicholas Burns, Robert Mnookin, and James Sibenius. I would also like to give special thanks to the staff at Harvard Negotiation Law Review, who provided excellent editorial and substantive commentary through the many iterations of this Article. The views expressed in this Article are my own and do not reflect the opinions of Ropes & Gray LLP. -
388-8693 Facsimile: (213) 386-9484
CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 256 SOUTH OCCIDENTAL BOULEVARD LOS ANGELES, CA 90057 Telephone: (213) 388-8693 Facsimile: (213) 386-9484 www.centerforhumanrights.org June 4, 2014 The Hon. President Barack Obama The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20500 The Hon. Eric Holder, Jr. Attorney General U.S. Department of Justice Washington, DC Re: Report on the convictions of and disproportionate sentences imposed on the Cuban Five and legal frameworks available for the humanitarian release and repatriation to Cuba of three members of the Five continuing to serve prison sentences in the U.S. Dear President Obama and Attorney General Holder, The accompanying report regarding the case of the Cuban Five is submitted on behalf of the Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law, an organization dedicated to protecting and promoting respect for and compliance with human rights norms and constitutional provisions intended to safeguard the rights of vulnerable groups and insular minorities. We have attempted to objectively review the critical evidence of record in the Cuban Five case and, for the first time that we are aware, synthesize the case in one comprehensive document for consideration by your Administration. Based on our review of the record, we believe there are strong grounds for humanitarian release of the remaining three members of the Cuban Five still serving federal prison sentences in the U.S. and their removal to Cuba, whether under Article II, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution or pursuant to the well-established Presidential power to enter into Executive Agreements with other governments affirmed.