An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan the Islamic Fraternity (1910-12) and Its Successors
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Research Note/研究ノート An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan The Islamic Fraternity (1910-12) and Its Successors Ulrich BRANDENBURG Ⅰ . Introduction Ⅱ . Beginnings and End of the Islamic Fraternity Ⅲ . The Islamic Fraternity in the Archives Ⅳ . The Islamic Fraternity in Contemporary Publications Ⅴ . Conclusion: A Multi-Faceted Journal 日本初のムスリム雑誌の目録 The Islamic Fraternity(1910-12)とその後継誌 ウルリッヒ・ブランデンブルグ 本稿の目的は、イスラームを主題とする日本初の雑誌としてムスリムによって刊行 された『イスラミック・フラタニティ(The Islamic Fraternity)』のうち、現在入手可能 177 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan(Brandenburg) な資料の目録を提供することである。同雑誌は、おそらくは当時の日本軍の支援を受 けて、1910年にボーパール出身のインド人ムハンマド・バラカトゥッラーとエジプト人 アハマド・ファドリーによって東京で創刊された。早くも1912 年に英国の要請によっ て差し止められたが、それまでの 2 年間にこの雑誌は世界中の注目を大いに集めた。 しかし、現在までに研究者には 2 号分しか知られておらず、同誌の情報の大半は英領 インドの植民地関係の文書から引き出すほかない。このわずかな情報源に加え、本稿 はさまざまなアーカイブに現存することが確認できた複数のほかの既刊号および『イ スラミック・フラタニティ』が当時の報道に残した多様な足跡をとりあげる。これらは 併せて、および20世紀初頭のアジアにおける日本とムスリム・コミュニティのあいだ の交流、および日本におけるイスラームの歴史をより深く理解するための貴重な資料 である。 本稿では第一に『イスラミック・フラタニティ』とその創刊者について現在知られて いる事柄の概要を提供する。ムハンマド・バラカトゥッラーは文字どおり世界規模の インド独立運動を通して著名であるのに対し、アハマド・ファドリーはほぼ日本滞在 を通してのみ知られている。しかしながら、彼ファドリーこそ日本軍に個人的に接触 することで軍部による『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の援助を確保した人物であった と考えられる。だが、ファドリーはまもなくこの雑誌を去り、その内容と特徴を形成 したのはバラカトゥッラーであった。第二に、本稿は世界各地の多様なアーカイブに保 管されている同誌の現存する号の目録を提供する。ロンドンの英国図書館蔵インド省 資料、イスタンブールのオスマン文書館、パリのフランス外交史料館に諸号の点在が 確認できる。とりわけ注目に値するのはチェコ出身の東洋学者アロイス・ニークルの 私記であり、プラハに収集されている。そこで上記のアーカイブに保存された『イスラミッ ク・フラタニティ』の合わせて 11号分の各記事を短く摘録し、さらにニークル文書に しか現在していないその短命な後継誌の諸号も概略する。第三に、本稿は同誌が当時 の報道に残した数々の痕跡、すなわち同誌の記事の要約ないし再掲載を調査する。こ れらの痕跡はバラカトゥッラーのネットワーク、および同誌が日本国外から注目を集め た理由についてより良い理解を提供する。『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の現存する 既刊号、とりわけバハーイー教の諸雑誌や宗教雑誌The Open Courtによる受容からは、 バラカトゥッラーが米国で育んだ宗教的自由主義者との関わりを日本でも継続してい た事実がわかる。『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の最も注目を集めた記事は、日本の ムスリム・コミュニティの発展に関するものであった。したがって、『イスラミック・ フラタニティ』は反植民地主義的メッセージを交えつつ、宗教自由主義者・イスラーム 学者というバラカトゥッラーの公的な経歴の描写をさらに拡大するものであると特徴 づけられる。 AJAMES no.35-2 2019 178 本稿は、『イスラミック・フラタニティ』自体と同誌が世界的な公共圏に占める位置 について、これまで知られていた以上に緻密で情報に富んだ描写を行うための一歩と なることを目指している。これを通じ本稿は日本におけるイスラーム史の理解、およ び日本とアジアのムスリム・コミュニティ間の交流をめぐる理解へ寄与することを意 図するものである。 I. Introduction In 1910, the Bhopali Indian Muhammad Barakatullah (ca. 1860-1927) and the Egyptian Ahmad Fadli (1874-?), both residents of Tokyo, jointly started publishing the monthly, English-language journal Islamic Fraternity. It was the first journal in Japan that was published by Muslims and dealt predominantly with Islamic topics. Due to its anti-British messages, the Islamic Fraternity was closed down by the Japanese government already in October 1912 under British pressure. During the two and half years of its existence, the journal succeeded in making a global impression, prompting the eminent German Orientalist Martin Hartmann [1913: 42] to state that “Islam had entered Japan.” However, up to now, only two of the journal’s issues had been found by scholars in the India Office Records, and most knowledge about its contents had to be drawn from assessments made by the British-Indian authorities, such as the 1917 intelligence report Political Trouble in India 1907-1917 and the documents collected in the volumes edited by A. C. Bose and T. R. Sareen [Ker 1973; Bose 2002; Sareen 2009]. In the following, I will first give an overview of what is currently known about the Islamic Fraternity and its founders. Then, I will provide an inventory of surviving issues of the journal as well as its two short-lived successor journals, which can be located in different international archives. Subsequently, I will give a survey of the traces that the journal has left in the press of its time, where one can find numerous summaries or reproductions of its articles, as well as discussion of the journal’s significance. In doing so, I intend to present a more informed picture of the Islamic Fraternity and its place in the global public sphere, as a step towards a better understanding of the history of Islam in Japan and of exchanges between Japan and Muslim communities in Asia. I hope that this article will also provide a more solid basis for further research into the history of the first Muslim journal in Japan. 179 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan(Brandenburg) II. Beginnings and End of the Islamic Fraternity The founders of the Islamic Fraternity were historical actors of a very different impact. While Barakatullah is a well-known figure in the transnational history of the anti-colonialist Indian independence movement as well as the pan-Islamist movement, Fadli is known to us almost exclusively through his stay in Japan. Although no comprehensive biography of Barakatullah’s life yet exists, numerous article-length studies have dealt with various aspects of his activities or different facets of his life [Ansari 2014; Khan 2014; Siddiqui 2017; see also Hughes 2002; Kubota 2005]. The major publications regarding Fadli are a series of articles by the journalist Abdurrahman Suzuki (Suzuki Noboru) as well as a few recent contributions based on the diaries of the Japanese General Utsunomiya Tarō [Suzuki 1992; 1993a; 1993b; 1994; 1995a; 1995b; Esenbel 2015; Shimada 2015; see also Worringer 2014: 323-324 n. 220]. It is noteworthy that Barakatullah and Fadli were both mentioned in the well- known, two-volume travelogue Alem-i İslam ve Japonya’da İntişar-ı İslamiyet (“The World of Islam and the Spread of Islam in Japan”), published by the Russian Muslim Abdürreşid İbrahim after a four-month visit to Japan in the first half of 1909. İbrahim’s travelogue was written in Ottoman Turkish and appeared serially in Istanbul between 1910 and 1913. Together with İbrahim’s other writings, particularly a series of articles in the Kazan newspaper Beyanülhak in the Tatar language, Alem-i İslam is one of the most important sources for the early history of Islam in Japan and for contacts between Muslim activists and Japanese pan-Asianists. It also provides vital information about Barakatullah’s and Fadli’s activities in Japan. According to İbrahim [1909b: 3; 1909c: 3], Barakatullah and Fadli met for the first time on March 27, 1909 (Rabi’ al-awwal 6, 1327), when Fadli gave a public lecture to explain Islam for a Japanese audience and counter negative depictions made by Christian missionaries. Already before this encounter, İbrahim and Fadli had teamed up for the public defense of Islam, and afterwards they included Barakatullah in their circle. When İbrahim departed from Japan, he left Barakatullah in charge of a project to build the first mosque in Tokyo, which was supported financially and logistically by the pan- Asianist society Ajia Gikai on the one hand and by wealthy Indian Muslim merchants from Yokohama on the other [İbrahim 1910: 413-14]. Barakatullah functioned as the go-between between these two parties. The mosque, however, was not built in the end, for not clearly identifiable reasons. AJAMES no.35-2 2019 180 İbrahim gave even more space to Fadli in his writings and provided biographic sketches on two separate occasions in Alem-i İslam [İbrahim 1910: 208, 286]. Commenting on Fadli’s public appearances and lectures, he presented him as a model of dedication to the cause of Islam, which other Muslims should emulate [308-9]. From İbrahim’s depictions, one understands that Fadli was a former captain of the Egyptian army who had married a Japanese woman and settled down in Japan. Recent studies by Selçuk Esenbel [2015: 482] have pointed out that Fadli had made the acquaintance of Utsonomiya Tarō (then military attaché in London) in 1905, when Utsunomiya was visiting Egypt. It was probably at the invitation of Utsunomiya that Fadli visited Japan for the first time in 1906 or 1907. He stayed for only a few months, married, and left again for Cairo together with his wife and mother-in-law. Around 1908, the three of them returned to Japan where they stayed until the end of July 1911, when they moved back to Egypt again, this time for good. Throughout the time of his residence in Japan, Fadli maintained close relations with Utsunomiya, who had by then become head of the Second Bureau of the General Staff, and with other military officers as well.(1) Muhammad Barakatullah arrived in Japan in February 1909, having obtained a post as instructor of Hindustani at the Tokyo School of Foreign Languages (Tōkyō Gaikokugo Gakkō), supposedly at the recommendation of the Indian businessman R. D. Tata (then in Paris) and facilitated by Indian nationalist networks [Bose 2002: 111]. Barakatullah stayed in Tokyo for five years until 1914, when his employment contract was not renewed due to his political and anti-British activities. Barakatullah was a truly global activist and had lived first in Great Britain and later in the USA before coming to Japan, gradually becoming a prominent figure in the Indian independence movement. His activities included cooperation with Irish nationalists, with whom he formed the Pan-Aryan Association in New York in 1906 [Bose 2002: 74]. In both Great Britain and the USA, he combined his political activism with a religious and academic profile. He worked, for example, as imam for the circle of Liverpool Muslims led by the well- known British convert Abdullah Quilliam and later assisted in the composition of a Hindustani grammar [Geaves 2010: 73-74; Thimm 1916: 3]. When leaving Japan in 1914, Barakatullah temporarily returned to the USA and then, with the outbreak of the First World War, travelled to Europe to offer his services to Germany. During the war, he became an important figure in a plan to destabilize British rule in India by establishing an Indian government in exile in Afghanistan [Hughes 2002]. After