Research Note／研究ノート An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in The Islamic Fraternity (1910-12) and Its Successors

Ulrich BRANDENBURG

Ⅰ . Introduction Ⅱ . Beginnings and End of the Islamic Fraternity Ⅲ . The Islamic Fraternity in the Archives Ⅳ . The Islamic Fraternity in Contemporary Publications Ⅴ . Conclusion: A Multi-Faceted Journal

日本初のムスリム雑誌の目録 The Islamic Fraternity（1910-12）とその後継誌

ウルリッヒ・ブランデンブルグ

本稿の目的は、イスラームを主題とする日本初の雑誌としてムスリムによって刊行 された『イスラミック・フラタニティ（The Islamic Fraternity）』のうち、現在入手可能

177 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） な資料の目録を提供することである。同雑誌は、おそらくは当時の日本軍の支援を受 けて、1910年にボーパール出身のインド人ムハンマド・バラカトゥッラーとエジプト人 アハマド・ファドリーによって東京で創刊された。早くも1912 年に英国の要請によっ て差し止められたが、それまでの 2 年間にこの雑誌は世界中の注目を大いに集めた。 しかし、現在までに研究者には 2 号分しか知られておらず、同誌の情報の大半は英領 インドの植民地関係の文書から引き出すほかない。このわずかな情報源に加え、本稿 はさまざまなアーカイブに現存することが確認できた複数のほかの既刊号および『イ スラミック・フラタニティ』が当時の報道に残した多様な足跡をとりあげる。これらは 併せて、および20世紀初頭のアジアにおける日本とムスリム・コミュニティのあいだ の交流、および日本におけるイスラームの歴史をより深く理解するための貴重な資料 である。 本稿では第一に『イスラミック・フラタニティ』とその創刊者について現在知られて いる事柄の概要を提供する。ムハンマド・バラカトゥッラーは文字どおり世界規模の インド独立運動を通して著名であるのに対し、アハマド・ファドリーはほぼ日本滞在 を通してのみ知られている。しかしながら、彼ファドリーこそ日本軍に個人的に接触 することで軍部による『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の援助を確保した人物であった と考えられる。だが、ファドリーはまもなくこの雑誌を去り、その内容と特徴を形成 したのはバラカトゥッラーであった。第二に、本稿は世界各地の多様なアーカイブに保 管されている同誌の現存する号の目録を提供する。ロンドンの英国図書館蔵インド省 資料、イスタンブールのオスマン文書館、パリのフランス外交史料館に諸号の点在が 確認できる。とりわけ注目に値するのはチェコ出身の東洋学者アロイス・ニークルの 私記であり、プラハに収集されている。そこで上記のアーカイブに保存された『イスラミッ ク・フラタニティ』の合わせて 11号分の各記事を短く摘録し、さらにニークル文書に しか現在していないその短命な後継誌の諸号も概略する。第三に、本稿は同誌が当時 の報道に残した数々の痕跡、すなわち同誌の記事の要約ないし再掲載を調査する。こ れらの痕跡はバラカトゥッラーのネットワーク、および同誌が日本国外から注目を集め た理由についてより良い理解を提供する。『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の現存する 既刊号、とりわけバハーイー教の諸雑誌や宗教雑誌The Open Courtによる受容からは、 バラカトゥッラーが米国で育んだ宗教的自由主義者との関わりを日本でも継続してい た事実がわかる。『イスラミック・フラタニティ』の最も注目を集めた記事は、日本の ムスリム・コミュニティの発展に関するものであった。したがって、『イスラミック・ フラタニティ』は反植民地主義的メッセージを交えつつ、宗教自由主義者・イスラーム 学者というバラカトゥッラーの公的な経歴の描写をさらに拡大するものであると特徴 づけられる。

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 178 本稿は、『イスラミック・フラタニティ』自体と同誌が世界的な公共圏に占める位置 について、これまで知られていた以上に緻密で情報に富んだ描写を行うための一歩と なることを目指している。これを通じ本稿は日本におけるイスラーム史の理解、およ び日本とアジアのムスリム・コミュニティ間の交流をめぐる理解へ寄与することを意 図するものである。

I. Introduction

In 1910, the Bhopali Indian Barakatullah (ca. 1860-1927) and the Egyptian Fadli (1874-?), both residents of Tokyo, jointly started publishing the monthly, English-language journal Islamic Fraternity. It was the first journal in Japan that was published by and dealt predominantly with Islamic topics. Due to its anti-British messages, the Islamic Fraternity was closed down by the Japanese government already in October 1912 under British pressure. During the two and half years of its existence, the journal succeeded in making a global impression, prompting the eminent German Orientalist Martin Hartmann [1913: 42] to state that “ had entered Japan.” However, up to now, only two of the journal’s issues had been found by scholars in the India Office Records, and most knowledge about its contents had to be drawn from assessments made by the British-Indian authorities, such as the 1917 intelligence report Political Trouble in India 1907-1917 and the documents collected in the volumes edited by A. C. Bose and T. R. Sareen [Ker 1973; Bose 2002; Sareen 2009]. In the following, I will first give an overview of what is currently known about the Islamic Fraternity and its founders. Then, I will provide an inventory of surviving issues of the journal as well as its two short-lived successor journals, which can be located in different international archives. Subsequently, I will give a survey of the traces that the journal has left in the press of its time, where one can find numerous summaries or reproductions of its articles, as well as discussion of the journal’s significance. In doing so, I intend to present a more informed picture of the Islamic Fraternity and its place in the global public sphere, as a step towards a better understanding of the history of and of exchanges between Japan and Muslim communities in Asia. I hope that this article will also provide a more solid basis for further research into the history of the first Muslim journal in Japan.

179 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） II. Beginnings and End of the Islamic Fraternity

The founders of the Islamic Fraternity were historical actors of a very different impact. While Barakatullah is a well-known figure in the transnational history of the anti-colonialist Indian independence movement as well as the pan-Islamist movement, Fadli is known to us almost exclusively through his stay in Japan. Although no comprehensive biography of Barakatullah’s life yet exists, numerous article-length studies have dealt with various aspects of his activities or different facets of his life [Ansari 2014; Khan 2014; Siddiqui 2017; see also Hughes 2002; Kubota 2005]. The major publications regarding Fadli are a series of articles by the journalist Abdurrahman Suzuki (Suzuki Noboru) as well as a few recent contributions based on the diaries of the Japanese General Utsunomiya Tarō [Suzuki 1992; 1993a; 1993b; 1994; 1995a; 1995b; Esenbel 2015; Shimada 2015; see also Worringer 2014: 323-324 n. 220]. It is noteworthy that Barakatullah and Fadli were both mentioned in the well- known, two-volume travelogue Alem-i İslam ve Japonya’da İntişar-ı İslamiyet (“The World of Islam and the in Japan”), published by the Russian Muslim Abdürreşid after a four-month visit to Japan in the first half of 1909. İbrahim’s travelogue was written in Ottoman Turkish and appeared serially in between 1910 and 1913. Together with İbrahim’s other writings, particularly a series of articles in the Kazan newspaper Beyanülhak in the Tatar language, Alem-i İslam is one of the most important sources for the early in Japan and for contacts between Muslim activists and Japanese pan-Asianists. It also provides vital information about Barakatullah’s and Fadli’s activities in Japan. According to İbrahim [1909b: 3; 1909c: 3], Barakatullah and Fadli met for the first time on March 27, 1909 (Rabi’ al-awwal 6, 1327), when Fadli gave a public lecture to explain Islam for a Japanese audience and counter negative depictions made by Christian missionaries. Already before this encounter, İbrahim and Fadli had teamed up for the public defense of Islam, and afterwards they included Barakatullah in their circle. When İbrahim departed from Japan, he left Barakatullah in charge of a project to build the first in Tokyo, which was supported financially and logistically by the pan- Asianist society Ajia Gikai on the one hand and by wealthy Indian Muslim merchants from Yokohama on the other [İbrahim 1910: 413-14]. Barakatullah functioned as the go-between between these two parties. The mosque, however, was not built in the end, for not clearly identifiable reasons.

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 180 İbrahim gave even more space to Fadli in his writings and provided biographic sketches on two separate occasions in Alem-i İslam [İbrahim 1910: 208, 286]. Commenting on Fadli’s public appearances and lectures, he presented him as a model of dedication to the cause of Islam, which other Muslims should emulate [308-9]. From İbrahim’s depictions, one understands that Fadli was a former captain of the Egyptian army who had married a Japanese woman and settled down in Japan. Recent studies by Selçuk Esenbel [2015: 482] have pointed out that Fadli had made the acquaintance of Utsonomiya Tarō (then military attaché in London) in 1905, when Utsunomiya was visiting . It was probably at the invitation of Utsunomiya that Fadli visited Japan for the first time in 1906 or 1907. He stayed for only a few months, married, and left again for together with his wife and mother-in-law. Around 1908, the three of them returned to Japan where they stayed until the end of July 1911, when they moved back to Egypt again, this time for good. Throughout the time of his residence in Japan, Fadli maintained close relations with Utsunomiya, who had by then become head of the Second Bureau of the General Staff, and with other military officers as well.(1) Muhammad Barakatullah arrived in Japan in February 1909, having obtained a post as instructor of Hindustani at the Tokyo School of Foreign Languages (Tōkyō Gaikokugo Gakkō), supposedly at the recommendation of the Indian businessman R. D. Tata (then in Paris) and facilitated by Indian nationalist networks [Bose 2002: 111]. Barakatullah stayed in Tokyo for five years until 1914, when his employment contract was not renewed due to his political and anti-British activities. Barakatullah was a truly global activist and had lived first in Great Britain and later in the USA before coming to Japan, gradually becoming a prominent figure in the Indian independence movement. His activities included cooperation with Irish nationalists, with whom he formed the Pan-Aryan Association in New York in 1906 [Bose 2002: 74]. In both Great Britain and the USA, he combined his political activism with a religious and academic profile. He worked, for example, as for the circle of Liverpool Muslims led by the well- known British convert Abdullah Quilliam and later assisted in the composition of a Hindustani grammar [Geaves 2010: 73-74; Thimm 1916: 3]. When leaving Japan in 1914, Barakatullah temporarily returned to the USA and then, with the outbreak of the First World War, travelled to Europe to offer his services to Germany. During the war, he became an important figure in a plan to destabilize British rule in India by establishing an Indian government in exile in Afghanistan [Hughes 2002]. After the end of the war, he briefly flirted with Bolshevism and finally returned to the USA,

181 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） where he passed away in 1927. This peculiar blend of activities and ideologies makes Barakatullah an extremely complex and often contradictory figure. Fadli and Barakatullah began to publish the Islamic Fraternity in April 1910 as a monthly, four-page “religious organ,” which advertized itself as “an organ devoted to promoting fraternal feelings among the followers of Islam and those of other sister .”(2) In its layout, the journal strongly resembles the journals of the Indian independence movement such as Bande Mataram or the Indian Sociologist. An entry in Utsunomiya Tarō’s diaries suggests that at the start the journal received funding from the Japanese military as part of an outreach towards the and Muslim populations in Asia. On March 8 and 9, 1910, one month before the publication of the first issue, Utsunomiya had meetings with Fadli with regards to the establishment of an Islamic newspaper [Utsunomiya 2007: 1:319]. On other occasions, Utsunomiya wrote down his ideas to use Fadli as a middleman to influence Muslim opinion in favor of Japan [1:321]. Given that Barakatullah was not mentioned in these discussions, it seems that it was primarily Fadli who had secured the support of the military. As indicated in the Islamic Fraternity, Barakatullah was responsible for the contents and for receiving “literary communications,” while Fadli took care of the administrative side of things and was in charge of “business communications.”(3) Their partnership ended in conflict after only half a year, however, leaving Barakatullah to continue the journal’s publication alone, assisted by his Japanese associate and convert to Islam, Hasan Hatano (Hatano Uhō). When Abdürreşid İbrahim visited Japan in 1909, he became one of the founding members of the Ajia Gikai, the first pan-Asianist society that placed particular importance on the study of and outreach towards Asia’s Muslim populations [cf. Brandenburg 2018: 166-171]. Barakatullah and Fadli as well were in close contact with this society and remained so after İbrahim’s departure. The leaders of the Ajia Gikai, which was in many ways an offshoot of the better-known Tōa Dōbunkai, were the retired military officers Ōhara Bukei (Takeyoshi) and Nakano Jōtarō (Tsunetarō). It counted among its members some of the towering figures of Japanese pan-Asianism, such as Tōyama Mitsuru, Inukai Tsuyoshi, and Uchida Ryōhei.(4) Utsunomiya, who had to deal with Ōhara and the Ajia Gikai concerning a subsidy for İbrahim, nonetheless kept his distance and expressed strong skepticism concerning its purpose and leadership [Utsunomiya 2007: 2:220], and Fadli as well seems to have had some reservations about the Ajia Gikai’s instrumentalization of Islam. Barakatullah’s close relationship with the

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 182 Ajia Gikai, on the other hand, can be seen in the Islamic Fraternity of October 1911, where we read that the society arranged for him to give a public lecture about the Italo- Turkish War in Libya and to provide regular lessons about the Qur’an. After publishing articles that called for resistance against British colonial rule, the Islamic Fraternity was prohibited from entering British India in July 1912. It was finally closed down in October of the same year after Claude MacDonald, the British ambassador in Tokyo, had interceded with Japan’s foreign minister, Uchida Kōsai.(5) This did not lead to the end of Barakatullah’s publishing activities, but further on he would rather publish his ideas under Hatano’s name [cf. Kubota 2005: 172-173]. Hatano was first mentioned in the Islamic Fraternity of September 1910 as one of the editors of a Japanese edition of the journal, which was about to be published. The project was ultimately postponed, and Hatano only started publication of the Japanese-language Isuramu in March 1912. This journal was transformed into the bilingual English- Japanese El-Islam after the suppression of the Islamic Fraternity. After El-Islam too had to cease publication, we find Hatano as the editor of the likewise bilingual Islamic Unity in early 1914. The close relationship between Barakatullah and Hatano took a curious turn later in 1914, however. At the end of April, shortly before Barakatullah’s departure from Japan, Hatano paid a visit to the British embassy, during which he provided information about planned terrorist activities by his mentor and offered his services to the British authorities. On this occasion, Hatano stated that his conversion to Islam had been only outward, and that he had become fascinated and manipulated by Barakatullah’s personality, being drawn into anti-British activities against his own will and intention [cf. Sareen 2009: 2:155-158].

III. The Islamic Fraternity in the Archives

No surviving issues of the Islamic Fraternity seem to exist in public or university libraries. A catalogue of the University of California Library [1913: 126] indicates that collection of the journal began in 1912, but all issues are now lost. However, issues of the journal have survived in several archives, which I will briefly describe below. My research has focused on archives and libraries in Western Europe, the Middle East, as well as Japan. It is likely that additional issues have survived elsewhere,

183 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） particularly in South Asia or the USA. However, as research in South Asia seems to have given only limited results and ongoing digitization in the USA has led to no new discoveries, it might be most promising to concentrate future research on private archives of people or institutions in Barakatullah’s extensive network (see below, part IV).

1. India Office Records at the British Library, London (IOR) Two issues of the Islamic Fraternity had already been located by Salih al-Samarrai, formerly chairman of the Islamic Center Japan, in the India Office Records (IOR) housed at the British Library. These are the issues of September 1910 (Vol. 1, No. 5-6) and May 1911 (Vol. 2, No. 2), which have circulated in the scholarly community. In the IOR, they are kept in a bound volume together with other journals of the Indian opposition.(6) A reprint of the September 1910 issue has recently been published in the journal Tehseel [2018] from Karachi. Although the journal indicates a private collection as its source, the condition of the copy suggests that it might be the one from the IOR.

2. Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de La Courneuve (CADC) In the French diplomatic archives, I managed to find five issues of the journal, including an additional copy of the September 1910 issue. The issues are part of the political correspondence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the French embassy in Tokyo and form a consecutive sample from September 1910 to January 1911 (Vol. 1, Nos. 5-6, 7, 8, 9, and 10). They were collected by the embassy at the explicit request of the ministry, which had learned of the existence of the Islamic Fraternity via an article in the German newspaper Münchner Neueste Nachrichten in January 1911. For the French diplomats in Paris, the Islamic Fraternity was worthy of attention as a journal “representing the interests of Islam in the Far East” and working for the spread of Islam in Japan.(7) Unfortunately for further research prospects, the French ambassador Auguste Gérard remarked to have been unable to get his hand on the first four issues of the journal.(8) Already in early 1911, these issues seem to have been lost, having been, as Gérard assumed, either discarded or purposefully destroyed.

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 184 3. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Istanbul (BOA) The Ottoman Archives contain at least one issue of the Islamic Fraternity of October 1911 (Vol. 2, No. 6-7).(9) This issue includes a lengthy article about the Italo- Turkish War of 1911-12, which had just started at the time. The article was translated into Ottoman Turkish by the Translation Office (Tercüme Odası) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the original journal was preserved for this reason. The fact that Barakatullah had visited Istanbul in the summer of 1911 suggests that he might have personally forwarded this issue to the Ottoman authorities later on.

4. Náprstek Museum, Prague (NM) The papers of the Czech Orientalist Alois Richard Nykl (1885-1958), which are kept at the Náprstek Museum in Prague, contain a small treasure of published and unpublished documents about Barakatullah and the early Muslim community in Japan [Ženka 2014: 78; see also Nykl 2016: 467-469]. Nykl stayed in Japan from 1912 to 1916, where he soon became aware of the Islamic Fraternity and made the acquaintance of Barakatullah. Josef Ženka of Charles University in Prague did pioneering work in bringing order into Nykl’s papers and making them available to researchers. The archive contains five issues of the Islamic Fraternity of April, May, September, and December 1911 (Vol. 2, Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 8), as well as June 1912 (Vol. 3, No. 3). It furthermore contains issues of the two successor journals of the Islamic Fraternity, El-Islam of March 1912 and January 1913 (Vol. 1, Nos. 1 and 4), and Islamic Unity of January/February 1914 (Vol. 1, No. 1-2).(10) As far as we know, the three issues of El-Islam and Islamic Unity preserved in the Nykl archive are the only ones still extant. But, the Nykl archive also gives hope that further issues of these journals and of the Islamic Fraternity may still be found in other private paper collections of the early twentieth century.

5. Overview It is difficult to calculate how many issues of the Islamic Fraternity were actually published between 1910 and 1912 as there were occasional gaps in publication. Judging from the surviving numbers, we can assume that eight issues appeared in 1910 (with a double issue in September), a maximum of ten issues in 1911 (with a gap in August and a double issue in November), and a maximum of nine issues until September 1912. In total, this gives a maximum number of twenty-seven issues, of which eleven can be

185 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） found in the archives outlined above. The following list will summarize the contents of the surviving issues of the Islamic Fraternity. From October 1910 onwards, when Barakatullah became the sole editor of the journal, I regard articles as written by him and expressing his opinions. Spelling and capitalization of titles are taken directly from the journal and may occasionally be inconsistent or wrong.

Vol. 1, No. 5-6 September 15, 1910 IOR, CADC

“Felicitations” (p. 1): The editors thank the subscribers and supporters of the journal and in particular Americans in the USA and abroad. Indians are criticized for being tardy in paying their subscription money. The American missionary Zwemer is mentioned as a prominent subscriber. A Japanese edition is announced, which is to be published “from the next month” with the help of Prof. Fujita(11) and Hatano Uhō. “There are some men who serve standing on the fence” (pp. 1-3): This is the continuation of one of the more theologically inspired articles, which deals with the inevitability of divine revelation and the role of human action therein. “Our trip to China” (p. 3): This article relates Barakatullah’s and Fadli’s joint trip to Shanghai and Nanjing. In Shanghai, they visited two “Chinese ” of which one is described as “being maintained by the Pabani Firm of Bombay, India” and the other is praised for its installation of modern bathrooms as an act of . The travelers also met fellow Muslims Arif El-Tabba from Beirut and representatives of Essabhoy and Pabani companies. “” (pp. 3-4): This article reviews the book Conversion by the Million by Timothy Richard. Despite some criticism, the tone is generally favorable, and a lengthy quotation about the conflicted history of Muslims’ integration into the Chinese empire is given. “Awakening of the ” (p. 4): The revolution in the Ottoman Empire and the re-establishment of constitutional rule are interpreted as a sign for a general awakening among Muslims. This awakening is also visible in the “growth of sound and solid literature,” particularly newspapers. Untitled matter (p. 4): The journal praises Japanese solidarity and mutual assistance after the floods in the country

Vol. 1, No. 7 October 15, 1910 CADC

“‘Let there be no compulsion in ’ (Q. II. 253)” (pp. 1, 4): First part of a three-part series on the prophet Muhammad and his services to mankind. The article states that Muhammad had become the most misunderstood religious teacher in the history of mankind by being associated with holy war. “The Japanese Latitudinarianism” (pp. 2-4): This article praises Japanese tolerance in religious matters. Muslims should follow the Japanese model, end their communal strives, and assist each other and the Ottoman and Persian empires. Untitled matter (p. 4): The Japanese dreadnaught “Kawachi” was launched in Yokohama and should be seen as a sign of the rise of Asia. Friendship: An Ode Composed by Her Majesty the Empress of Japan (p. 4): Reprint of a commentary on a poem composed by the Empress of Japan, written by Baron Takasaki, President of the Board of Poetry. Untitled matter (p. 4): Financial difficulties have led to the postponement of a Japanese edition of the journal. Illustrations: One depiction of “The Biggest Battleship afloat in the world to-day. H.I.J.M.’s battle-ship ‘Kawachi’” and another of “The Mikado’s regalia.”

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 186 Vol. 1, No. 8 November 15, 1910 CADC

“Do the Indian Muslims Need a University” (pp. 1-3): A commentary on discussions about the establishment of a Muslim university in India. Barakatullah suggests, among others, that the All India Muslim League should devote its energies to education instead of politics. The article also advocates unity between Hindus and Muslims. “‘Let there be no compulsion in Religion’ (Q. II. 257)” (pp. 3-4): Continuation of the article about prophet Muhammad, praising the first followers of Islam and criticizing the Umayyads for establishing a despotic regime.

Vol. 1, No. 9 December 15, 1910 CADC

“Christmas 1910” (pp. 1-3): Barakatullah interprets the meaning of Christmas from a Muslim point of view: Christmas has acquired a universal character that transcended ; Muslims should not hesitate to celebrate ’s birthday, not least because he was also one of their prophets. “‘Let There be no Compulsion in Religion’ (Q. II. 257)” (pp. 3-4): Last part of the article about prophet Muhammad that praises the first believers in Islam. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah complains about divisions between Hindus and Muslims (“Mohammadans”) in India. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah has received a copy of the book The Oriental Rose by Mary Hanford Ford, sent to him from the USA, and quotes a paragraph complaining about human cruelty in the world despite the peaceful teachings of different religions.

Vol. 1, No. 10 January 15, 1911 CADC

“The Persian problem” (pp. 1-4): Persia’s geographic location makes it into the heart of the Muslim world, but it is weakened through infighting and foreign intervention. Persians should learn patriotism and unity from the Japanese. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah and two of his colleagues of the Tokyo School of Foreign Languages visited the New Year’s ceremony at the Imperial Palace. Untitled matter (p. 4): Andrew Carnegie donated ten million dollars to charity. Barakatullah hopes that this money will be used to overcome social and racial discrimination. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah has received a copy of the book Sa‘ādat al-anām bi-l-tamassuk bi-dīn al-Islām by ‘Uthmān ‘Alawī, of Java. He quotes a paragraph about the universal and eternal value of Islam. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah attended the opening session of the Japanese parliament together with Mirza Hashim from Persia and a representative of Essabhoy Company from Yokohama. “Notice” (p. 4): Admonition to subscribers, particularly those in India, to pay their subscription money.

Vol. 2, No. 1 April 15, 1911 NM

“The Young Turks and Conciliatory Policy” (pp. 1-3): Barakatullah comments on Yemeni and Albanian uprisings in the Ottoman Empire. He interprets these uprisings as the workings of European great powers, which try to keep the empire weakened by sowing division and fostering unrest against the new constitutionalist government. “Two Distinguished Guests and Islamic Association of Japan” (pp. 3-4): Riza and Taher Husaini, two Ottoman ulema, visited Tokyo from April 2 to 15, 1911. Ali Riza was on his way back to Istanbul after spending four years as a religious teacher in China, while Taher Husaini was on his way to China to become Ali Riza’s successor. The two Ottomans were introduced to representatives of the Japanese military by Ahmad Fadli, at whose house they also stayed. On the occasion of the visit, Barakatullah together with Indian Muslims from Yokohama and Kobe created the Islamic Association of Japan. Barakatullah comments on his fallout with Fadli, stating that the latter was opposed to Muslim missionary work in Japan. Illustrations: Two pictures of the Muslim gatherings, one with the capture “Muslims entertained by their Japanese Confreres,” the other saying “Muster of Muslims in Tokyo.”

187 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） Vol. 2, No. 2 May 15, 1911 IOR, NM

“The Dutch Rule in Java” (pp. 1-2): Letter from Java, dated April 29, 1911; originally in Arabic and translated by Barakatullah. The writer complains about Dutch cruelty, discrimination, taxation, and forced labor in Java. According to him, the Japanese are originally from Java, which gives proof of the high civilizational potential of the Javanese people. “ to be Ousted from ” (pp. 2-3): Barakatullah summarizes an article from the New York Times (March 5, 1911) about Great Britain’s desire to take away the from the Ottomans and establish an Arab . He warns that British supremacy would be more severe on the than Turkish rule. “Is it peace and good-will or war and ill-will? Which of them to triumph?” (pp. 3-4): The article comments on a letter that Andrew Carnegie had sent to the New York Evening Post (April 7, 1911), praising President Taft’s suggestion to conclude an arbitration treaty with Great Britain as a step towards world peace. Barakatullah critically contrasts this endeavor with American warmongering against Mexico.

Vol. 2, No. 4 September 15, 1911 NM

“The Islamic Propaganda in Japan” (pp. 1-4): Hatano Uhō introduces a letter exchange that had taken place in The Japan Advertiser (Tokyo) in May 1911 regarding the future of Islam in Japan. Hatano sees such kinds of public debate as a step towards spreading Islam in the country. Then follow reprints of three reader’s letters to the Japan Advertiser, written by “Plaindealer” (Franz Schroeder), Nykl, and Barakatullah.

Vol. 2, No. 6-7 October and November 15, 1911 BOA

“Italy, and Turkey or The Cross and the ” (pp. 1-4): Barakatullah has received a letter from a friend in New York, which suggested several interpretations for Italy’s invasion of Ottoman Libya. Barakatullah subsequently discusses Germany’s friendly attitude towards the Ottomans and the dilemma that the aggression of Germany’s ally against Ottoman territory has created for German policies in the Middle East. He then calls on Muslims in the world to support the Ottoman Empire morally and financially. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah asks the Ottoman Empire to ally itself with Germany because William II is the “friend of Islam.” Untitled matter (p. 4): A gathering of Muslims took place at Barakatullah’s house after the latter’s return to Japan; attendees expressed their solidarity with the Ottoman Empire. “Now it is the time to give” (p. 4): This text was drafted by the afore-mentioned gathering to exhort Muslims to contribute to the Ottoman navy fund. “From ‘the Evening Post,’ New York” (p. 4): Reprint of a commentary from the New York Evening Post that critically examined the reasons for Italy’s invasion of Libya. “Our return to Duty” (p. 4): Barakatullah has returned to Japan after a four-month trip to Europe. He thanks Hatano Uhō and Franz Schroeder (formerly editor of the Eastern World), for publishing the Islamic Fraternity in his absence, lamenting however that the August issue could not be published. Untitled matter (p. 4): Barakatullah spoke at the Sakurada Club on November 4, 1911, on the topics of “our visit to ” and the “Italian-Turkish war.” The lecture was organized by the Ajia Gikai, which also invited Barakatullah to give regular seminars on the teachings of Islam. Untitled matter (p. 4): Akira Oguri, one of Baraktullah’s students at the Tokyo School of Foreign Languages, has left for Bombay as representative of a Japanese company. Illustrations: On its title page, the issue shows a joint photograph of Barakatullah and Oguri. It further includes a map of Libya and North Africa.

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 188 Vol. 2, No. 8 December 15, 1911 NM

“First Conversion to Islam in Japan” (pp. 1-2): Hatano Uhō, neighbor and co-worker of Barakatullah, converted to Islam together with his wife and his father-in-law Hiki Kentarō. The ceremony took place at Barakatullah’s house in Tokyo and assembled an international group of Muslims and non- Muslims (among them Alois Nykl, Beatrice Lane, and the Swiss traveler Lina Bögli). The article concludes with the poem “For Now and Coming Time” by Philip Henry Dodge, who was also one of the attendees. “Our new brethren in the Faith” (pp. 2-3): Short biographical sketches of Hiki Kentarō and Hatano. Hatano decided to convert because of his abhorrence for suicide. Hiki saw Islam as a useful religion for Japanese soldiers. “Our Plan of Work” (p. 3): Hatano will start publishing a Japanese-language journal about Islam, and the Ajia Gikai will organize regular lectures on Islamic issues. Barakatullah plans to build an Islamic college in Tokyo. “You can not fool all the people all the time.” (pp. 3-4): Barakatullah complains about Reuters’ reporting on the war between Italy and the Ottoman Empire, which systematically ignores Ottoman victories. These victories are, however, reported in the Turkish and Arabic newspapers from Istanbul and Cairo, showing that Muslims are united against the Italian enemy. Untitled matter (p. 3): A reprint from the China Times of October 16, 1911: Chinese Muslims in Beijing expressed their solidarity with the Ottoman Caliph in the war against Italy. Illustrations: One picture of Hatano and his family on the title page, additionally a group picture of the attendees of the conversion ceremony.

Vol. 3, No. 3 June 1912 NM

“Christian Combination Against Islam” (pp. 1-3): Christian conquerors are plundering Muslim lands and killing Muslims. The responsibility lies with the Triple Entente and its plans for world conquest by disregarding the rights of non-. Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan should ally themselves with Germany and Austria-Hungary to defend themselves. “Nil Desperandum” (pp. 3-4): Emperor William II of Germany should seize the opportunity to negotiate a solution for the Oriental Question; Muslims should place their hopes in Germany. “A Sad Event” (p. 4): Barakatullah’s colleague at the Tokyo School of Foreign Languages and fellow Muslim Ibraheem bin Ahmad [Ibrahim Ahmad] died on May 28, 1912. Ahmad was from Singapore and teacher of Malay. His burial took place at Zoshigaya cemetery and gathered Muslims from Tokyo and Yokohama.

6. Successor Journals In the Nykl archive in Prague, we can find two issues of El-Islam and one issue of the Islamic Unity, the hitherto largely unknown successor journals of the Islamic Fraternity. The two surviving issues of El-Islam (Nos. 1 and 4) are very different. In both issues, Hatano is given as the editor and manager of the journal, but while the first issue is only four pages long and predominantly written in Japanese (except for a one-page English letter by Alois Nykl), the fourth issue has been extended to twelve pages, of which eight to nine are written in English. In the first issue, the title is given as Isuramu (written in katakana) and al-Islām (written in Arabic) but not in English. The fourth issue carries two title pages in English and Japanese, the Japanese one being similar to the first issue and the English one providing the title El-Islam, written in

189 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） Latin characters. The English title is accompanied by the subtitle “An organ devoted to propagating Islam in Japan and promoting brotherhood among the Muslims all over the world,” which is missing from the Japanese title page. This noteworthy change between the two issues undoubtedly reflects the closure of the Islamic Fraternity in the meantime, which turned El-Islam from being a mere Japanese supplement into a full- fledged successor journal. The second successor journal, the Islamic Unity, follows the exact same outline. Again “Edited and Managed by Hasan U. Hatano of Tokyo,” it consists of nine pages of English text and three pages of Japanese text. On its Japanese title page it is called Dōhōshugi (in kanji) and al-Waḥda al-islāmiyya (in Arabic), while its English title is accompanied by the unchanged subtitle “An Organ devoted to propagating Islam in Japan and promoting brotherhood among the Muslims all over the world.” The contents of both journals are summarized below. Due to the scarcity of available source material, it seems impossible, at this point, to give an estimate of the total number of published issues.

No. 1 (Isuramu) March 1912 NM

“Shinkō no sengen” (p. 1): Presentation of five articles of the Islamic in Japanese (omitting predestination). This is a recurring item on the Japanese title pages of all three journals edited by Hatano. “Gunkoku no shūkyō” (pp. 1-2), “Gokajō no chokuyu to korān” (p. 3): These two articles by Hatano reflect on the military value of Islam and its suitability for Japan. “Gokajō no chokuyu to korān” is the first part of an article that was also published in Daitō under Hatano’s name [Misawa 2001: 67]. While Daitō contains an article entitled “Gunkoku no shūkyō” as well, it is not identical to the one published here. Reprint of a letter by Nykl (p. 4, in English): Nykl encourages Hatano’s project of publishing an Islamic newspaper in Japanese and gives his personal interpretation of the most remarkable teaching of Islam, i.e., “the absolute oneness of God.”

Vol. 1, No. 4 (Isuramu/El-Islam) January 1913 NM

“Kiamil Pasha’s Policy and its effect on Islam and the Khilafet” (pp. 1-8): The Ottoman Empire has entered an existential crisis, and Muslims need to support it by “making liberal offerings of money, service and life itself.” The article denounces those who oppose the Young Turks as traitors and reactionaries. It identifies Kiamil Pasha as being at the heart of an unpatriotic conspiracy that aims at abolishing the constitution. “Notice” (p. 8): El-Islam asks for financial support from the worldwide Muslim community and advertises a complete set of the Islamic Fraternity (with unspecified lacunae) at the price of ten shillings. “Notice” (p. 8): New subscribers to El-Islam will receive “a beautiful souvenir card, containing the creed of Islam in Japanese and adorned with the likenesses of H. I. M. the Emperor of Japan and H. I. M. the of Turkey – the Khalif of Islam.” “‘Is there no man of prudence among you?’ (Q. XI. 80)” (p. 9): Reprint of an American letter that warns of the treacherous plans of Kiamil Pasha, who is identified as a dönme Jew.

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 190 “Shinkō no sengen” (Japanese pagination, p. 1): Five articles of the aqidah in Japanese. “Isuramu no igi” (Japanese pagination, pp. 2-3): This article provides an outline of the meaning of Islam and the almightiness and oneness of God. “Mosuremu toshite yo no mitaru shijō ai” (Japanese pagination, pp. 3-4): This is the first part of an article, in which Hatano identifies benevolence (jinshin) as the core of religious and moral teachings in general and Islam in particular. Illustrations: One depiction of the (“The House of God, which All Muslims look to while praying”) and a picture of “His Highness Suleman bin Nasar of Zanzibar” (together with Barakatullah and Hatano).

Vol. 1, No. 1-2 (Islamic Unity) January and February 1914 NM

“Our Aims and objects” (pp. 1-2): In this self-introduction, the journal assigns itself a missionary and pan-Islamic character: “It is our conviction that the introduction of Islam into Japan will be of advantage both to our people and to the three hundred million followers of the Arabian Prophet.” The journal then calls on Muslims in the world to support missionary work in Japan. Khwaja Kamal-ud- Din is praised for publishing the journal Muslim India and Islamic Review in London. “Man – a Store-house of endless potentialities physical, mental, moral and spiritual” (pp. 2-5): Interpretation of 95 “al-Tīn.” The Surah is taken as inspiration to overcome the difficulties Muslims in the modern world are facing, through “hope, self-reliance, discipline, mutual help and self- sacrifice.” “A remarkable gathering” (p. 5): On October 2, 1913, Barakatullah organized a dinner party for the American Unitarian J. T. Sunderland on the occasion of the latter’s visit the Tokyo. The event was attended by high-ranking Japanese, who praised the friendship between Japan and the USA. “Revelation” (pp. 5-9): An interpretation of the phenomena of prophecy and revelation, including not only the biblical prophets but also figures from Hinduism and . “Shinkō no sengen” (Japanese pagination, p. 1): Five articles of the aqidah in Japanese. “Shuchō” (Japanese pagination, p. 1): A short discussion of the future of Japan in a racist and imperialist world (incomplete). “Sono oshie” and “Hengen” (Japanese pagination, pp. 2-3): A short , its global spread, and its amalgamation of religion and politics. “Kōran yori” and “Mohamaddo no kingen” (Japanese pagination, pp. 2-4): These are short presentations of Muhammad’s life and of statements attributed to him, signed by Hatano. Illustrations: The issue contains two pictures of social events in which Barakatullah took part, “A groop [sic] of Muslims, who took part in the ceremony of Dr. Alfred Westharp’s conversion to Islam at Tokyo” and “Muster of representatives of races and religions at Tokyo. Banquet organized by Prof. M. Barakatullah on behalf of the Muslim community in honor of Dr. J. T. Sunderland – an emissary of peace and good will from America.”

IV. The Islamic Fraternity in Contemporary Publications

Apart from the scattered issues of the Islamic Fraternity themselves, numerous reprints, quotes, and comments in other publications of the early twentieth century can give us further clues as to the journal’s contents, outreach, and place in the publishing world. In general, the journal seems to have been remarkably successful in making itself known across the globe during the two and a half years of its existence. In part, this was due to the wide-reaching personal networks of Barakatullah, which he doubtlessly used

191 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） to circulate his journal. The following survey of summaries and reprints from the Islamic Fraternity is evidently far from complete. The ongoing digitization of print materials is constantly opening up new possibilities for research, which I have made use of within the range of my capacities. Despite its incomplete nature, even this preliminary research shows that the journal appealed to very different readerships and could be deemed worth reading for its missionary, anti-colonialist, liberally religious, or pan-Islamist contents.

1. Orientalist Journals The most obvious commentators on the Islamic Fraternity are contemporary Orientalist publications. The French Revue du Monde Musulman in March 1911 carried an article that summarized the October 1910 (Vol. 1, No. 7) issue of the Islamic Fraternity, concluding that the relations between the Ottomans and the Far East were becoming ever more important [Bouvat 1911]. The Revue du Monde Musulman also regularly observed the press in the Ottoman Empire and Egypt, and it notified its readers about mention of the Japanese journal [Massignon 1910: 295; 1911: 363]. The German Die Welt des , founded by Martin Hartmann, in its first very issue (1913) also mentioned the Islamic Fraternity, depicting it as being in favor of the Young Turks and working towards an alliance between Japan, the Ottoman Empire, and Afghanistan. Barakatullah was described as a pupil of the British Orientalist E. J .W. Gibb, best known for his history of Ottoman poetry [Hartmann 1913]. The most extensive coverage is to be found in the American Orientalist-cum- missionary journal Moslem World, founded and edited by the eminent Protestant missionary Samuel Zwemer (a subscriber to the Islamic Fraternity). In its April 1911 issue, William Gairdner [1911a: 189-190] gave an account of the very first number of the Islamic Fraternity of April 1910, describing it as a sign of Muslim missionary ambitions in Japan, “the great quarry the power-worshipping Mohammedan lusts after.” Half a year later, the Moslem World reprinted large segments of an article that had appeared in the Islamic Fraternity’s April 1911 issue and related the visit to Tokyo by the two Ottoman scholars of Islam [Gairdner 1911b: 435-439]. William Gairdner, again responsible for this extensive coverage, clarified his intentions as an attempt to present more reliable information about Muslim missionary activities in Japan. Gairdner had, as he explained, received copies of the Islamic Fraternity through his missionary colleague W. H. Elwin, who had allegedly received them from Barakatullah himself.

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 192 The same article of April 1911 was thereafter summarized a second time in a later issue of the Moslem World [1912: 101-2]. In 1914, the journal picked up the topic again and reproduced a letter by Barakatullah to the Dutch missionary Albertus Pieters, who had before asked him for copies of the Islamic Fraternity and Hatano Uhō’s journal Gunjin (“Soldier”).

2. The Religious and Spiritualist Press Apart from the Moslem World, one can find traces of the Islamic Fraternity in strictly missionary publications as well. The Church Missionary Review [1911] from London made mention of its first four issues, which the missionary journal had allegedly received from “a friend.” The journal left a positive impression and was praised for its respectful treatment of Christianity. The Church Missionary Review seems to have had further access to the Islamic Fraternity, as soon afterwards we can read a summary of the aforementioned article about the Ottoman scholars’ visit to Tokyo [Harding 1911: 748]. A religious journal of a different kind was the Open Court, edited by Paul Carus in La Salle, Illinois. Carus was a follower of Monism, interested in exploring different religious approaches, and became most influential with his works on Buddhism. The Open Court dedicated itself to the search for religious truths and to bringing science and religion into harmony. Carus seems to have regularly received copies of the Islamic Fraternity, underscoring Barakutallah’s connection with religious liberals during his sojourn in the USA [cf. Siddiqui 2017: 45]. First, the Open Court summarized at length Barakatullah’s description of Hatano’s conversion ceremony [Carus 1912a]. It is probably no coincidence that one of the guests at the ceremony was Beatrice Lane, who shortly afterwards married the famous Buddhist scholar D. T. Suzuki. Suzuki had been a long-term member of the editorial team of the Open Court during his stay in the USA 1897-1907 [Henderson 1993: 102-107]. On another occasion, the Open Court cited an article that the Islamic Fraternity had published about the king of Afghanistan and his reaction to Italy’s invasion of Ottoman Libya; the article from the Islamic Fraternity was taken as evidence for the existence of worldwide Muslim solidarity [Carus 1912b]. A later article in the Open Court was critical of the Islamic Fraternity, pointing out a conflagration of religion and politics in the latter’s criticism of Christian countries’ hostility towards Islam [Carus 1912c]. The presence of Beatrice Lane in Barakatullah’s network is significant not only

193 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） with regard to the Open Court but also because she was claimed as a convert by the youthful Bahai movement [Tweed 2005: 256-57]. This points to the possibility that Bahai publications might be potential sources of information about Barakatullah’s activities. Indeed, Barakatullah was mentioned in the Bahai News as early as April 1910 as someone who “had gathered quite a group of truth-seekers from both the foreigners living in Tokyo as well as from the Japanese people” [Remey 1910: 2]. The author of these words, Charles Mason Remey, was a Bahai missionary and had met Barakatullah during a six-day stay in Tokyo in December 1909 [Alexander 1977: 4-5]. Later on, the Bahai journal Star of the West [1911] presented Barakatullah to its readers as the editor of the Islamic Fraternity, together with a photograph. It seems that Barakatullah during his last years in the USA had become very close to the Bahai religion or had even joined the Bahai community, prompting their leader Abdul-Baha [1911: 4] to describe the Islamic Fraternity to his followers as a Bahai journal. This connection was severed soon after [Alexander 1977: 5], but it was still reflected in the October 1910 issue of the Islamic Fraternity, when Baraktullah quoted approvingly from a book by the Bahai author Mary Hanford Rose. Barakatullah was also a friend of Philip H. Dodge, an American who taught English in Japan. Dodge and his wife were sympathizers of the Bahai faith and on several occasions hosted Bahai travelers visiting Japan in the 1910s [ibid.: 4-5]. Ahmadis were another emerging religious group in Islam, which paid attention to the activities of Barakatullah in Japan, motivated by their own missionary impetus. The Ahmadi journal from Lahore, Review of Religions [1912], carried a complete reprint of an article from the Islamic Fraternity: Barakatullah’s description of the conversion ceremony of Hatano and his family. The journal hailed Hatano’s conversion as “glad tidings” concerning the future of Islam in Japan. The Islamic Review and Muslim India, attached to the Ahmadi-controlled Woking Mosque near London, also published an article by Barakatullah [1914]. This one was not a reprint but a new piece written at the very end of Barakatullah’s stay in Japan. In it, the author looked back on his time in Japan and the history of the Islamic Fraternity; he announced his – as he wrote: temporary – departure to the USA and asked the (Ahmadi) readers for assistance in continuing Islamic missionary work in Japan. It also mentioned a letter exchange between Barakatullah, Hatano, and Khwaja Kamal-ud-Din, the missionary of the Lahore and editor of the Islamic Review. The Islamic Fraternity was also reviewed in the pan-Buddhist Journal of

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 194 the Maha Bodhi Society [1911], although much less sympathetically. Depicting Barakatullah as a Muslim missionary in Japan, the journal made clear to its readers that Islam was actually unfit for civilized countries and that only Buddhism was a progressive religion.

3. The Pan-Asianist Paper Daitō and the English-Language Press in Japan Since Barakatullah was an active participant in the social life of Tokyo, one can expect mention of his journal in the Japanese press. As it appears, it has left its traces particularly in two different kinds of journals: the mouthpiece Daitō (“Great East”) of the pan-Asianist society Ajia Gikai and the English-language press. Again, this gives testimony to the multi-faceted activities and wide-spread networks of Barakatullah. In Daitō, one can find three articles from the Islamic Fraternity, which Hatano had translated into Japanese. The first of these articles was taken from the (still lost) February 1911 issue and concerned the arrival of three Ottoman students (Ahmed Münir, Mehmed Tevfik, and Hasan Fehmi) in Japan [Barakatullah 1911a]. Another article was taken from the April 1911 issue and dealt with the visit of the two Ottoman scholars to Tokyo [Barakatullah 1911b]. The Ajia Gikai had played an active part in inviting and welcoming both the Ottoman students and scholars. As the stated goal of the Ajia Gikai was outreach towards Muslim countries and populations, Ottoman visitors to Japan were of particular interest. A third article concerned the Muslim community in Kobe [Barakatullah 1911c]. This was a letter that Barakatullah, while he was on his way to Europe in summer 1911, had sent to Hatano to be published in the Islamic Fraternity. As Hatano and Schroeder, who edited the journal during Barakatullah’s absence, failed to publish at least one of the scheduled issues, it is doubtful whether the afore-mentioned article actually appeared in the Islamic Fraternity [cf. Ker 1973: 120-21]. A particularly interesting source is the English-language newspaper Japan Advertiser, published in Tokyo. In April 1911, this newspaper summarized and quoted at length from the February 1911 issue of the Islamic Fraternity, which called on Muslims to unite behind the Ottoman Caliph . Reşad [Japan Advertiser 1911a]. One month later, it reprinted the Islamic Fraternity’s article about the Ottoman scholars’ visit to Tokyo, which we have already encountered more than once [Japan Advertiser 1911b]. In the Japan Advertiser, this article triggered a number of responses and letters to the editor, in which Franz Schroeder (under the pen name “Plaindealer”),

195 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） Alois Nykl, and Barakatullah himself – as well as a fourth participant who called himself “Simple Fact” – discussed the prospects of Islam in Japan. While the details of this debate do not seem relevant for the purposes of this article, it is noteworthy that the debate was summarized soon after by Hatano [1911] in Daitō and partly reprinted in the Islamic Fraternity of September 1911. Last but not least, the Japan Advertiser [1911c] also reprinted Barakatullah’s account of Hatano’s conversion in extensor. While one may assume that Barakatullah was acquainted with the editors of the Japan Advertiser, other journals from Japan present counter-examples of indirect coverage, where information about the Islamic Fraternity was cited from newspapers abroad. A case in point is the Japan Chronicle [1912a: 779] from Kobe, which first became aware of Barakatullah’s journal through the Lahore-based Review of Religions. Later on, however, the Japan Chronicle [1912b: 725-726; 1912c] furnished detailed first-hand information about the Islamic Fraternity, when the latter’s suppression was discussed in the British press and parliament. Similarly, the Japan Times [1911] quoted the Islamic Fraternity via the American Review of Reviews, without in this case giving further commentary.

4. General Interest Journals and Daily Press Sometimes reference to the Islamic Fraternity can be found in the general interest press such as the American Review of Reviews, which contained articles and summaries from various journals of its time. Its attention was drawn by the Islamic Fraternity’s February 1911 article about Caliph Mehmed V. Reşad. For the American Review of Reviews [1911: 619], this piece constituted a “remarkable sign of the times as indicating the religious activity now developing in the ranks of Islam.” The German daily Münchner Allgemeine Nachrichten reported about the Islamic Fraternity in January 1911, referring to its September 1910 issue. This article, although rather short, then triggered the interest of the French authorities, thanks to which several copies of the Islamic Fraternity can today be found in the French diplomatic archives. Although no sources were mentioned in the German article, it was probably a reprint from Der Osmanische Lloyd, a paper which was published in German and French in Istanbul (see below). When the suppression of the Islamic Fraternity was imminent, The Times from London also began to gather information about the Tokyo journal. However, contrary to the assessment of the Times [1912] that the Islamic Fraterniy “had a small circulation

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 196 among Indian students in Japan as well as among some Mahomedans in other Oriental countries,” this survey shows that the global outreach of Barakatullah’s journal was in fact far more considerable.

5. Middle Eastern Journals Abdürreşid İbrahim, after leaving Japan and undertaking the pilgrimage to Mecca together with Yamaoka (Yamaoka Mitsutarō/Kōtarō) from the Ajia Gikai, settled down in Istanbul and was warmly welcomed by the circle around the Islamist journal Sırat-ı Müstakim (after 1912 Sebilürreşad). The Ottoman students in Tokyo frequently contributed articles, particularly Abdürreşid İbrahim’s son Ahmed Münir [cf. Gündoğdu 2007; 2012]. Barakatullah as well was in contact with the journal and unsurprisingly, it carried summaries and quotations from the Islamic Fraternity in Ottoman Turkish translation. Sırat-ı Müstakim [1911] reprinted an account of Barakatullah’s farewell dinner with the leaders of the Ajia Gikai before his journey to Europe and to the Ottoman Empire in summer 1911. In 1913, Sebilürreşad reported that the Islamic Fraternity was calling for Muslim unity. Lastly, and similarly to the Islamic Review and Muslim India, Sebilürreşad carried an article by Barakatullah [1913] looking back on his time and works in Japan. Barakatullah and Fadli, following the establishment of the Islamic Fraternity, seem to have sent their journal to several Ottoman papers to make it known in the Ottoman Empire. In both al-Iqbāl [1910] and al-Ittiḥād al-‘Uthmānī [1910] from Beirut, we find an extensive summary of the first issue of the Islamic Fraternity, in both cases taken from a newspaper in Istanbul. Afterwards, al-Iqbāl [1912] also reported on the conversion of Hatano and his family, based on a summary in the Cairene daily al-Mu’ayyad. In al-‘Irfān [1911] from Sidon, we find a complete translation of the article “The Japanese Latitudinarianism,” sent to the journal by the local resident Sharīf ‘Usayrān. Der Osmanische Lloyd [1910] from Istanbul summarized the September 1910 issue of the Islamic Fraternity, which it claimed to have received from Tokyo. The Islamic Fraternity was also known among reformist circles in Cairo and was reviewed in Rashīd Riḍā’s al-Manār [Kāmil 1910].

6. Journals of the Indian Independence Movement The journals of the Indian independence movement are other likely sources for information about the Islamic Fraternity, although I had difficulties finding references,

197 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） not least due to lack of access and conservation. The Paris-based Indian Sociologist [1910], edited by Shyamji Krishnavarma, recommended the Islamic Fraternity “not only to the followers of The Prophet [sic] but also to all who cherish the ideal of national renaissance.” Barakatullah was reportedly in charge of distributing of the Indian Sociologist in East Asia [Fischer-Tiné 2007: 338].

V. Conclusion: A Multi-Faceted Journal

As indicated on its title page, the Islamic Fraternity conveyed an unequivocal message of religious tolerance, co-existence, and interreligious dialogue. This was not just an empty slogan, as Barakatullah had frequented circles of religious liberals during his days in the USA and continued to do so in Japan. Two particularly noteworthy articles in this respect are the ones entitled “The Japanese Latitudinarianism” (October 1910) and “Christmas 1910” (December 1910). The first article praised the harmonious co-existence of different religions in Japan. It presented this religious tolerance as an admonishment to Muslims in the world to overcome their sectarian differences and unite as brothers, with the ultimate goal “of realizing the family of God consisting of His all free, happy and loving children having this planet of ours for their universal home.” The second article conveyed a Christmas message, in which Barakatullah pointed out that Christmas had already acquired a universal character and that Muslims should not hesitate to celebrate it as the birthday of Jesus. Within these messages of religious harmony, however, one can already detect political undertones, which were predominantly pro-Ottoman and pan-Islamist or anti-British and anti-colonial in tendency. In the first article, for example, a tolerant Japan was depicted not only as a model for religious harmony but also as an ideal of patriotism and self-sacrifice, which should inspire Muslims all over the world to join hands and actively support the Ottoman Empire. In the second article, Barakatullah denounced European in general and British imperialism in particular, describing British-India as “a of poverty.” Despite such political undertones, the religious and ostensibly apolitical character of the Islamic Fraternity successfully protected it from persecution by the British-Indian government for almost two years until 1912 [Ker 1973: 120-121]. A turning point in British indifference might have been Barakatullah’s outspoken support for German policies and for Muslim alliances with

AJAMES no.35-2 2019 198 Germany in later issues. A cursory analysis of the Islamic Fraternity already goes beyond common politicized labels for the journal as either pan-Islamist or anti-colonialist, which are unable to capture the broader appeal of the journal to religious liberals. Although anti- colonialist messages of liberation and religious liberalism often went hand in hand, it is worthwhile to remember that the journal could also be read, referenced, and recommended for its religious contents. Similarly, the Islamic Fraternity often enough acted as a mouthpiece for the small Muslim community of Tokyo/Yokohama, reporting on micro-developments and encounters. The topic of Islam in Japan seems to have strongly resonated with contem- poraries, as the most-referenced articles of the Islamic Fraternity were the stories of Hatano’s conversion and of the Ottoman scholars’ visit to Tokyo. The latter article included mention of how the Ottoman visitors were welcomed by the newly founded “Islamic Association of Japan,” whose alleged aim was to spread Islam in Japan. Representation of Japan’s Muslim community to non-Muslim readers thus appears as a central aspect of the Islamic Fraternity’s contents and public image. The topic of Islam in Japan also followed up on false or exaggerated news about the imminent of Japan, which had spread after the end of the Russo-Japanese War 1904-05 and which had found considerable worldwide interest [cf. Brandenburg 2019]. The discussion about the future of Islam in Japan that was published on the pages of the Japan Advertiser and reprinted in the Islamic Fraternity bears witness to Barakatullah’s ambition to be a public figure in Tokyo. In this discussion, Barakatullah publicly positioned himself as an Islamic authority and Muslim voice of reason. Barakatullah’s entry in the Japanese Who’s Who explicitly mentioned his journal among his activities [Ishikawa 1916: 4]. This underscores once again that the Islamic Fraternity was not merely a revolutionary or even a clandestine journal but effectively combined political messages with Barakatullah’s self-promotion as an enlightened Muslim intellectual in a non-Muslim environment.

Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Ondřej Crhák, Helena Heroldová, Michaela Tydlitátová, Josef Ženka, Kuwayama Keiko, Ono Junichi, and Samee Siddiqui for their assistance in researching and writing this article.

199 An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan（Brandenburg） Notes

(1) In the Kazan newspaper Beyanülhak, Abdürreşid İbrahim described how he first entered Fadli’s house and noticed a number of pictures of Japanese officers and generals. Fadli’s wife then explained to him: “These are friends of my husband” [İbrahim 1909a]. (2) According to the Japan Chronicle [1912a], the Islamic Fraternity was not strictly a monthly journal but one which was published on an irregular basis. Judging from the surviving issues of the journals, however, the intervals broadly followed a monthly rhythm. (3) On the front page of the September 1910 issue of the Islamic Fraternity, one finds the advice that “All literary communications should be sent to M. Barakatullah, […] and all business communications to A. Fadli […].” (4) Membership lists of the Ajia Gikai can be found in the society’s journal Daitō, collected and digitized by Tōyō University. See: Tōyō Daigaku Ajia Bunka Kenkyūjo Ajia Chiiki Kenkyū Sentā 2008. (5) Apparently, there had been no formal request for the suppression of the journal. Claude MacDonald reported that he “informally” addressed the Japanese foreign minister after reading about the Islamic Fraternity in the Times. The minister then took the necessary steps to close down the journal. See: The National Archives, London, FO 371/1391 [46689], MacDonald to Grey, October 15, 1912. (6) IOR, EPP 2/19-20. I express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to Professor Sugita Hideaki for providing me with a copy of the first of these issues during my stay in Japan in 2008/09, when I was still a graduate student. (7) CADC, Nouvelle Série, Japon 15. January 2, 1911. (8) CADC, Nouvelle Série, Japon 15. Gérard to Pichon, February 27, 1911. (9) BOA, HR.TO 542.115. (10) The latter journal is referred to in several contemporary publications, but under the English translation “Islamic Brotherhood.” (11) Fujita’s full name is not given in the Islamic Fraternity. According to Auguste Gérard, the French ambassador in Tokyo, this was Fujita Akira of the Shiryō hensan-kakari (“l’Institut de compilation historique”) at Tokyo Imperial University. It has to be added, though, that Gérard in the same dispatch misidentified Hatano Uhō as Hatano Seiichi. CADC, Nouvelle Série, Japon 15. Gérard to Pichon, February 9, 1911.

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ABSTRACT Ulrich BRANDENBURG An Inventory of the First Muslim Journal in Japan: The Islamic Fraternity (1910-12) and Its Successors

This article aims at providing an inventory of the available source material concerning the Islamic Fraternity, the first journal in Japan that was published by Muslims and dealt predominantly with Islamic topics. The journal was founded in 1910 in Tokyo by the Bhopali Indian Muhammad Barakatullah and the Egyptian Ahmad Fadli, in all probability with the assistance of the Japanese military. Although the journal’s publication was suppressed by the Japanese government in 1912, during the two and a half years of its existence it managed to attract a considerable degree of attention across the globe. Up to now, however, only two issues of the journal were known to researchers, and most information had to be drawn from British-Indian colonial documents. This article points to a number of further surviving issues that can be located in different archives, surviving issues of its short-lived successor journals, as well as various traces that the Islamic Fraternity has left in the press of its time. Taken together, these are valuable resources to develop a better understanding of early twentieth century exchanges between Japan and Muslim communities in Asia as well as the history of Islam in Japan.

Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute of Asian and Oriental Studies, Dept. of , University of Zurich

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