001022 South African and Namibian people. tolerated the presence of their representati'0sQ 0 5 7 5 ' ' Recently, the Anglican synod adopted a mo­ on the Board for Religious Objection. Steps tion calling for the 'demilitarisation' of are now being taken to have these represen­ chaplains serving in the SADF, So that they tatives removed, but the churches have already will not be expected to wear uniform or carry assisted the board in gaining some credibili­ weapons. But it failed to endorse a motion call­ ty, in that growing numbers' of young conscien­ ing for chaplains to be withdrawn from the war tious objectors are applying for — and usual­ zones of Namibia, and did not discuss a resolu- s ly receiving — postings in the Alternative Ser­ tion calling on members of the church to refuse vice scheme. to serve in the illegal and brutal occupation of Alternative Service Serves the Regime Namibia, because it ran out of time! Nor would Objectors participating in the Alternative Ser­ the church give full support to the anti- vice Scheme ignore the fact that, like military , c c ■ ription campaign — it offered only service, it is service for the regime. "gtneral support" to the ECC. On the other They are allowing themselves to be co-opted hand, the Catholic Bishops have gone further, by the state, and their participation does little by formally calling for an end to conscription, to undermine the regime’s war effort or to and this call has also recently been made by spread the movement of resistance. Objectors the Methodist Church. But in general the South taking part in this scheme usually serve in one African churches have failed to rule une­ government department or another, and fall quivocally against the SADF and in support under the control of the Department of Man­ of the liberation struggle. power. They are therefore closely linked with Alternative Army Service for Objectors the apartheid system, particularly as they are Some of the churches also continue to main­ often deployed in roles which are tied to the tain a-presence on the Board for Religious Ob­ authorities. jection. The Board was set up by the regime The SADF likes to refer to Alternative Ser­ in 1984, to administer a new system of Alter­ vice as "community service," but in a situa­ native National Service for religious pacifist tion where anyone working for the regime is -objectors. But by limiting recognition to identified as an enemy of the people, Alter­ religious pacifists only, the regime hopes to native Service is as unacceptable as military isolate anti-apartheid objectors, who would be service to individuals whose allegiance ge­ sent to prison for six years if they refused to nuinely lies with the struggle for freedom. serve in the SADF. Nevertheless, it is a sign of the growing The churches rejected the Alternative Ser- disaffection with the SADF that the Board for V,v * scheme as discriminatory in singling out Religious Objection has been inundated with only pacifists and ignoring the most important hundreds of applications for alternative reason for refusing to fight — apartheid, a service. crime*against humanity. Furthermore, it was Objectors applying to the Board for pointed out that Alternative Service was itself Religious Objection form only a small propor­ punitive, as it is six years in duration, instead tion of those resisting. It is estimated that every of the initial two years of military service — year since the 1976 uprisings, between 3 000 and those taking part in it face various and 4 000 young White men have failed to turn restrictions. up for service in the SADF. Hundreds of them The Botha regime clearly hoped that by mak­ — mostly Jehovah’s Witnesses and other ing these so-called concessions for religious religious pacifists, but including some anti­ pacifists they would be able to co-opt the chur­ apartheid objectors — have been imprisoned. ches and undercut support for anti-apartheid Thousands more have left the country . apply­ objectors. While the churches have seen ing for political asylum or refugee status in Bri­ through the ulterior motives of the regime and tain, Holland, the USA and various European rejected the scheme, they have nevertheless countries, or in Southern African countries. . . y » ■ 000576 >X •5* *. . v-Since the deployment of large numbers of Many war resisters who have taken the road _ . troops in the townships towards the end of into exile have in fact joined up with the libera­ f Vv;1984,‘ the number of young men resisting ar- tion movement, and in many ways they have my .'call-ups has increased dramatically. In shown the way forward and helped establish January this year, the regime admitted that war resistance as an essential aspect of the over 7 000 had failed to turn up for the call- struggle for freedom. But this process needs • upwhich is about one-third of the totalto take root inside as well as in number of people mobilised. Subsequently, exile if resisters are to play their full and when this statistic became widely used as an rightful part in the struggle to liberate our indication of growing support for the anti- country. conscription campaign, the regime argued that As part of its activities in protest against the almost all of those seven thousand were military mobilisation which took place in July students who would have qualified for defer­ 1985, the Committee of South African War ment in any case. But this ignores the fact that Resisters (COSAWR), the war resisters* i v - fl8ure *s much higher than in previous organisation established in London and years, and leaves unanswered the question as Amsterdam, held a series of workshops and to whether all these 'students' will eventually discussions in which resisters: obey their conscription orders. At least some seven thousand have gone 'on "... concluded that the liberation struggle re- the run' inside South Africa, keeping one step N quired more than refusal, it required a positive ahead of the military police by changing ad­ and active commitment to ending the apartheid dresses, registering for university courses regime. ’ which offer temporary deferment from the ar­ The resisters in COSAWR have followed this my, or using other tactics to keep out of the commitment in recent months by organising clutches of the SADF. There are also hundreds a number of activities in support of the wider of young conscripts who have refused call-ups liberation struggle. These include raising for township deployments under the State of money to purchase goods to send to ANC Emergency — many of these people 'on the cadres in Southern Africa, and participating run.' A few have been court-martialled. Other in anti-apartheid demonstrations and protests, . conscripts are known to have mutilated as well as organising activities in support of themselves — deliberately breaking their those resisting the apartheid war; for exam­ ankles, for example — rather than be called ple, by holding a 24-hour fast in support of the up for township duties. initiative of the End Conscription Campaign in Southern Africa. Mobilising the Politically Committed .'■■■■> While many resisters are not politically com- Resistance Within the Apartheid Army mitted, or explicitly motivated to resist .military While resistance to military service itself is' the / call-ups out of anti-apartheid convictions, they most urgent aspect of the campaign to end the ^constitute a relatively large group of people apartheid war, it is clear that, as the struggle who are alienated from the regime, who are escalates, more and more conscripts actually obliged to take on a semi-underground lifestyle in the apartheid army will be drawn into acts and who can be mobilised into the liberation of defiance and resistance. Already there have struggle. The challenge facing the liberation been growing numbers of deserters from the movement is to find means of translating pro­ SADF, some of whom have subsequently join­ test actions into broader political com­ ed up with the liberation movement, and there mitments. New structures and new methods have been press reports of several mutinies, of mobilising this constituency are required, mass walk-outs and other protest actions in­ especially as the struggle intensifies and the side the SADF. In 1984, ayoung national ser­ regime responds with ever more brutal viceman, Roland Hunter, was sentenced to five methods of repression. years’ imprisonment for exposing secret infor- 22 (Left) Harold Winkler o f the ECC on 6th October 1985, the clay before he completed his 30-day fast in protest against conscription and the deployment o f troops in the townships. (Right) COSA WR organised a '______' ______fa3t solidarity, outside the South African embassy in London.

mation about SADF training and deployment formation.' A fire which destroyed a section of the MNR bandits operating in Mozambique. of the Walvis Bay military base and was public­ Minutes ofa secret meeting of Sou A African ly described as 'accidental' was revealed to military intelligence officers held in Namibia have been an act of sabotage carried out by: . in May last year, which were obtained by SWAPO, have revealed the extent of de­ 'White and other population group national ser­ moralisation and disaffection in the SADF. vicemen from South Africa and South West Africa, incited by a White ANC-inclined national The intelligence officers expressed concern at serviceman." "poor discipline’', "immorality'' and "the in­ creasing use of dagga and drugs, particularly How many incidents like this have gone amongst national servicemen." They noted unreported is unknown, as it is rare that a docu­ that: ment of this sort is obtained to provide an in­ sight into the reality behind the SADF pro­ 'what is particularly unsettling is the damaging paganda claims to be "the finest armv in military equipment by military personnel, Africa." which can be regarded as sabotage, especially if Jjie negative attitudes of certain national ser­ Black Units in the SADF vicemen is taken into account." In Black units, the SADF faces even greater According to the officers: problems. The press has reported a number of cases of Black troops deserting, selling their 'negativity amongst national servicemen can weapons, or refusing to carry out orders. have various origins, but political convictions will These incidents — which have occurred in both play a role.' the SADF and the South West Africa Territory Force in Namibia — are merely the tip of an Dissident national servicemen were reported iceberg, as most Black soldiers sign up only to be responsible for 'espionage' and because of chronic unemployment. 'subversion', while war resisters and deserters Some of the Black troops who have deserted were accused of 'providing the enemy with in­ from the SADF have joined the ranks of the

23 -^ A N C rA -i^ n f IssUe of Dawn, the journal of munities on the grounds that they had been •v.. Umkhonto We Sizwc, contained an article by granted political rights in the apartheid system ' >; :.a deserter from the 21st Battalion of the SADF ' and therefore had a duty to defend it. This who is now fighting in MK. He described the threat was one of the major issues in the cam­ low morale, racial harassment, discrimination paigns by the UDF and other groups to and crude ideological indoctrination in the unit. mobilise against the tricameral system. In the As the struggle in South Africa intensifies, climate of resistance that has swept the coun­ • and the people make it clear that there is no try since then, it is clear that the regime would place in their communities for collaborators be adding fuel to the fire if it attempted to ex­ and servants of the regime, more and more tend conscription, and would face a massive defections from Black military units can be ex­ campaign of resistance. pected. The National Executive Committee of the ANC has called on: However, as the ANC pointed out in a re- . cent pamphlet distributed inside the country, . V ■ • 'the unemployed Blacks now sitting in uniforms an extension of conscription to sections of the to stop shooting their brothers and sisters in oppressed population: defence of White rule. They must organise secret- ly to turn their guns on their masters." remains a threat, as Botha wants our sons and ' brothers for cannon fodder.' The statement pointed out that: The pamphlet says: 'there is no place in our communities for those who wear the uniforms of apartheid and who The casualty rate amongst White conscripts is carry out orders to kill, maim and torture their growing, and White parents are beginning to brothers and sisters ...* refuse to send their children to war. The strain of years of military service on young Whites is In Narfiibia, too, the oppressed population is also telling ... The government makes no secret resisting SADF service. Conscription was in­ of the fart that it needs more troop* to help the police attack us.' troduced for selected Black Namibian men at the end of 1980, and since then there has been The leaflet points out that since the early 1960s tremendous resistance to the call-ups. the regime has targeted the Coloured and In­ Thousands of people have refused to fight for dian communities for incorporation into its the occupation army, many of them joining fascist army, establishing the Cape Corps and SWAPO instead. One young man who has the Indian Naval Unit, attempting to introduce been conscripted, Eric Binga, has taken the cadets into schools, setting up a paramilitary SADF to court, challenging its right to call him training scheme in the Western Cape in the late up on the grounds of the illegality of the apart- 1960s (which was abandoned only after $ heid occupation. Although his appeal was thousands of youths defied orders to register predictably rejected by the Windhoek Supreme and hundreds escaped from the camp), and ^C ourt, he has taken his case to the Appeal recently attempting to 'win the hearts and minds' of the communities by running 'adventure' camps for the youth. The Regime Backtracks Because of the strong resistance encountered to its conscription drive in Namibia, and the The ANC pamphlet concludes: massive rejection last year of the tricameral "Botha wants us to become part of his murderous parliament, the regime has backtracked on its army directed against the people. But we belong plans to introduce conscription for Coloured to the people and must therefore swell the ranks and Indian men. Before the successful boycott s of the people’s army, the fighting forces of MK. of the tricameral elections in August 1984, Umkhonto is everywhere confronting the enemy, Botha and his cohorts made it clear that they lighting for the realisation of the South Africa would extend conscription to these com­ of the . MK does not need con­ scription. Thousands of young South Africans. 00 -0.579

---- men andwomen, have flocked to its ranks, realis­ see that the only future that apartheid promises ing that the future of our country lies in the forces is one of war and bloodshed, that to fight for of liberation. MK cadres do not have to be fore- apartheid is to fight for a doomed, brutal, , edto fight. They do not have to be square-bashed, senseless system. There are those who can see . brainwashed and brutalised. They know they are fighting for freedom, for the liberation of our that a new future of the South Africa of the country, for an end to racism and exploitation. Freedom Charter is in the making, a South ' These young people, our brothers and sisters, are Africa in which peace will at last be possible the guarantors of our liberation ..." with the abolition of racism and exploitation. The message from the ANC to the Whites A similar message needs to be carried into the of South Africa, as set out in the NEC state­ heart of the White group. Even amongst peo­ ment released earlier this year, is: ple who for years have been psychologically, socially and physically prepared to maintain ’We call on those in the White community who apartheid and fascism, who are indoctrinated have been conscripted into the army to refuse, ir ^mily and schools and by the media with in their own interests and those of their children, ti jelief that they are bom to rule, that their to be used as instruments of massacres and destiny is to fight for the preservation of apart­ military domination over their Black fellow citizens and over the people of Namibia. heid and minority rule, that they face a total and other parts of Southern Africa. * onslaught by their enemy, 'godless commu­ / nism' — even amongst this group there are The NpC has made it clear to Whites faced .'I those who draw the line at killing children, rap­ with the prospect of military' conscription that: Cl ing young girls and old women, torturing, 'You have it within your grasp to choose bet­ '♦I maiming and murdering in the streets of our ween dying in defence of apartheid or joining towns and villages. There are those who can the noble cause of national liberation.”

Athlone in the Cape. October 1985. v"; ' ' . .

* a & & \ .v« ■■■ 000580 VvWttsfctff FORTY YEARS ^ i r r&j l AN ACTIVIST INTERVIEW WITH ZOLA ZEMBE

From the beginning, SACTU said that it would organise all workers, irrespective of race, colour or creed, but particularly the unorganised, meaning the Africans. And of course we must know that that was the first time that workers had said openly that they would organise workers irrespective of race colour or creed. That was in defiance of the government of South Africa. And SACTU This year we commemorated the 30th anniver­ continued that line, and of course we were harassed. sary of the founding of the South African Con­ gress of Trade Unions. On this occasion, Comrade Zola, tell us how you came into the Sechaba interviewed Comrade Zola Zembe, frade union movement and the liberation forty years an activist in the trade union and movement. national liberation movements,-one of the I was bom in the Eastern Cape, in a small town founders of SACTU, and now SACTU Co­ called Alice, and I joined the migratory ordinator in Western Europe. workers that were going to the Western Cape Comrade Zola, what was the situation when — some of them, of course, went to the SACTU was founded? Transvaal mines, but I went to the Western Cape. When I arrived there, I already knew SACTU was formed reluctantly in 1955, in about the African National Congress, because March, and I say 'reluctantly' because the policy of SACTU is that there should be one it was after the , and then, of course, the African National Con°ress was trade union centre in one country, and all over South Africa. therefore when we form another centre we’re And then we arrived at the hostels, and I was contradicting the policies of the movement. It illegal in Cape Town. I had no permit to be was because the White workers, at the pressure there, I had no pass at all, and I was looked of the government that was elected in 1948, after by my home people, who were migratory decided to expel African workers from the themselves. .' Trades and Labour Council. And then, of ^course, immediately, we decided to have an And then I went to the Labour Bureau where they give you a pass, give you a job,’ organisation, and we called it the South African and so on. And 1 wasn’t the only one; there Congress of Trade Unions. And, lucky were thousands of peopie who had got no enough, some of the White workers, Coloured passes. And while we were there, trucks came workers, Indian workers, resigned from the and we were called to line up. Trades and Labour Council to join SACTU. I worked in a greengrocery, without, mind And then, of course, it was a break from the you, without a pass. And the first instructions token window-dressing of the Trades and given to me were that, 'Whenever you see a Labour Council, the pretence that it organis­ ed African workers. uniformed person you must go to the toilet until that person goes away."

26 0 0 0 5 8 ~ .’ ’JTWhefliwe 'Were"' working ar the green- railways. It meant staying at the hostels in ; grocer’s,: we started work at about three Langa, and now I was involved with the - ' f o’clock in themomingi We’d go to the market, township people. come back at about seven o’clock, and load the vans, because we were supposed to drive to Did you become an activist while . m were ' sell the greens at Sea Point, Wynberg and so working for the railways? on. And we’d come back at about five o’clock, The railways is one of the worst employers. and then, at five o’clock, we cleaned the you can come across. You know, the Whiu r bananas, we cleaned the old cabbages and so workers are very corrupt there. In the morn­ on, for the following day, so that they must ing you lined up, because each of the White • look fresh all the time. And we stopped work foremen was allocated perhaps a hundred peo­ at about ten o’clock. Ten o’clock. And we ple, or two hundred, and then every morning couldn’t go anywhere, because we were there he had a roll call, and then divided you accor­ illegally, and that was the purpose of the whole dingly. And then he would say, "Youandyou ig, and we couldn’t go to the trade union will go to Muizenberg, to my house, and the movement, we couldn’t go to the police, and madam will tell you what you’re going to do. say that we were being exploited, because we You come back at four o’clock." This means were completely illegal, and the employer, you go to his house, one is going to work on too. the garden, another one is going to work in­ Our food was potatoes, with bread, in a big side, cleaning the house and doing some small pot; it was like the mine food, inyula. things. In the meantime, we’re employed by the railways? which is a nationalised organisa­ How much was he paying you? tion and taxpayers are paying for that. And you The money.was two pounds a week — then it can’t question this, because if you question it was pounds. Two pounds a week. Of course you are in for it. , we ate there too, you know, these potatoes and Then, of course, we organised, and then — bread. I had a little bit of Standard Six, you see — And we worked there for twelve months. we discovered the way of lodging our com­ Then, after twelve months, we threatened, plaints. You know, in the railways at that time * "Look, if you don’t go to the labour depart­ there was a form on which you lodged your ment so'that we get our passes, then we go to complaint, and then you signed, or put your the police." thumb print, and then quietly put it in. And the So now he was in a trap. So he took us in ■ foreman discovered that there was somebody a truck, immediately, to Langa, to the pass of- there who was creating problems, because c 't, and without any problems we were issued every week he was called to the office. Some ■ v.th passes. For the first time, we were legal. matters were rectified, and some people did And immediately, when we got those passes, receive a lot of back pay. When he came back I ££id, "I’m going away. Can you discharge from the office, he’d ask, "Who has lodged me?" Look, I was free, I mean I wasn’t going a complaint here?" until he discovered it was to work there. And I had money. I think I had me, and when he discovered that, I was a little bit of money because I wasn’t doing discharged. I didn’t last very long on the anything — we lived there, we didn’t go railways; I think I worked for seven to eight anywhere, were were just locked in. Besides, months before I was chucked out. we wouldn’t go out — we’d be arrested for Did you join the union then? How did you passes; besides we were young, also we were eventually become a full-time trade union rural, we’d get lost. functionary? Then I went out to look for a job. It was my first time in Cape Town, you know, where That was the beginning of my change. I ac­ there were people. Then 1 was employed in the cidentally hit against the Food and Canning

27 was going and } , mocking on doors and saying, *1 want work." end. And we organised the'W ^ w o rk e rs ; Union; we W*re organising the big sawmills ^ Was. Plein Strect» w d at the top, at the end that were making planks. ° f ^ e'n Street, they had an office there, at Stal ' Plein. And there, when I knocked at the door, Another time, we organised zip factories . • Oscar Mpetha appeared. Then I said, "I want and we went to a factory of about 200 Coloured work, and he said, "Come in and sit down." workers, women only. And we organised them I sat down, and he said, "This is a trade union." into joining the union - a hundred per cent I didn’t know anything about trade unions they were a hundred per cent — and we ap­ at all. He said, "We don’t give jobs here, we plied for a Conciliation Board. Coloured organise workers, we are the organisation of workers had the right to have Conciliation the workers." And then he said, "Listen, we Boards. And then, after 30 days, they had the do get jobs for people, not here, at the fac- right to go on strike. Somehow the Labour . Tories, because at lunch time we go and address Department either misplaced the letter or meetings. And sometimes we discover, while something, but 30days elapsed, then we went ■’ we’re there, that they need somebody. If you to the factory at lunch time, and we said to like, — it was about half past eleven — "you them, "You’ve got the right to strike. Now." can stay on, and you go up with us, and see The Coloured workers, the women, were what’s going on." And I agreed. very militant, and they said, "We’re not go­ Then they went to Salt River to address ring back to work." I said, "Well, should you workers there, and I was there and I listened. not plan first?" They said, "No. We’re not go­ And then, after two o’clock, we went back to ing to work, now." And there, round the fac­ the office, and he said to me, "If you like, you tory, there was open veld, with 200 sittin° can come here Saturday. We have got classes there. At two o’clock the bell went; then I here, and we will pay your fare." Of course, decided not to go anywhere, but to sit with I was impressed — you see it linked up with them, beside these women, in a circle. what I was doing on the railways, and I said At about five past two, the employer came "I’ll come." . out and shouted at these women, and they Just ^ And I came. And the first thinghe said was, ignored him. Tniny minutes, and the police "We start the classes at about eleven, but until were there, and they went straight inside the ■ then can I "give you something?" He gave me crowd — it opened up — and said, "Where’s a book where you enter the names of the peo­ your pass?;' to me. That was the first thing ple who’ve paid subs, and a shop steward’s they didn t even ask what had happened. I said book, where you enter what people have paid according to month. And also I was listening, y o u 1”" U ,S’” 3nd ^ Sa‘d ’ ”We ar£ arTestin§ : v you see; workers came in and they put their And then the Coloured women said, “Listen complaints while I was listening, and Oscar we will not go to work until Zola Zembe is and others would take the telephone and phone here. (They did not call me Zola Zembe- I the employers. And this impressed me more. was not Zola Zembe then.) They were ignored Eventual (y, Oscar and other comrades and I was chucked into the van and taken to decided thfi I should work there. And I liked it. Maitland Police Station. It was hardly an hour Comrade Zola, will you tell us about some of before I was driven back. Those Coloured women were still there. your experiences as a union organiser in Cape Town? You know, to me, it was a great thing in­ deed, because South Africa is organised in a We organ sed the metal industries — not the segmented form, and people find it difficult to engineers, not the skilled workers, but the follow people of other racial groups, but in the labourers, who were Africans, you see. And trade union movement these Coloured women that made us be arrested almost every week­ were prepared to follow an African person • At that time, were you a member of the ANC for the first time in our lives. That was in­ « as well, Comrade Zola? ' teresting. And also, when we were in the Every Sunday in the townships, either there aeroplane, we all vomited, including the police - ' “ was a meetingirf the African National Con- . who were supposed to be arresting us — they _ gress outside in the squares, or there was a were flying in an aeroplane for the first time meeting of the civic associations, or a protesl too, you see. ■ meeting of some kind. And I, of course, I en­ And that trial brought about another joyed the meetings. I went to those meetings. transformation of my politics, because South That introduced me to the African National Africa is a big country; sometimes you know Congress. people by name, and the trial presented an op­ You know, Oscar Mpetha was not only portunity of sitting with people like Chief African Food and Canning Secretary, he was Luthuli and and »also the leader, at the township, of the African and all the leaders, you see, and seeing them National Congress. Some of the problems from and discussing political problems. It was very, work continue into the townships, and the peo­ very educative, that Treason Trial itself, in­ ple who were active in the trade union move­ side there, because the place was turned into ment were those people who were in the • a university. It was enjoyable. In fact — that’s rican National Congress, politically con­ another thing — I was given a curry for the scious people.. first time in my life; I’d never eaten a curry i And therefore I became involved with the until 1956. African National Congress and the trade union movement. It became a twenty-four-hour job. There was a State of Emergency in South I worked the whole day in the trade union Africa in 1960, and many, many peopie were movement, and from there I continued in the arrested. Were you in gaol at that time, Com­ townships and organised trade unions plus the rade Zola, or were you outside? African National Congress, going door to door The State of Emergency, when everyone was and taking up complaints. arrested — let me explain what happened to The paper New Age helped us in organising me. I was in the township; .the township was in that area. It was printed there, you see. And surrounded by soldiers, and inside, the police . selling New Age, that was another battle, ' were going door to door. We organised a because whenever you were discovered sell­ hiding place, and when they knocked at the ing you were just arrested. New Age, door, I went there; I lived there for as long as My life got enmeshed, you know, enmesh­ the State of Emergency lasted. ed with the African National Congress. I was Once I had to go to Worcester. I collected local secretary of SACTU. Also, at that time, a leaflet, and someone organised transport, I was a regional committee member, and even­ someone with a car to drive me. I went to tually a member of the provincial executive, Worcester sitting in the back of the car. He of the African National Congress. And that drove past the township at Worcester, and then ded me up in the Treason Trial, in I got off. I said, "You drive for 15 minutes, Johannesburg. straight down, as if you’re going to Mossel Y«i were among the 156 people arrested for Bay , and when you come back I will be here treason in December, 1956, Comrade Zola. again." He didn’t know what I was carrying, What can you tell us about your experiences he was just driving; he didn’t even know, red­ at the time of your arrest, and in the trial that ly, whether I was going to that township, followed? because he drove past before I said, "Stop there." When we were arrested, they flew us to Johan­ Later, the police were hunting for that man, nesburg. And what is important about that is for the car that had passed there and dropped a joke, really. We were flying in an aeroplane a man; they didn’t know who was the man. And they eventually traced the car, and the owner told them that the car had been borrow­ Two. We want national unions. One union ed. By this time, I was already 'collected' for for one industry; it is very important. We must all work towards that. the State of Emergency; for the last three weeks of the State of Emergency, I was TJree. These unions are the organisations collected.' They brought the driver to the of the workers, and the workers themselves prison, and he did identify me. Now, the police must control them. When we talk about wanted to know from me who gave me the democratic trade unions, we are talking about leaflet. I said, "I don’t make statements,"_ unions controlled by the workers themselves at that time, they didn’t torture you, you see ana by nobody else. — 'you can get my statement in court, with Four. We are Fighting to liberate our coun­ my lawyer. You can take my address, and try. Every trade unionist has got a part to play that’s it." As a result of that, they couldn’t there. |f they see one of our brave MK peo­ connect. ple, then they must play their part by hiding them, helping them, if they need helping It . Comrade Zola, this year, 1985, is the year of is very, very important; for there can be no the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the trade union work, even for those unions that ^South African Congress of Trade Unions. It are recognised and registered and so on if is also the year of another State of Emergen­ we ve got no political rights. cy, which the regime declared in July. What message have you now for the people at home Five. And of course solidarity with other in South Africa? workers is vital to our whole struggle. Six. Our people must stand fast. The enemy My message is that of SACTU. is desperate. We are on the move, and nobody One. At home, we want one trade union cen­ can stop us. tre. It is very important to have one centre. 000585 BOOK rev iew " - miiiiinmip a r t o f

Winnie Mandela: Part of My Soul, "The mov- g personal stoiy of courage and dignity, and K ; w h o were forced apowerfiil indictment of apartheid. * Penguin Books, London, 1985, £2.95.

Nreessarily an autobiography of Winnie She also speaks about her childhood, the cir- Mandela, whether h be conventional or un­ cumstances of her nine-member familywhich conventional, is bound to attract attention. First quickly, like so many Black families, becomes ' * 5 f°re,nost because of the role she and her a single parent family, the things she learned', . «pily is occupying in the national liberation heard and observed. The way she talks about •_Jgglc of the Black people. Secondly because this hfe is genuine and real. in H h - WmniC 1116 Person* has been in the thick of it, giving part of her soul no less I became aware at an early stage that the Whites • U“ n ***** c,se- Lastly, she is the first Black 1 f X r7 *? u,s\ And cou‘d see how shabby my father looked in comparison to the White s T S £ £ T brokcn the of aPoli« " ’“ S id hurts your pridc When >ou are a The book is basically about Winnie as she lives the life of an 'adult Bantu female' as the The life itself is ordinary. Her all-round government documents say. It is made up of development, finding herself in the ANC and interviews with Anne Benjamin — who edited getting married to the nation as she is is told the manuscript - the. letters from Nelson with true to life passion. Here too the story is Mandela to Winnie, the tributes from Winnie’s ordinary and typical. Ordinary because * w l ’ suc.h as Dr Manus Buthelezi, Dr Motlana, Rita Ndzanga and others in the iTfe ofSliceBhaCk W°men d3ily liV£ ,hat samc struggle. te of police harassment, separation, humilia­ , . Th* first interview is about her forcible evic­ t e s about aPanhCid WHiCh Winnie 50 abl>- tion from her home in Orlando in Soweto to Brandfort, a small town in the Orange Free "Detention means that midnight knock when all itate, where apparently the Boer population about you ls quiet. It means those blinding tor­ has yet to realise tht we are in the 20th century ches shone simultaneously through every win- and that Paul Kruger has long died. The police i t T e S r h° T bef0re Lhe door is kick«d open. ' . u ,ei[ Job f,rst before dumping her there h Z r ! eXC'US,Ve r'8ht the Security Branch with the hope that she’d be forgotten. They told I t m l uand evei7 in the house. thejlacks there that the 'Communist' they yoTshelvesTfr gH “ Ch 3nd evcr? *** 0" were dumping at their doorstep should not be your she ves, lifting carpets, looking under beds lifting sleeping children from mattresses and greeted nor talked to, let alone have children oofang under ^ shee[s It means tastj S and go to her house. The exact opposite happen­ ed It did not take long for the Blacks to know Kitchenk S n shelf.sh elM Unpacking a"d all CVCry your SPiceclothing on ^ and ur who she was, what she was all about. They helped her, took part in the schemes she your8seture8LedaCh ^ U“imatdy U organised to combat malnutrition, and to crown it all, reported to Winnie what the police I ' ? v O i •.•VI \ \r. * i . •'.. v ; • . . 000586 , ^ d MandcIa’s book must be read What is out of the ordinary about the book «■» * ; by all Black women precisely for havine SEC H A B A i • “V : • is the extent to which Comrade Nelson publications k SSSlnr 0r;dinary about «• being Mandela is ded.cated to the struggle of the from the fol WOmen underapartheid. African peopk. Winnie writes fondly of him ANC addres Vs ,The South African Black woman, whether she ^ fv , «s fighting with the police in their mass removal and rightly points out that they have never had’ ALGERIA a maimed life together. Like so many Blacks 5 Rue Bon M ’hi Algiers. ’ w!,ethe“ hc is Protecting her right widowed by the hangman, the bullet of the to seU Magwmya (fat cakes) at the street cor­ police or the soldier, influx control and the ANGOLA ner, ghfing the so-called madams in their kit* PO Box 35:.? chens or their husbands in their factories or S £ “ "nS’ ' he, knowif ^ o is responsible. Luanda. Reading the letters by Comrade Mandela to their relatives in the farms, in the AUSTRALIA Box 49 Tradcs (- the Black woman is forced, like Winnie, to innie, his children and those for the nation in comparison I venture to say the passion,’ 4 Goulburn Stree fight back. Winnie’s description of how she Sydney NSW j * the feeling and bond of affection is the same. grew politically fits lots of women who are dai- ■ He is our man, the man of the nation. BELGIUM ly resisting the dirty little Boers who strip them 9c Rue do F i>su and try to poke their little fingers into their Finally, if this is not a powerful indictment Bruxellev against apartheid, nothing will be. CANA' genitals. In this way the book merely ar­ pn • ticulates the experiences of Black women. The SM book is bound to inspire even more Winnie Mandelas to come forward. ^mario .v »r. CUBA Calle :ia NR 20 6 1 7 Equina 21- H jv a n a .

D E N M A R K Landgreven * 3 1 Copenhagen hgm*i‘ 7 5 A hnul Nhin.it Z o raak 'L C a iro .

E T H IO P IA PO B.>\ -4S - AiUit Abaha. F R A N C E 42 Rue Rivhechi P a r ^ *5 iMW. GERMAN DEMC Angerweg 2 WHIwlmifuft B erlin III*. FEDERAL REPl Postiach 1911140 5300 Bunn I. INDIA Flat fix Bhagat Singh Mar N ew D elhi I . ITALY Via S. Prisea 15a 0 0 15 3 R o m e . Ma d a g a s c a r PO Box 80 Tananarive.

32 000587 SECHABA and other ANC NIGERIA ■publications are obtainable ‘ Federal Government ' * - from the following Special Guest House Victoria Island ANC addresses: Lagos. ALGERIA SENEGAL 5 Rue Ben M'hidi Larbi 26 Avenue Albert Sarraut Algiers. Dakar Box 34 20. ANGOLA SW EDEN • PO Box 3523 PO Box 2073 S -103 12 Luanda. Stockholm 2. AUSTRALIA Box 49 Trades Hall (Room 23) PO Box 2239 Dar es Salaam. 4 Goulburn Street PO Box 680 Morogoro. Sydney NSW 2000. UNITED KINGDOM BELGIUM PO Box 38 9c Rue de Russie 1060 28 Penton Street Bruxelles. London Nl 9PR CANADA UNITED STATES PO Box 302 801 Second Avenue Apt 40s Adelaide Postal Station New York NYC 10017 Toronto Ontario M5C-2J4. PO Box 31791 CUBA Lusaka. Calle 21a NR 20617 Esquina 214 Atabey LISTEN TO: H a' ana. Radio Freedom Voice of the African National Congress DENMARK and , the People’s Army. Landgreven 7/3 1301 Copenhagen K. Radio Luanda short wave: 30 & 40 m. bands EGYPT medium wave: 27.6 m. band 5 Ahmad Nhm.it Street 7.30 p.m. daily. Zamalck Radio Lusaka Cairo. short wave: 31 m. band. 9580 KH/ 7.15-8.00 p.m. Monday to Fridav PO' Box 7483 10.05-10.35 p.m. Wednesday Addis Ababa. 10.30-11.00 p.m. Friday FRANCE 7.00-8.00 p.m. Saturday 42 Rue Rochechouart 8.00-8.45 p.m . Sunday. 17895 KH/. Paris 75 009. Radio GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC short wave: 49 m. band. 6135 KH/ Angerueg 2 • 9.30-10.00 p.m. daily. Wifhelmsruh Radio Ethiopia Berlin 1106. short wave: 31 m. band. 9545 KH/ FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY 9.30-10.00 p.m. daily. Posttach 190140 Radio Tanzania 5300 Bonn I. Short wave: 19 m. band. 15435 KH/ INDIA Sunday, Monday. Wednesdav. Fridav. Flat 68 8.15 p.m. Bhacal Sinuh Market 31 m. band. New D elhi'I. Tuesday. Thursday & Saturday. 6.15 a.m. ITALY Via S. Prisca 15a Published by the 00153 Rome. African National Congress of Smith Africa MADAGASCAR P.O. Box 31791. LUSAKA. ZAMBIA PO Box 80 IVinted by the Drucktnri » ic h Wciiwrt', Tananarive. 2000 Nmbrandmburg. C.D.K.

’I A ? m m m H H H n o

/ am very proud. I never thought that one day I would "I am proud to give my life, have a warrior in my arms." my one solitary life." Mamike Moloise

BENJAMIN MOLOISE' EXECUTED 18 OCTOP.FR lOfi'q

x m m Collection Number: AK2145

KRUGERSDORP RESIDENTS’ ORGANISATION AND 4 OTHERS v. THE MINISTER OF LAW AND ORDER AND 2 OTHERS 1986

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