Iximché, Guatemala
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2006 “Agricultural Intensification, Water, and Political Power in The
AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION, WATER, AND POLITICAL POWER IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS LISA J. LUCERO ncient tropical societies, such as the Maya, are often relegated to the Aunknown or mysterious or, worse yet, are seen as a result of outside influ- ences because of the traditional bias in anthropology of largely focusing on civilizations in temperate areas. Wittfogel, for example, in his classic Oriental Despotism (1957), argued that complex societies are underwritten by an agri- cultural base supported by irrigation. Because the Maya are not known to have built large-scale irrigation systems, he claimed that the Maya were a “marginal agrarian” (Wittfogel 1957:182) despotic society since the karstic topography of the Maya lowlands is “unsuitable for irrigation agriculture” (Wittfogel 1957:184). In another classic piece, Meggers (1954) presented a model of envi- ronmental determinism in which she categorized tropical zones as not suitable to support civilizations because of poor agricultural soils. Meggers based this assumption on her studies in the Amazon jungle, where many areas of tropical forests are poorly suited for intensive agriculture (though recent scholarship indicates otherwise; see Erickson 2003). Consequently, Maya civilization arose as the result of outside influences and “did not last” but witnessed “700 years of decline” (Meggers 1954:819) because conditions were not suitable to support a complex society. As recently as 1998, Meggers was still “struck by the seeming contradiction between the complexity of Maya culture and the relatively low agricultural potential of their environment” (Meggers 1998: xii). In fact, the southern Maya lowlands have a high percentage of mollisols, which are “considered by agronomists to be among the world’s most important, naturally productive soils, with yields unsurpassed by other unirrigated areas” (Fedick 1988:106). -
Revisiting the Postclassic Burials at Lamanai, Belize: a Second Look at the Unique Ventrally Placed, Legs Flexed Burials
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2018 Revisiting the Postclassic Burials at Lamanai, Belize: A Second Look at the Unique Ventrally Placed, Legs Flexed Burials. Victoria Izzo University of Central Florida Part of the Anthropology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Izzo, Victoria, "Revisiting the Postclassic Burials at Lamanai, Belize: A Second Look at the Unique Ventrally Placed, Legs Flexed Burials." (2018). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 6024. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/6024 REVISITING THE POSTCLASSIC BURIALS AT LAMANAI, BELIZE: A SECOND LOOK AT THE UNIQUE VENTRALLY PLACED, LEGS FLEXED BURIALS by VICTORIA STUART ROSE IZZO B.A., Northern Arizona University, 2016 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2018 ABSTRACT Analysis of unique mortuary patterns is often used to evaluate the social lives of the deceased and also those of the living who placed them there. The Ventrally Placed, Legs Flexed (VPLF) burials at the site of Lamanai in Belize, dating to the Postclassic period (1000 - 1544), have been recorded as a Maya mortuary pattern since the late 1970’s. -
Alive and Well in the Early Postclassic
17 LAMANAI RELOADED: ALIVE AND WELL IN THE EARLY POSTCLASSIC Elizabeth A. Graham David M. Pendergast of the Royal Ontario Museum directed investigations at Lamanai from 1974 to 1986. The site was mapped, and excavations focused on a wide range of residential and monumental structures. A second phase of excavations was initiated in 1998, directed by Elizabeth Graham, which is aimed at clarifying periods of transition that are little known at other sites, but well represented at Lamanai. These are: the transition from the Late Preclassic period to the beginning of Maya florescence in Classic times (400 B.C. to A.D. 250); the time of the Maya collapse, from about A.D. 800 to 1000; and the transition from Precolumbian occupation to the Spanish Colonial period (1450 to 1700). This contribution presents a summary of recent investigations at the site, with special attention given to the buildings surrounding Plaza N10 [3], also known as the Ottawa Group. Introduction Aspects of change in material culture, which I It will not be possible to cover as discuss below, suggest that those pulling the much as I would like in this chapter, but I strings of power in the Early Postclassic had will attempt to summarize some of the cultural, political, religious, and perhaps information bearing on the Classic to economic priorities that were different from Postclassic transition that results from the those of Classic Period rulers, although key excavations I began at Lamanai in 1998. My aspects of the way society was organized title focuses attention on the Early seem to have remained the same. -
Southern Lowland Maya Archaeology and Human Skeletal Remains
2 SouthernLowland Maya Archaeologyand Human SkeletalRemains: Interpretations from Caracol (Belize),Santa Rita Corozal (Belize),and Diane Z. Chase Tayasal(Guatemala) One classof data that is crucial to archaeologi- oretical difficulties involved in making intersite cal interpretations of prehistoric populations, comparisons. 1 their health, status,and demographicpatterns, is that derived from human burials. These are recoveredin what, at first glance,appear to be Caracol, Santa Rita Corozal, sizeablequantities in most excavationsat most and Tayasal: Temporal and Maya sites (Chase1994; Saul and Saul 1991, Skeletal Samples Tourtellot 1990a;Welsh 1988). Yet. how much Caracol, the largestof the three sites,is located do we know about the actual remains of the in the Vaca Plateauof Belizein the foothills of ancient Maya and how can excavatedsamples beused to defineancient populations? . the Maya Mountains at an elevation of over' 500 m. Long-term large-scaleexcavation was The sitesof Caracol,Santa Rita Cocozal,and started at Caracci in 1985 and hastaken place Tayasal are all Maya sites '° the southern every year since then (Chaseand Chase1987; lowlands. Each of these sites, however, is lo- D. Chase and A. Chase 1994). The earliest cated within a distinctive geographicarea and maintains a different history of human occu- pation. Investigationsat each site have.added I The author acknowledgesthe problems in comparing important information to our views of the health among archaeological populations as identified ancient Maya and, when taken together, pro- by Wood et al. (1992}. This discussion, however, will vide greater insight into both a broader in- place greater emphasis on an equally important phe- nomenon: determination of sampling problems through terpretation of the nature of ancient Maya correlation of osteological remains with other archaeo- populations and the methodological and the- logical information. -
A Study of Two Maya Tenons from Corozal
A Study of two Maya Tenons from Corozal By Ben Ward Anthropology 281 (Seeds of Divinity), Spring 2019 This paper concerns two Maya tenons that reside in the Williams College Museum of Art (WCMA). One, with accession number 1870.1.1 shows an anthropomorphic face with a peaked headdress, while the other, 1870.1.2., sports a zoomorphic face with humanoid head emerging from its jaws. These two sculptures were collected by Williams students during a trip to Honduras and Belize in 1870-1871, sponsored by the Williams Lyceum. Beyond this, very little is known about these sculptures due to the same reason that they are in the museum’s possession. While these students were in Central America two of the students went on a short trip to the small agricultural town of Corozal where they acQuired these two stone tenons and brought them back to Williams College. The detail we are given on the acQuisition of these pieces is both frustratingly vague and very telling for the times: Among the collections from Corozal were two stone heads, or images, exhumed near that town. They exhibit great antiQuity, and are evidently of the same origin as the sculptures found amid the ruins of the ancient temples and cities scattered throughout Central America, and are viewed with such intense interest by all travelers to this seat of fallen civilization.1 The only real useful information we get from this passage is that these tenons come from a Maya site near the town of Corozal.2 There seems to have been no interest in the sculptures’ true origin point and it is not even stated whether these statues were bought in Corozal or taken by these students directly from a site. -
University of Copenhagen
Exotics for the Lords and Gods Lowland Maya Consumption of European Goods along a Spanish Colonial Frontier Awe, Jaime J.; Helmke, Christophe Published in: Material Encounters and Indigenous Transformations in the Early Colonial Americas DOI: 10.1163/9789004273689 Publication date: 2019 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Document license: Unspecified Citation for published version (APA): Awe, J. J., & Helmke, C. (2019). Exotics for the Lords and Gods: Lowland Maya Consumption of European Goods along a Spanish Colonial Frontier. In C. L. Hofman, & F. W. M. Keehnen (Eds.), Material Encounters and Indigenous Transformations in the Early Colonial Americas (pp. 238-262). Brill. Early Americas: History and Culture https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004273689 Download date: 24. Sep. 2021 Chapter 11 Exotics for the Lords and Gods: Lowland Maya Consumption of European Goods along a Spanish Colonial Frontier Jaime J. Awe and Christophe Helmke 1 Introduction In the volume The Lowland Maya Postclassic, Arlen Chase and Prudence Rice (1985, 5) contend that Spanish presence in the Maya lowlands “is not clearly detectable in the archaeological record until the nineteenth century.” To this they add that: “This is partially a consequence of an apparent reluctance on the part of the Maya to accept European trade items or at least to deposit them in the archaeological record.” This point of view echoes the previous observa- tion by Nancy Farris (1984, 110) that “Except for some simple metal tools […] one can find little European -
Guatemala, Honduras & Belize
GUATEMALA, HONDURAS & BELIZE PYRAMIDS, TEMPLES & TOMBS NOVEMBER 13-28, 2019 TOUR LEADER: DR CHRIS CARTER GUATEMALA, Overview HONDURAS & BELIZE PYRAMIDS, TEMPLES & TOMBS Formed from a loosely connected cultural group, the people who we now know as the Mayans have inhabited Central America for over 3000 years, Tour dates: November 13-28, 2019 influencing future empires and even the world as we know it today. The legacy of these prehistoric populations is evidenced in the ruins of Tour leader: Dr Chris Carter residential and ceremonial complexes of towering pyramids, elaborate palaces and decorated tombs found throughout the region. The Spanish Tour Price: $9,250 per person, twin share colonised this region during the 16th century and despite their best efforts to convert or eradicate the Indigenous populations, several million who Single Supplement: $1,565 for sole use of identify as Mayan live in Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and Honduras today. double room This tour will travel through the range of landscapes that were initially Booking deposit: $500 per person occupied by the Indigenous groups - from the Guatemalan highlands, along jungle clad rivers to the Caribbean coast - and explore the ruins of Recommended airline: Qantas or United some of the vast city complexes that were abandoned during the 10th Maximum places: 20 century. We will also and walk the streets of the Colonial towns and villages that remain bustling cultural centres today. Itinerary: Antigua (3 nights), Panajachel (1 night), Flores (2 nights), San Ignacio (2 nights), The tour commences in Antigua, the colonial capital of Guatemala and Belize City (3 nights), Livingston (1 night), from there we visit spectacular Lake Atitlan and the colourful markets of Copán (2 nights), Guatemala City (1 night) Chichicastenango. -
Who Were the Maya? by Robert Sharer
Who Were the Maya? BY ROBERT SHARER he ancient maya created one of the Belize, Honduras, and El Salvador until the Spanish Conquest. world’s most brilliant and successful The brutal subjugation of the Maya people by the Spanish ca. 1470 CE civilizations. But 500 years ago, after the extinguished a series of independent Maya states with roots The Kaqchikel Maya establish a new Spaniards “discovered” the Maya, many as far back as 1000 BCE. Over the following 2,500 years scores highland kingdom with a capital at Iximche. could not believe that Native Americans of Maya polities rose and fell, some larger and more powerful had developed cities, writing, art, and than others. Most of these kingdoms existed for hundreds of ca. 1185–1204 CE otherT hallmarks of civilization. Consequently, 16th century years; a few endured for a thousand years or more. K’atun 8 Ajaw Europeans readily accepted the myth that the Maya and other To understand and follow this long development, Maya Founding of the city of Mayapan. indigenous civilizations were transplanted to the Americas by civilization is divided into three periods: the Preclassic, the “lost” Old World migrations before 1492. Of course archaeol- Classic, and the Postclassic. The Preclassic includes the ori- ogy has found no evidence to suggest that Old World intru- gins and apogee of the first Maya kingdoms from about 1000 sions brought civilization to the Maya or to any other Pre- BCE to 250 CE. The Early Preclassic (ca. 2000–1000 BCE) Columbian society. In fact, the evidence clearly shows that pre-dates the rise of the first kingdoms, so the span that civilization evolved in the Americas due to the efforts of the began by ca. -
Curriculum Vitae
MacLellan 1 Curriculum Vitae Jessica MacLellan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Anthropology, University of California Los Angeles [email protected] Education Ph.D., Anthropology University of Arizona 2019 M.A., Anthropology University of Arizona 2011 B.A., summa cum laude, Archaeology Boston University 2009 Dissertation: Households, Ritual, and the Origins of Social Complexity: Excavations at the Karinel Group, Ceibal, Guatemala Appointments 2020-2021 Postdoctoral Fellow, Anthropology UCLA 2019-2020 Visiting Assistant Professor, Anthropology University of Pittsburgh Jan.-May 2019 Adjunct Instructor, Anthropology University of Arizona Jan.-May 2019 Adjunct Instructor, Anthropology Pima Community College External Fellowships and Grants 2021-2022 Smithsonian Institution Postdoctoral Fellowship (STRI, Panama) 2021 King Grant for Precolumbian Archaeology ($15,000), Society for American Archaeology 2020-2021 American Council of Learned Societies Emerging Voices Fellowship 2016-2017 Junior Fellowship, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library & Collection 2015 Dissertation Improvement Award BCS-1518794 ($25,200), National Science Foundation 2009-2013 Jacob K. Javits Fellowship, U.S. Department of Education Internal Honors, Awards, Fellowships, and Grants 2018 Haury Dissertation Fellowship, Anthropology ($7500) University of Arizona 2018 Dozier Award, best student paper, Anthropology ($500) University of Arizona 2009-2018 School of Anthropology scholarships ($8813) University of Arizona 2017 Science and Arts Communication Fellow, UAMA University -
Latepostclassicperiodceramics Ofthewesternhighlands,Guatemala
Yaxchilan Us um a c G in r t ij a Maya Archaeology Reports a Bonampak R lv i a v R e iv r er LatePostclassicPeriodCeramics ChiapasHighlands AltardeSacrificios DosPilas of theWesternHighlands,Guatemala Greg Borgstede Chinkultic MEXICO GUATEMALA Cancuen HUEHUETENANGO Lagartero ELQUICHE ALTAVERAPAZ – SanMiguelAcatan HUISTA ACATECREGION Jacaltenango Cuchumatan Mountains NorthernHighlands SanRafaelPetzal Nebaj Zaculeu SierraMadre Tajumulco his report describes the ceramics of the Late Postclassic 1986, Culbert 1965, Ichon 1987, Nance 2003a, Nance 2003b, and BAJAVERAPAZ Utatlan/Chisalin or Protohistoric period (AD 1200 to 1500) uncovered in a Weeks 1983. recent archaeological investigation in the western Maya The Late Postclassic period remains one of the most intensely highlands. The Proyecto Arqueológico de la Región Huista- studied in the Maya highlands, in terms of archaeology and CentralHighlands MixcoViejo T Acateco, directed by the author, investigated the region in the ethnohistory. The existence of competing Maya kingdoms, Iximche Cuchumatan Mountains currently occupied by the Huista and including those of the K’iche’, the Kaqchikel, and the Mam, Acatec Maya (Figure 1), documenting 150 archaeological sites and coupled with the persistence of written documentation LakeAtitlan GuatemalaCity an occupation sequence spanning the Terminal Preclassic to Late immediately prior to, during, and after the Spanish invasion, Postclassic/Protohistoric periods, AD 100 to 1525 (see Borgstede provide the Protohistoric period with an abundance of 2004). The modern towns of Jacaltenango and San Miguel Acatan anthropological data for understanding this complex era. are the center of the region. Archaeological evidence, particularly ceramics, has played a The ceramics described here are from the Late Postclassic role in interpreting the cultures, histories, and structures of these Archaeologicalsites period, also known as the “Protohistoric” period in the societies. -
A Distinctive Maya Architectural Format: the Lamanai Temple
8 A Distinctive Maya Architectural Format: The Lamanai Temple . H. Stanley Loten Introduction At Lamanai, as at Tikal, the ancient Maya maintained and repeated the same distinctive temple form over a Towering pyramidal temples, arresting dynastic significantly long time span at different locations portraits, fantastic.mythological figures; they leap to within the site. This review outlines the Lamanai our eyes from the forest canopy, from incised stelae example and considers comparable patterns of and from sculptured mask panels. 1l1ese are the great variation in architectural forms of pyramid-temples at signature pieces of Maya artistic production. They other sites in the Maya area. cap the ruins that initially attracted archaeological attention, and they continue to draw world-class As a secondary theme I am concerned with the con tourism to the Maya area. A constant· stream of ceptual role played by the pyramid, and with the vacationers shuffles past these great works, now underlying reasons that impelled the Maya to include cleared and restored. But they are seen merely as such costly and time-consuming features as prominent curiosities touted to sell excursions from Caribbean parts oftheir major temples. It is generally taken more resorts. In ancient times, however, they were certainly or less for granted that Maya pyramids were employed not for holiday amusement; they .were central to the to raise the "temples" at their summits to a civic and political life of Maya communities. Over commanding position of height (see, for example, centuries the Maya invested an enormous amount of Stierlin 1968:96). This view of the structures is time, energy, skill and resources in their production, certainly correct, and the idea has obvious value; I and their functioning is generally acknowledged to suspect, however, that it may not be the whole story. -
Middle Preclassic Landscapes and Aquatic Resource Use at Cuello, Belize
Bull. Fla. Mus. Nat. Hist. (2003)44(1): 35-42 35 MIDDLE PRECLASSIC LANDSCAPES AND AQUATIC RESOURCE USE AT CUELLO, BELIZE Arlene Fradkinl and H. Sorayya Carf The aquatic animals identified among the vertebrate faunal remains recovered in the 1990-1993 excavations at the Maya site of Cuello, Belize, are examined. The detected patterns of aquatic resource use are comparable to those described by Elizabeth Wing and Sylvia Scudder in their faunal analysis from previous excavations. These zooarchaeological findings, combined with paleoecological data, suggest that the people of Cuello focused their aquatic resource procurement efforts primarily on local wetland habitats, which may have formed part of a managed landscape surrounding their community in the Middle Preclassic period. Key words: aquatic resources,.Belize, Cuello, Maya, Middle Preclassic, zooarchaeology The archaeological site of Cuello in northern Belize (Fig. the small mud turtle (Kinosternon spp.) throughout the 1) has yielded abundant information on many aspects of Middle Preclassic (p. 85). ancient Maya life. Extensive excavations conducted over When Hammond et al. (1995) reopened excavations the past three decades, under the direction of Norman atCuello in 1990-1993, they focused primarily on Middle Hammond, have revealed a long occupational record, Preclassic contexts, thus expanding the faunal database. spanning the earliest Middle Preclassic through the Early When we were given the opportunity to study this new Classic (ca. 1200 B.C.-A.D. 400). Cuello is especially material, one of our primary objectives was to examine important for having a substantial amount of material the aquatic animal remains in light of the previous findings. cultural remains dating to the Middle Preclassic, a time We were particularly interested in determining the period poorly represented at most Maya sites.