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Theses Digitisation: This Is a Digitised Version of the Original Print Thesis. Copyright and Moral https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ Theses Digitisation: https://www.gla.ac.uk/myglasgow/research/enlighten/theses/digitisation/ This is a digitised version of the original print thesis. Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] POLISH COMMUNIST FOREIGN POLICY 1918-1948: INTERNATIONALISM AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST By Anatole Casimir John Bogacki A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Glasgow © Anatole C. J. Bogacki 1988 Institute of Soviet and East European Studies University of Glasgow June 1988 ProQuest Number: 10987035 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10987035 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 CONTENTS Abbreviations Hi Acknowledgements iv Abstract v Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 2 INTERNATIONALISM IN OPPOSITION 1918-1929 23 2*1 Proletarian Internationalism 25 2*2 Soviet Republic 29 2*3 Independence and Internationalism 37 2*4 Bolshevisation 44 2*5 Soviet Security 52 Chapter 3 INTERNATIONALISM IN OPPOSITION 1929-1941 62 3*1 'Class Against Class’ 62 3*2 'Popular Front' 65 3*3 Dissolution 69 3*4 Interregnum 76 3*5 Reconstruction 82 Chapter .4 PATRIOTISM AND THE POLISH WORKERS' PARTY 95 4*1 Comintern and Credibility 96 4*2 The ‘Internationalist’ Soviet Alternative 102 4*3 The 'National* Soviet Alternative 111 4*4 The Polish-Soviet Border 118 4*5 National Council of the Homeland 122 Chapter 5 POLISH COMMUNISTS IN THE USSR 135 5*1 Alfred Lampe 139 5*2 Other Policy ‘Theses* 148 5*3 Polish National Committee 155 5*4 Central Bureau of Polish Communists 162 5*5 Polish Committee of National Liberation 166 5.6 Soviet Diplomacy and the Polish Borders 172 Chapter 6 LEGITIMIZING ‘NEW’ STATE SECURITY 186 6*1 Policy Mechanisms 188 6*2 Institutionalising Polish-Soviet Relations 194 6*3 Western Recognition and Soviet Diplomacy 207 Chapter 7 TERRITORIAL SECURITY AND THE NEW FOREIGN POLICY CONCENSUS 225 7-1 The Soviet Security Foundation 227 7*2 Potsdam: The Beginnings of Concensus 233 7*3 Political Priorities and the Common Foreign Policy 238 7*4 Western Pressure 252 -ii- Chapter 8 NATIONAL PRESTIGE: IDEOLOGY VS PRAGMATISM 266 8*1 Open Door to the West 268 8*2 Poland's 'Own Road' 280 8*3 Ideological Reassessment 289 Chapter 9 STATE AND INTERNATIONALISM 305 9’1 Socialist Foreign Policy 307 9*2 ‘Nationalist Deviation’ 320 9*3 Ideology Entrenched 336 Chapter 10 CONCLUSION 342 Bibliography 352 7 ABBREVIATIONS AK Armja Krajowa (Home Army, 1942-1945) CBKP Centralne Biuro Komunist6w Polskich w ZSRR (Central Bureau of Polish Communists In the USSR, 1944) ECCI Executive Committee of the Communist International Comintern (1919-1943) KPD Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (German Communist Party, 1918-1946) KPJ Komunistidka Partija Jugoslav!je (Jugoslavian Communist Party 1920-1952) KPP Komunistyczna Partia Polski (Polish Communist Party, 1925- 1938) KPRP Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski (Polish Communist Workers' Party, 1918-1925) KRN Krajowa Rada Narodowa (National Council of the Homeland, 1944-1946) PKN Polski Komitet Narodowy (Polish National Committee, 1943) PKWN Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego (Polish Committee of National Liberation, 1944) PPR Polska Partia Robotnicza (Polish Workers' Party, 1942-1948) PPS Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (Polish Socialist Party, 1892- 1948) PPS-Lewica Polska Partia Socjalistyczna-Lewica (Polish Socialist Party-Left, 1906-1918) PRL Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa (Polish People's Republic, 1944-) PSL Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish Peasant Party, 1895- 1947) PZPR Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza (Polish United " Workers' Party, 1948- ) RKP(b) Rossiiskaia Kommunisticheskaia Partia (boleshevikov) (Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks), 1918-1925) RPPS Robotnicza Partia Polskich Socjalistdw (Workers' Party of Polish Socialists, 1943-1945) SDKPiL Socjal-Demokracja Krdlestwa Polskiego i Litwy (Social- Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, 1898- 1918) SL Stronnictwo Ludowe (Peasant Party, 1935-1945, 1944-1948) VKP(b) Vsesoiuznaia Kommunisticheskaia Partiia (bolshevikov) (All- Union Communist Party (bolsheviks), 1925-1952) ZPP Zwi^zek Patriotdw Polskich w ZSRR (Union of Polish Patriots in the USSR, 1943-1945) ZWW Zwi^zek Walki Wyzwolehczej (Union for the Liberation Battle, 1941) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In setting out to research and write this thesis, I was influenced most in the direction in which I took by the academics I met in Poland. My time in Poland as a UNESCO Fellow coincided happily with the first year of my research programme. At this early stage ray mind had not yet focused on a finite subject within the Polish foreign policy field. Whatever the illusions I had regarding Poland's more or less independent foreign policy, I was soon confronted with a perceptual divide that seemed to leave little room for Western intellectualising. On the one hand, I was advised that Poland's foreign policy was best characterised by its independent initiatives in the area of European security. On the other, I was told that to study Polish foreign policy one should best begin in Moscow. Independent or subservient? Was there a middle ground? If so, what did it consist of? The final decision to go back into the foreign policy history of the Polish communists came from a suggestion by Docent Jerzy Jastrz^bski. I would take this opportunity to repay my debt of gratitude to Docent Jastrz^bski and to all who discussed these issues with me in Poland. Thanks are also due to Roger Clarke, Georges Tomaszewski and Jim White for their help and encouragement. I am grateful especially to Professor W, V. Wallace, whose steadfast support continued throughout. A very special thanks also to my wife, whose patience gave me the space to write and whose faith lent me the will to finish. -v- ABSTRACT In post-war Polish communist foreign policy, of three national interests, two — state security and territorial security — are inextricably linked to the Polish communist internationalist interest — Soviet security. The third — national prestige — gives Polish communist foreign policy a degree of flexibility, but at times of international threat to Soviet security is also subject, to a greater or lesser degree, to the internationalist constraint. The source of this internationalist/national interest fusion lies in the linkages created between Polish communist foreign policy and Soviet security during the inter-war years and the immediate post-war years to 1948. From the creation of the Polish Communist Party in 1918, classic Luxemburg internationalism became immediately suborned to the security of the new Soviet state. The Polish Communist Party was seen to provide a crucial link between the revolutionary new state and the German and wider European socialist revolution. During the Polish- Soviet war of 1920 the internationalism of the Polish Communist Party was transformed into an instrumental relationship dominated by Soviet state security and prestige interests. The Polish Communist Party's reaction was to accept its organisational ‘Bolshevisation’ as a trade­ off for a greater ‘national’ profile domestically. Subsequently, the Polish Communist Party split between two rival orientations: a ‘national’ wing, and an ‘internationalist’ wing with Soviet security -vi- as its priority. In the period up to the party's dissolution in 1938, the security and prestige positions of the ‘national’ wing were encompassed within the policies of the ‘internationalist’ wing via the policies of the Third (Communist) International. The ‘national’ position in Polish communist foreign policy was given a higher profile with the creation of the Polish Workers' Party in 1942. Patriotism became the basis on which the new party was to operate in war-time Poland. In its foreign policy positions the new party linked the domestic security of the post-war Polish state and its territorial security fundamentally to the issue of Soviet security. Balancing this linkage, the party's patriotic profile encouraged its 'national’ elements to emphasise the Polish national prestige element of its policy. The balance of internationalist and national interests present in Polish Workers' Party foreign policy applied also to the policy programmes of the Polish communists organised in the Soviet Union. Here the ‘internationalist’ wing of the pre-war party was strongest, and the three elements of the Polish national interest were all presented with significantly greater concern shown to Soviet security interests. From July 1944, the foreign policy of the new communist regime concerned itself in turn with state security, territorial security and national prestige. On the issue of state security, the internationalist interest dominated, with the focus of policy being to institutionalise and legitimise internationally the new relationship created between the Polish and Soviet states. -vii- The territorial security of the post-war Polish state had already been established prior to the new regime coming to power, on the basis of the clear Soviet security interest in the new Polish borders.
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