John Danforth on Religion and Politics

John Danforth on Religion and Politics SESSION 3 What the Framers Meant written in 1883, Supreme Court chief justice Joseph Story described America before the Constitution: “In Throughout our history, the challenge to America’s gov- some states, Episcopalians constituted the predominant ernment has been to hold together in one nation people sect; in others, Congregationalists; in others Quakers; of different interests and, increasingly, members of dif- and in others again, there was a close numerical rivalry ferent religions, ethnicities and races. In the eighteenth among contending sects. It was impossible that there century, the framers of the Constitution struggled to should not arise perpetual strife and perpetual jeal- accommodate both mercantile and agricultural inter- ousy on the subject of ecclesiastical ascendancy, if the ests, as well as states with relatively large and small national government were left free to create a religious populations. So they created a system of government establishment.” in which competing interests would be represented in the two houses of Congress, and people of every point So the Constitution of the United States provided that, of view would be able to participate in choosing their at the federal level, religion and government should be government. With the infl ux of immigrants and the separate. There would be no religious test for holding emancipation of slaves in the nineteenth century, the public offi ce. The government would not establish reli- enfranchising of women and the civil rights movement gion, nor would it interfere with the right of the people of the twentieth century, and Hispanic immigration, the to practice their faiths freely. Nothing could prevent feminist movement and increased awareness of gays in religious people from participating in the affairs of pol- recent decades, we have become a more diverse coun- itics. Indeed, that would be their constitutional right. try, both in fact and in our self-perception. The task of But government would not be identifi ed with religion, holding ourselves together, so brilliantly addressed by and religion would not be tainted by government. our forebears in the eighteenth century, is no less impor- tant today, and far more complex. Recent Attacks The framers of the Constitution, particularly James by Christian Conservatives Madison, were well aware of the power of religion to In recent years, the wisdom of our founding fathers has split a nation apart. America’s early colonists had come been challenged as the Republican Party has identifi ed from Europe, which had known religious confl ict for itself with the political agenda of Christian conserva- centuries. Some colonies and states in America, before tives. For several decades, Christian conservatives such adoption of the Constitution, imposed taxes on people as the Reverend Pat Robertson, the Reverend Jerry Fal- regardless of their faith to support one denomination or well, Ralph Reed and, more recently, Dr. James Dobson another. In Virginia, Madison and Thomas Jefferson had have been active participants in American, and par- led the effort to abolish taxes that supported religion. In ticularly Republican, politics, focusing their attention his Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States, mainly on the issue of abortion. But in recent years, 1 Copyright © 2007 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com John Danforth on Religion Permission given to copy this page for use in class. and Politics, 3 they have moved beyond a single issue to endorse an Throughout my time in the Senate, abortion was an issue expanded political agenda. on which Republicans did not agree. And I remember one brief period of time when we heatedly debated the Followers of the Reverend Jerry Falwell have distrib- subject of prayer in public schools. But by and large, reli- uted a bumper sticker bearing the slogan “Vote Chris- gion was not a political subject in those years. Certainly, tian,” thereby conveying the clear message that there is our party had no religious agenda. In those years, we a Christian way to vote as opposed to a non-Christian would have found the notion that people should “vote or anti-Christian way to vote. There is no need for the Christian” at least strange and probably offensive. bumper sticker to spell out the details. The agenda of the Christian Right is well known. It is to oppose abor- Since that time, the breadth of the Republican Party tion, early stage stem cell research and gay marriage, has narrowed. Gone are Javits, Case and Brooke; gone and to advocate the display of the Ten Commandments are Baker, Dole and Danforth. The band of Republican in courthouses and the teaching of intelligent design in senators most people would call moderate now num- public schools. bers a half dozen or so, and many would say good rid- dance, for as our party has narrowed its breadth, it has When I arrived in Washington in January 1977, I was increased its strength. In 1977, I was one of only thirty- in the philosophical center of a broad range of Republi- nine Republicans in the Senate, and our party was an can senators. To my left were people many Republicans insignifi cant minority in the House of Representatives. today would call liberals: Jacob Javits of New York, Clif- Now we have a majority in both houses of Congress.* ford Case of New Jersey, Edward Brooke of Massachu- setts and Lowell Weicker of Connecticut. To my right This improved electoral status has occurred as the were conservative stalwarts, including Barry Goldwater Republican Party has identifi ed itself with the Chris- of Arizona, Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, Jesse tian Right, a development starkly exemplifi ed by the Helms of North Carolina and John Tower of Texas. Then government’s extraordinary intervention in the case of there were the senators who, with me, were somewhere Terri Schiavo. Responding to the demands of prominent in the center of our party, people like Howard Baker of Christian conservatives, Republican leaders rushed Tennessee, Bob Dole and his Kansas colleague Jim Pear- legislation through Congress in a frantic effort to keep son. Of course, such diverse Republicans had differences a woman hooked up to a feeding tube, despite the fi nd- of opinion on various issues, but we respected each other ings of Florida courts that she was in a persistent veg- and we respected our differences. A set of core beliefs etative state and had previously evinced a will not to that nearly all Republicans shared held us together. We be kept alive artifi cially. President George W. Bush fl ew were internationalists who believed that America had a from his Texas ranch to Washington on Air Force One responsibility to be a force of strength and leadership in a to sign special legislation transferring jurisdiction of world then threatened by the Soviet Union. We supported the Schiavo case to the federal courts. By intervening an engaged foreign policy, a strong national defense and in the life and death decision of a specifi c individual, free trade. We thought that legislators should create the by transferring government power from the state level law and that judges should interpret it. We believed in to the federal level and by conferring on a federal court limited government, in keeping taxes low and the bur- jurisdiction to overrule a state court, Republican lead- den of regulation light, and we thought that many of ers gladly abandoned principles that for decades had government’s decisions should be made close to the peo- bound their party together in order to meet the demands ple, at the state or local levels, not in Washington. I recall of Christian conservatives. They accomplished this Jacob Javits, one of our most liberal Republicans, saying feat with extraordinary ease. It did not even require a that ours was the pro-business party. I think that was a recorded vote in the Senate, where each member would fair statement. We thought that more economic growth have registered agreement or disagreement with the would occur, more jobs would be created and more legislation in a manner the public could see. It was done opportunity would exist if the private sector thrived than by voice vote, and with the exception of John Warner of if the federal government grew. These were, and I think Virginia, no Republican member of the Senate raised still are, the beliefs Republicans hold in common. the slightest objection to the proceedings. 2 Copyright © 2007 www.TheThoughtfulChristian.com John Danforth on Religion Permission given to copy this page for use in class. and Politics, 3 It Works passage of more than three decades since Roe v. Wade has largely settled the matter, both in the courts and in And why should they object? Why argue with suc- public opinion. Other issues—opposition to gay mar- cess? This is the point most frequently made by people riage and the use of religious displays and observances who justify the union of the Republican Party with the on government property—are of little intrinsic impor- Christian Right: it works. It produces electoral victory. tance except as wedges. In each case, the issue energizes The traditional Republican Party, they say, was a loser. the base by pitting the “people of faith” against their The thirty-nine senators who congenially represented a enemies. The Christian Right’s strategy of splitting apart broad party in 1977 were far short of a majority. Success- the American people has worked. ful politics, they say, requires building coalitions, so it is good strategy to build a coalition of traditional Repub- As I am writing this, two items have crossed my desk that licans who share views about fi scal and foreign policies illustrate how the interjection of religion into politics can and those who have become Republicans because the turn ugly.

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