Conversation with Lon Nol, May 26, 1970
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In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia
In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson CAPI Associate and United N ations Regional Spokesperson, UNMIBH (UN mission in Bosnia Hercegovina) Occasional Paper No. 26 June 2001 Copyright © 2001 Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives Box 1700, STN CSC Victoria, BC Canada V8W 2Y2 Tel. : (250) 721-7020 Fax : (250) 721-3107 E-mail: [email protected] National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Frieson, Kate G. (Kate Grace), 1958- In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia (CAPI occasional paper series ; 26) ISBN 1-55058-230-5 1. Cambodia–Social conditions. 2. Cambodia–Politics and government. 3. Women in politics–Cambodia. I. UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives. II. Title. III. Series: Occasional papers (UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives) ; #26. DS554.8.F74 2001 305.42'09596 C2001-910945-8 Printed in Canada Table of Contents Theoretical Approaches to Gender and Politics ......................................1 Women and the Politics of Socialization ............................................2 Women and the State: Regeneration and the Reproduction of the Nation ..................4 Women and the Defense of the State during War-Time ................................8 Women as Defenders of the Nation ...............................................12 Women in Post-UNTAC Cambodia ..............................................14 Conclusion ..................................................................16 Notes ......................................................................16 In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson, University of Victoria "Behind almost all politicians there are women in the shadows" Anonymous writer, Modern Khmer News, 1954 Although largely unscribed in historical writings, women have played important roles in the Cambodian body politic as lance-carrying warriors and defenders of the Angkorean kingdom, influential consorts of kings, deviant divas, revolutionary heroines, spiritual protectors of Buddhist temples, and agents of peace. -
Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Not Worth the Wait: Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rh6566v Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 24(1) Author Bowman, Herbert D. Publication Date 2006 DOI 10.5070/P8241022188 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California NOT WORTH THE WAIT: HUN SEN, THE UN, AND THE KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL Herbert D. Bowman* I. INTRODUCTION Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge killed between one and three million Cambodians.1 Twenty-four years later, on March 17, 2003, the United Nations and the Cambodian govern- ment reached an agreement to establish a criminal tribunal de- signed to try those most responsible for the massive human rights violations which took place during the Khmer Rouge reign of terror. 2 Another three years later, on July 4, 2006, international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors were sworn in to begin work at the Extraordinary Chamber in the Courts of Cambodia ("ECCC"). 3 To quickly grasp the Cambodia court's prospects for success, one only need know a few basic facts. First, the jurisdiction of the court will be limited to crimes 4 that took place between April 17, 1975 and January 6, 1979. * Fellow of Indiana University School of Law, Indianapolis Center for Inter- national & Comparative Law. Former International Prosecutor for the United Na- tions Mission to East Timor. The author is currently working and living in Cambodia. 1. Craig Etcheson, The Politics of Genocide Justice in Cambodia, in INTERNA- TIONALIZED CRIMINAL COURTS: SIERRA LEONE, EAST TIMOR, Kosovo AND CAM- BODIA 181-82 (Cesare P.R. -
April 11, 1967 Discussion Between Chinese and Vietnamese Delegations
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 11, 1967 Discussion between Chinese and Vietnamese delegations Citation: “Discussion between Chinese and Vietnamese delegations,” April 11, 1967, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, CWIHP Working Paper 22, "77 Conversations." http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112155 Summary: Zhou Enlai recounts previous relations concerning Taiwan and the GMD, America and the Soviet Union within the context of China’s recent history. He also emphasizes the need for Cambodian support. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation VIETNAMESE AND CHINESE DELEGATIONS Beijing, 11 a.m., 11 April 1967 Zhou Enlai: …So, we hold that the closer to victory your struggle is, the fiercer our struggle with the Soviet Union will be. Because when you are closer to victory, the US wants to exert more pressure in order to cease the war, so that they can have some parts of the South of Vietnam, not losing totally. At present France is critical of the US, but when you are closer to victory, France may come closer to the US, and other nationalist countries which want to compromise may come to speak like the US. The Chinese have a saying that you really start a 100-mile journey after traveling the first 90 miles. Because traveling the last 10 miles is always as hard as traveling the first 90 miles. On a level path, you cannot see it clearly, but it’s clearer to you when you climb the Himalayas. We believe that you will try your utmost for the final victory and we will encourage the world’s people to support you. -
UN Representation Disputes: a Case Study of Cambodia and a New Accreditation Proposal for the Twenty-First Century
UN Representation Disputes: A Case Study of Cambodia and a New Accreditation Proposal for the Twenty-First Century Suellen Ratlifft The United Nations approves and accepts the representatives of its member states through a procedural accreditationprocess involving its Credentials Committee and the General Assembly. In 'most cases, the CredentialsCommittee verifies that the representative'scredentials are in order and the GeneralAssembly approves the representative as a matter of course. Complications arise, however, when a member state experiences an internal dispute resulting in rival governments that each indicate their intent to represent the member state in the UN. Faced with multiple sets of credentialsfor a single member state, the Credentials Committee and the GeneralAssembly must choose which government will represent the mem- ber state. Though the GeneralAssembly addressed the resolutionof repre- sentation disputes almost fifty years ago, it failed to adopt sufficiently structured guidelines to achieve a consistent process for resolving these disputes. As a result, member states within the CredentialsCommittee and the GeneralAssembly may manipulate the process by applying completely different guidelines to each representation dispute. Such manipulations may further the political interests of individual member states, but they also may harm the UN's integrity by seating representativeswho do not truly representthe interests of the member state'spopulation. This Comment highlights the inadequaciesof the existing UN process used to resolve representation disputes by analyzing the evolution of the current guidelines and their applicationto three representationdisputes in Copyright © 1999 California Law Review, Inc. t Law clerk to the Honorable John Hannah, Jr., U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas; J.D., School of Law, University of California, Berkeley (Boalt Hall), 1999; B.A., University of Oregon, 1993. -
U.S.-Cambodia Relations (PDF: 9.28
President Obama’s Letter to His Majesty King Norodom Sihamoni on the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Cambodia Your Majesty: On behalf of the American people, I wish to congratulate the Kingdom of Cambodia on the Occasion of the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two countries. This important milestone presents us with the opportunity to reflect on our shared past and to plot a course for the future based on the strong foundation we have built together. Both Cambodia and the United States have changed immensely since July 11, 1950, when our first Ambassador to your country presented his credentials to King Sihanouk. As with any bilateral relationship, there have been times when we have not agreed, but the overall growth in the depth and breadth of our engagement reflects a maturing partnership. Over the last several years, for example, we have seen many positive developments, including the establishment of the Peace Corps program in Cambodia, the creation of the Extraordinary Cambers of the Courts in Cambodia and completion of its first trial, and the inauguration of Cambodia’s peacekeeping force, a truly momentous achievement for a coutry that was the beneficiary of peacekeepers less than two decades before. The United States is now the top market for Cambodia’s garment exporters, forming a pillar for the country’s economic growth. Military-to-military and counterterrism cooperation between our two countries has grown as well, creating a safer environment for both Americans and Cambodians. In the coming years, we look forward to taking advantage of the positive momentum that has been created and to see the patnership between our two nations grow stronger and deeper in areas such as food security, climate change, health, education, human rights, and strengthening democratic institutions. -
Cambodia - President Lon Nol” of the National Security Adviser’S Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 1, folder “Cambodia - President Lon Nol” of the National Security Adviser’s Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. .•. NSC 4133 .. NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL. October 1, 1974 MEMORANDUM FOR: MR. GEORGE S. SPRINGSTEEN Executive Secretary Department of State SUBJECT: Presidential ltrs to Lon Nol and Urn Sirn REFERENCE: .. The attached document is transmitted for additional processing/forwarding as may be required. The Lon Nolletter is to sent to Arnb. Urn Sirn for further forwarding. ,, ... ·· '"" ~ .d:,- • J t Digitized from Box 1 of the NSA Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library .. THE WHITE HOUSE ·j WASHINGTON . : ·.j October 1, 1974 • Dear Mr. Ambassador: · Thank you for your letter of September 16 transmitting President Lon Nol' s letter of September 8. I would appreciate your sending my reply to him at your ear~iest opportunity. May I also express my appreciation for your kind words regarding my country's assistance to Cambodia. -
Front Matter
Conboy_The Cambodian Wars 4/15/13 3:31 PM Page v © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. Contents List of Maps and Illustrations vii Preface and Acknowledgments xi List of Acronyms xv 1. Springtime in Cambodia 1 2. Finger in the Dike 16 3. Finger on the Pulse 41 4. Requiem 65 5. Arrested Development 90 6. Trading Places 115 7. Fratricide 134 8. Parity 154 9. Pyrrhic Victories 176 10. Event Horizon 197 11. Dry Rot 215 12. Détente 232 13. Limelight 245 14. Phnom Penh Spring 263 15. White Pigeon 277 16. Paradigm Shift 296 17. Parting Shots 308 18. Aftermath 321 Notes 335 A Note on Sources 393 Index 395 v Conboy_The Cambodian Wars 3/29/13 12:03 PM Page vi © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. Conboy_The Cambodian Wars 3/29/13 12:03 PM Page vii © University Press of Kansas. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution prohibited without permission of the Press. Illustrations Maps The Khmer Republic 7 Thai provinces bordering Cambodia 29 The Phnom Penh capital region as of 1973 51 Noncommunist resistance camps on the Battambang border 145 The northwest quadrant of Cambodia 207 Location of key battles in Banteay Meanchey province 288 Photographs U.S. Ambassador to Laos G. McMurtrie Godley reviews the first battalion of Cambodian troops at PS 18, circa September 1970 27 Lieutenant General Robert Cushman, deputy director of the CIA, reviews Cambodian troops at PS 18, circa -
The Pol Pot Regime
World History II Term Papers The Pol Pot Regime Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge of Communist Party of Kampuchea came to power in April 17, 1975. After they took the power, they established the state known as Democratic Kampuchea and ruled the country until January 1979. During the Khmer Rouge led the country, they created policies that were anarchy and disregarded human life. They caused repression and massacres on a massive scale. Cambodia was turned into a genocidal place, which later became a killing field for nearly two million people. In this term paper, it contains a discussion on some main points of the Pol Pot regime’s history included the Khmer Rouge and their power, the Cambodian genocide, the Khmer Rouge’s ideology, and the end of the Khmer Rouge regime. The Khmer Rouge followers came from the Cambodian communist party that appeared from the country’s struggle against French colonization 1940s, and was influenced by the Vietnamese. The movement of the Cambodian communist party took roots and began to grown since that time period. The power of the Khmer Rouge and their members had increased in size during 1970 Cambodian revolution that was led by General Lon Nol, a Cambodian politician who had formerly served as prime minister during the Khmer Republic and had Prince Norodom Sihanouk as the head of state. The Khmer Republic was successfully overthrown by General Lon Nol through his collaboration with America. This event drove even more new members to the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge guerrilla was arranged to become a major player in the Cambodian Civil War that had Prince Sihanouk and Vietnamese communists as supporters to fight against Lon Nol’s army. -
Thailand's Response to the Cambodian Genocide
Thailand’s Response to the Cambodian Genocide Puangthong Rungswasdisab Independent Researcher Introduction In January 1999, Cambodian Prime Minister Hen Sen proposed that the Khmer Rouge’s foreign backers be brought to justice. His proposal was an act of retaliation against the international community who condemned his warm welcome of two defected Khmer Rouge leaders, Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea. His remark prompted the Thai leaders to distance the country from its past involvement with the murderous regime. The then Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai asserted that Thailand was not involved and had even objected and disagreed with the genocide. He reiterated that a trial was a matter for Cambodia alone. But the Cambodian problem was rarely regarded by its neighbors as an internal affair. The rise of the communist regime in Cambodia, together with those in Laos and Vietnam in 1975, was perceived as a threat for Thailand. But ironically, soon after its fall, the Khmer Rouge became Thailand’s military ally in fighting against the Vietnamese and the new Cambodian regime. Later on, a new dimension was added to the relationship between Thailand and the Khmer Rouge. Though a policy of turning Indochina from a battlefield into a market place of the Chatichai Choonhavan government was initially aimed at breaking a decade-long impasse of the Cambodian conflict, the Thais nevertheless enjoyed having the Khmer Rouge as their business partner. This chapter examines the development of Thailand’s policy towards the genocidal regime between 1975 and the mid 1990s. And as the friendly relationship with the regime was widely supported by the Thais, this chapter also sheds light on the perspectives of various Thai political groups on the crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge. -
Key Points on the Political History of Cambodia Before 1975
KEY POINTS ON THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF CAMBODIA BEFORE 1975 Donald Jameson, US Foreign Service Officer Retired Legacy of the Past Cambodia has a long tradition of authoritarian rule dating from the time of Angkor and before. In this system the king’s power was in theory absolute. Everything in the kingdom was his property and the word for govern also meant to eat or consume. There was no corresponding notion, as in the West or some other Asian countries, of the king acting as the servant of the people. Absolute power flowed downward onto a powerless population Khmer society under the monarchy was rigidly structured. The population was seen as a collection of subjects subservient to the king. It was divided between those who gave orders and those who paid homage. This was reinforced by the advent of Theravada Buddhism after the fall of Angkor. Buddhism held that those in power had their positions because of merit earned in previous lives. There were no legal restraints on those in power nor peaceful methods for replacing them. When a king died struggles for succession were often fierce and the losers were routinely killed. This reflected a winner take all mentality where compromise was absent and the idea of a loyal opposition did not exist. However, beneath the symbolic aura of absolute power the king’s authority was limited by the rivalry of quasi independent regional officials, high ranking courtiers and members of the royal family. Thus there was constant competition for influence among the king’s entourage, not unlike the behavior of Khmer politicians following independence. -
Cambodia, Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge
Ending War Crimes, Chasing the War Criminals 95 10 The Killing Fields – Cambodia, Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge In the 20th century two massacres of hundreds of thousands people compete for sec- ond place after Hitler’s extermination of the Jews, Poles, homosexuals and gypsies. One is Cambodia and the other is Rwanda. But Cambodia, where the deaths were between a million and a half and two million and the executions around 500,000, carried out by Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge, probably wins this ugly contest. “Khmer Rouge” was the name the Cambodian king, Norodom Sihanouk, gave to his communist opponents in the 1960s. Their official name was the Com- munist Party of Democratic Kampuchea (CPK) which took control of Cambodia in April 1975. They ruled until 1979 when they were overthrown by their neighbour, Vietnam. A week after they took power they forced as many as two million people living in the capital Phnom Penh to leave the city and work in the countryside. Thousands died during the evacuation. It was carried out in a hurried, ruthless and merciless way, forcing the inhabitants to leave behind all their possessions. Even hospital patients were forced to leave their beds and join the exodus. Chil- dren got separated from their parents, many old and sick died on the road and pregnant women gave birth with no professional assistance. The vast majority of doctors and teachers were killed. No wonder that this pogrom became known as “The Killing Fields”. (A very good feature film was made of this.) The Khmer Rouge believed this was a levelling process that would turn the country into a rural, classless society. -
Track 1: Introduction the Observance and Memorial Exhibition Has Been
Track 1: Introduction The Observance and Memorial exhibition has been designed in six physical sections at the centre of the exhibit space. In honour of the estimated 2 million individuals who perished in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, this exhibition presents 104 photographs of men, women and children who were imprisoned and executed at S-21 security prison. These images profoundly express the traumatic losses caused by what is commonly referred to as the “Cambodian Genocide.” As you move through the exhibition, you will learn about the social, political and cultural framework of Cambodia before and after Khmer Rouge rule. You will be presented with biographies of four victims, personal accounts of survivors who immigrated to Canada shortly after the fall of the regime. Along with these survival accounts, the 104 portraits on display provide visual reference to a historical event that deserves to be observed, remembered, and respected. From April 17, 1975 to January 7, 1979, Cambodia was under rule of the Khmer Rouge party, who sought to radically transform society into an egalitarian, agrarian utopia. Security office 21, or S21, was one of more than 19,000 execution sites where prisoners accused of treason were interrogated, tortured and killed in an effort to cleanse the country of suspected political enemies. The atrocities that occurred are not well known to most Canadians, as Cambodia was largely sealed off from the rest of the world. During that period, little was reported in Western media. This is an apt time to recall the Cambodian genocide, as the long- delayed trials of senior Khmer Rouge leaders are finally underway.