Civil War, Genocide and CEDORECK

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Civil War, Genocide and CEDORECK Chapter 2 Civil War, Genocide and CEDORECK By 1965, the spillover effect of the U.S. ‘Vietnam War’ on Cambodia was unmistakable. One year earlier, Sihanouk broke off diplomatic relations with the United States. He allied himself with the North Vietnamese, allowing the communist guerillas to set up bases in Cambodia. It was around this time that Cambodian insurgents known as the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) began to consolidate their power along the border with Vietnam. Sihanouk called them the Khmer Rouge. Despite a marked reverse in his political ori- entations in favor of the right, Sihanouk was deposed by a coup d’état by his prime minister in April 1970, paving the way for the institution of the Khmer Republic. The event, at least symbolically, marks the turning point when the country began to descend into internal political chaos. The new decade and the deposition of Sihanouk launched a spiral of political upheavals and the effective dislocation of Cambodia as a country, worse, as a society. Tensions had been high for some time with Sihanouk increasingly caught in a vainglori- ous attempt at self-legitimation while the war that was raging in neighboring Vietnam and Laos had already spilled over into Cambodian soil. The conflict eventually brought down the regime and with it the whole nation in a whirl- pool of destruction and death. 1 The Khmer Republic (1970–1975) The short-lived Khmer Republic that followed Sihanouk’s demise was almost immediately engulfed in civil war. The regime was right wing in inspiration, pro-American, and staunchly anti-Vietnamese. Its anti-communist attitude aggravated an openly racist stance particularly vis-à-vis the ethnic Vietnamese community living in the country. The new regime led pogroms against Vietnamese in the capital and other major city centers. Meanwhile, encour- aged by the United States, the new head of state Marshal Lon Nol launched a series of offensives against the North Vietnamese armed forces in Cambodia. These attempts proved disastrous. The inexperienced Cambodian army suf- fered heavy losses. At first, many Cambodians in the cities supported the new regime for what they hoped would inaugurate a less arbitrary and infantilizing model of gov- ernance than Sihanouk’s. By contrast, rural Cambodians continued to harbor © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004437357_005 40 Chapter 2 support for the Prince. An increasing number of them eventually joined the communist guerilla, particularly once they knew that Sihanouk had rallied it. Lon Nol soon found himself controlling only the capital city and several provincial capitals while their peripheries became unstable. Even as Lon Nol felt order and stability slipping away, the “Marshall head of state” imple- mented a policy of ‘Cambodianization’ aimed at uprooting the monarchical tradition while simultaneously promoting Cambodian nationalism. Not unlike Sihanouk’s emphasis on ‘Buddhist Socialism’ but with a racialist undertone that prefigured the Khmer Rouge, Lon Nol’s policy of ‘Neo-Khmerism’ drew on the glorious past of the Cambodian nation. A new form of ethnicity-based ultra-nationalist republicanism rooted in the worship of a mythical ‘Khmer race’ permeated political and social life. Once again, the state was to be the sole provider of a collective official ideology as it tried to control all modes of educational and cultural production. Increasingly, the republican regime became caught in a deadly spiral of “despondency, rivalry, factionalism, and corruption”, a trend that inevitably led to defeat.1 The Republic totally depended on U.S. military support cou- pled with ‘economic assistance’. Immediately after Sihanouk’s overthrow, the U.S. targeted eastern Cambodia for one of the most destructive bombing cam- paigns ever unleashed in an attempt to stamp out the Communist guerillas. Over a hundred thousand tons of bombs fell on the Cambodian countryside killing an estimated six hundred thousand Cambodians – nearly ten percent of the population – and leaving nearly two million people as internal refugees.2 If it temporarily halted the activities of the Communists, the campaign, which lasted until August 1973, largely contributed to hardening the will of those who survived while it also enabled them to recruit large numbers of incensed peasants.3 In April 1975, the communist forces finally converged on Phnom Penh. The Republic’s army disintegrated. Upon seizing the capital, the Khmer Rouge executed the regime’s leaders and Lon Nol fled into exile.4 As far as public print and media culture were concerned, the short period of the Khmer Republic was initially characterized by a real outburst of initia- tives, especially advantageous to the press. This trend was at first encouraged by the new regime as a reaction to the propaganda of the Sihanouk regime. Yet, this embracing of political modernity – with the introduction of television 1 Ayres (2000). Anatomy of a Crisis, p. 67. 2 Kiljunen, Kimmo (ed.) (1994). Kampuchea: Decade of the Genocide: Report of a Finnish Enquiry Commission. London: Zed Books, pp. 5–6. 3 Chandler (2008). History of Cambodia, p. 252. 4 “The last four years of the Khmer Republic were violent and melancholy.” In Chandler (2008). Ibid., p. 252..
Recommended publications
  • In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia
    In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson CAPI Associate and United N ations Regional Spokesperson, UNMIBH (UN mission in Bosnia Hercegovina) Occasional Paper No. 26 June 2001 Copyright © 2001 Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives Box 1700, STN CSC Victoria, BC Canada V8W 2Y2 Tel. : (250) 721-7020 Fax : (250) 721-3107 E-mail: [email protected] National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Frieson, Kate G. (Kate Grace), 1958- In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia (CAPI occasional paper series ; 26) ISBN 1-55058-230-5 1. Cambodia–Social conditions. 2. Cambodia–Politics and government. 3. Women in politics–Cambodia. I. UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives. II. Title. III. Series: Occasional papers (UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives) ; #26. DS554.8.F74 2001 305.42'09596 C2001-910945-8 Printed in Canada Table of Contents Theoretical Approaches to Gender and Politics ......................................1 Women and the Politics of Socialization ............................................2 Women and the State: Regeneration and the Reproduction of the Nation ..................4 Women and the Defense of the State during War-Time ................................8 Women as Defenders of the Nation ...............................................12 Women in Post-UNTAC Cambodia ..............................................14 Conclusion ..................................................................16 Notes ......................................................................16 In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson, University of Victoria "Behind almost all politicians there are women in the shadows" Anonymous writer, Modern Khmer News, 1954 Although largely unscribed in historical writings, women have played important roles in the Cambodian body politic as lance-carrying warriors and defenders of the Angkorean kingdom, influential consorts of kings, deviant divas, revolutionary heroines, spiritual protectors of Buddhist temples, and agents of peace.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Memorandum
    Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 ,E .._, ....,, TolLSect:ef: -1L_____ -------' 3.5(c) DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Memorandum CAMBODIAANDTHE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS ... 3.5(c) 3.5(c) 29 January 1968 I Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 Approved for Release: 2018/07/26 C02962544 3.5(c) CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Directorate of Intelligence 29 January 1968 INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM Cambodia and the Vietnamese Communists A Monthly Report Contents I. Military Developments: Communist battal~ ion and regimental size units continue to operate in Cambodian territory (Paras. 1-5). It is clear that North Vietnamese forces have had bases in the Cam­ bodian salient since mid-1965 (Paras. 6-8). The salient, however, has never been one of the major Communist base areias .in Cambodia (Paras. 9-12). A 3.3(h)(2) Cambodian~-----~ reports Communist units in South Vietnam are receiving Chinese arms and ammuni­ tion from Cambodian stocks (Paras. 13--16) . More reports have been received on Cambodian rice sales to the Corru:nunists (Paras. 17-20). Cambodian smug­ glers are supplying explosive chemicals to the Viet Cong (Para. 21). II. Poli ti cal Developments: Sihanouk"' con­ cerned over possible allied action against Communists in Cambodia for sanctuary, has reverted to diplomacy to settle the cris:is (Paras. 22-27). Sihanouk has again attempted to get a satisfactory border declara­ tion from the US (Para. 28). Cambodia, still believ­ ing the Communists will prevail in South Vietnam, sees short-term advantages to an opening to the West (Para.
    [Show full text]
  • Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley Lamere
    Vietnamese and Cambodian Refugee Crisis Cecilia Bobbitt, Paige Amico, Emily Poehlein, Sara Seper, Megan Caveny, Bianca Zarrella, Shiqi Lin, Ashley LaMere Introduction and Causes of Crisis: The Vietnamese and Cambodian refugee crisis spanned from 1969 to 1973. During the 1960’s, America and Vietnam were participating in the Vietnam War, which, along with internal conflict, was responsible for the displacement of not only Vietnamese but also Cambodian people. Due to the violent conditions from the war, many Vietnamese fled the country. Many were referred to as “boat people” because they escaped by boat on a dangerous trip to refugee camps in neighboring countries like Thailand. The Vietnam war also strongly had an effect on the lives of Cambodian citizens. Cambodia served as a transport route between North and South Vietnam. Cambodia remained neutral during the war; however, they were bombed heavily due to the presence of Vietcong Army bases. In 1975, a communist group called the Khmer Rouge that was led by Pol Pot took control of Cambodia and attempted to create an agrarian utopia. Cities were evacuated and destroyed. 1.5 million Cambodians (~20% of the country’s population) was murdered by the Khmer Rouge. In 1979, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia, causing many to flee the country to refugee camps in Thailand. Over 100,000 refugees relocated in the United States. Lived Experiences of Refugees: https://www.ted.com/talks/tan_le_my_immigration_story?language=en https://www.ted.com/talks/sophal_ear_escaping_the_khmer_rouge The Life We Were Given, Dana Sachs ​ South Wind Changing, Jade Ngoc Quang Huynh ​ US Government Response to the Refugee Crisis: On April 28th, 1970 President Nixon approved the Cambodian incursion, against the requests of Secretary of State William Rogers and Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia
    KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA Nation-Religion-King THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA This Constitution was adopted by the Constitutional Assembly in Phnom Penh on September 21, 1993 at its 2nd Plenary Session. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA This Constitution was adopted by the Constitutional Assembly in Phnom Penh on September 21, 1993 at its 2nd Plenary Session. PREAMBLE ***** WE, THE PEOPLE OF CAMBODIA Having known a grand civilization of a prosperous, powerful, and glorious nation whose prestige radiates like a diamond, Having endured sufferings and destructions and having experienced a tragic decline in the course of the two decades, awakened, stood up with a resolute determination to strengthen the national unity, to preserve and defend Cambodia’s territory and its precious sovereignty and the prestige of Angkor civilization, and to restore Cambodia into an "Island of Peace" based on a multi-party liberal democratic regime guaranteeing human rights and the respect of law, and responsible for the destiny of the nation always evolving toward progress, development, prosperity, and glory, WITH THIS RESOLUTE WILL We inscribe the following as the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia: CHAPTER I: SOVEREIGNTY CHAPTER II: THE KING CHAPTER III: THE RIGHTS AND OBLIGATIONS OF KHMER CITIZENS CHAPTER IV: ON POLICY CHAPTER V: ECONOMY CHAPTER VI: EDUCATION, CULTURE, SOCIAL AFFAIRS CHAPTER VII: THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY NEW CHAPTER VIII: THE SENATE NEW CHAPTER IX: THE CONGRESS OF THE ASSEMBLY AND SENATE NEW CHAPTER X: THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT NEW CHAPTER XI: THE JUDICIARY NEW CHAPTER XII: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL NEW CHAPTER XIII: THE ADMINISTRATION NEW CHAPTER XIV: THE NATIONAL CONGRESS NEW CHAPTER XV: EFFECTS, REVISION AND AMENDMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTION NEW CHAPTER XVI: TRANSITIONAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER I: SOVEREIGNTY 2 Article 1: Cambodia is a Kingdom with a King who shall rule according to the Constitution and to the principles of liberal democracy and pluralism.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat During the People's Republic Of
    Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) Simon Bailey A Thesis in The Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada August 2018 © Simon Bailey, 2018 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Simon Bailey Entitled: Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: Chair Professor Barbara Lorenzkowski Examiner Professor. Theresa Ventura Examiner Professor Alison Rowley Supervisor Professor Matthew Penney Approved by Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director 2018 Dean of Faculty ABSTRACT Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) Simon Bailey The People’s Republic of Kampuchea period between 1979 and 1989 is often overlooked when scholars work on the history of modern Cambodia. This decade is an academic blind spot sandwiched between the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime and the onset of the United Nations peace process. Utilizing mediums such as popular culture, postage stamps and performance art, this thesis will show how the single most identifiable image of Cambodian culture, Angkor Wat became a cultural binding agent for the government during the 1980s. To prove the centrality of Angkor in the myth-making and nation building mechanisms of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, primary source material from Cambodia’s archives, along with interviews will form the foundation of this investigation.
    [Show full text]
  • Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
    UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Not Worth the Wait: Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rh6566v Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 24(1) Author Bowman, Herbert D. Publication Date 2006 DOI 10.5070/P8241022188 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California NOT WORTH THE WAIT: HUN SEN, THE UN, AND THE KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL Herbert D. Bowman* I. INTRODUCTION Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge killed between one and three million Cambodians.1 Twenty-four years later, on March 17, 2003, the United Nations and the Cambodian govern- ment reached an agreement to establish a criminal tribunal de- signed to try those most responsible for the massive human rights violations which took place during the Khmer Rouge reign of terror. 2 Another three years later, on July 4, 2006, international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors were sworn in to begin work at the Extraordinary Chamber in the Courts of Cambodia ("ECCC"). 3 To quickly grasp the Cambodia court's prospects for success, one only need know a few basic facts. First, the jurisdiction of the court will be limited to crimes 4 that took place between April 17, 1975 and January 6, 1979. * Fellow of Indiana University School of Law, Indianapolis Center for Inter- national & Comparative Law. Former International Prosecutor for the United Na- tions Mission to East Timor. The author is currently working and living in Cambodia. 1. Craig Etcheson, The Politics of Genocide Justice in Cambodia, in INTERNA- TIONALIZED CRIMINAL COURTS: SIERRA LEONE, EAST TIMOR, Kosovo AND CAM- BODIA 181-82 (Cesare P.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender-Based Violence During the Khmer Rouge Regime
    Gender-Based Violence During the Khmer Rouge Regime Stories of survivors from the Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979) Nakagawa Kasumi March 2008 1 Cover Photo Mrs. LY Vanny, born in 1944 and she was lecturer at Faculty of Khmer Literature and her children; 1. KE Kanpiseth, Born 1966 2. KE Kannika, Born 1967 3. KE Dannine, Born 1969 4. KE Karpraneth, Born 1972 The family was last seen at the end of 1976, in Spean Tren village, Phnom Srok, Battambang province. Mrs. LY Vanny was a first daughter of Mr. LY Kvang Pann, former minister of Justice during Khmer Republic. If somebody knows about this family, please do not hesitate to contact: Ms LY Vichuta e mail: [email protected] English edition first published in July 2007 The first edition was published in the Asia Pacific Year Book of International Humanitarian Law, Volume 2, 2006 Second edition, March 2008 Phnom Penh Cambodia 2 “I tried to protect myself by keeping my legs next to each other, but they forced open them. So I dared not move because I was afraid they would break my legs. I just let them do whatever they wanted to. Only one of them could put his penis inside me. The first man could not because his sexual organ was so big that he could not insert it. The first man said, “Today I couldn‟t succeed, but next time I will make the vagina wider open.” Then, he let the other man have sex with me. After the rape, they said, “If you tell anybody about this story, your whole family will be killed because all of you have been classified as the Angkar‟s enemies already.” - A woman who was 12 years old when she was raped 3 Preface to the second edition It is my honor to present the second edition of Gender-based violence during the Khmer Rouge regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Prince Sihanouk: the Model of Absolute Monarchy in Cambodia 1953-1970
    Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 2013 Prince Sihanouk: The Model of Absolute Monarchy in Cambodia 1953-1970 Weena Yong Trinity College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the Architectural History and Criticism Commons, Asian Art and Architecture Commons, Asian History Commons, Environmental Design Commons, Historic Preservation and Conservation Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, National Security Law Commons, South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons, and the Urban, Community and Regional Planning Commons Recommended Citation Yong, Weena, "Prince Sihanouk: The Model of Absolute Monarchy in Cambodia 1953-1970". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2013. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/309 Prince Norodom Sihanouk Prince Norodom The Model of Absolute Monarchy in Cambodia 1953-1970 by Prince Sihanouk: The Model of Absolute Monarchy in Cambodia By Weena Yong Advised by Michael Lestz Janet Bauer Zayde Gordon Antrim A Thesis Submitted to the International Studies Program of Trinity College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Bachelor of Arts Degree © May 2013 1 For my parents, MiOk Mun and Yong Inn Hoe, My brothers, KeeSing Benjamin and KeeHup Arie, My sister, Lenna XingMei And to all my advisors and friends, Whom have inspired and supported me Every day. 2 Abstract This thesis addresses Prince Sihanouk and the model of absolute monarchy in Cambodia during his ‘golden era.’ What is the legacy bequeathed to his country that emanated from his years as his country’s autocratic leader (1954-1970)? What did he leave behind? My original hypothesis was that Sihanouk was a libertine and ruthless god-king who had immense pride for his country.
    [Show full text]
  • Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
    Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did Chinese Call Cambodia Chenla
    [email protected] The History of Cambodia from 1st Century to 20th Century [5] Why did Chinese call Cambodia “Chenla[s]”? SLK 05/02/2009 The architectural style of the shrine, which scholars call the pre-Angkorian Khmer style, is the progenitor of the Rolous group of monuments built in the ninth century in the vicinity of Angkor. Today it is still possible to visit the ruins of the two palaces on either side at the foot of the hill. Naga-shaped staircases are attached to the sides of the palaces and rise to the hilltop in the company of enormous trees. Human sacrifices were performed at the temple, ministered at night by the king of Zhenla. SLK v.2 [5] Why did Chinese call Cambodia “Chenla[s]”? Zhenla Period (550-802) THE first classical Chinese text to provide any detailed information on Zhenla is the Sui Annals, written in 627, seventy-seven years after the kingdom became established in 550. The Kingdom of Zhenla is south-west of Linyi (Champa). It was originally a vassal kingdom of Funan. It bordered Chequ on the south. The kingdom of Chu-ch’uang (Red River) on the west, and took six days’ travel by sea from Rinan. The family name of the king was Ch’a-li (Kshtriya); his personal name was She-to-ssu-na [Chitrasena]; his ancestors had gradually increased the power of the country. Chitrasena seized Funan and subdued it. Chitrasena died, and his son, Prince Isanavarman, succeeded him as king. This prince makes his residence in the city of I-she- na (Isanapura), which contains more than twenty thousand families.
    [Show full text]
  • Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge Views from the Inside
    Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge Views from the Inside Content 1 Introduction Ratana Ly 2 Historical Background 3 The ECCC 4 The Different Actor Groups and their Relations to the ECCC 5 Patterns, Dynamics, Drivers of Acceptance and Rejection of the ECCC 6 Conclusion Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge: Views from the Inside Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge: Views from the Inside Ratana Ly1 ‘Justice, peace and democracy are not mutually exclusive objectives, but rather mutually reinforcing imperatives’ (United Nations Secretary General 2004). 1. Introduction Out of Cambodia’s total population of approximately 7 to 8 million, it is estimated that 1.5 to 2 million died of starvation, disease, and execution during the reign of the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime, which lasted from 17 April 1975 to 6 January 1979 (Kiernan 1996, 456-460). Following the fall of the DK (also known as the Khmer Rouge Regime), ‘a truth commission, lustration policies, amnesty programmes, and domestic or international trials were all considered or attempted’ to provide justice and peace for Cambodians (Ciorciari and Heindel 2014, 14). Out of these responses, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), a hybrid court established jointly by Cambodia and the United Nations (UN) is the only internationally recognised judicial mechanism established to address Khmer Rouge crimes.2 The ECCC is, however, the product of a political compromise, resulting from protracted negotiations between the Cambodian government and the UN, whose relationship was characterised by ‘bitter
    [Show full text]
  • The Khmer Rouge Practice of Thought Reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978
    Journal of Political Ideologies ISSN: 1356-9317 (Print) 1469-9613 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjpi20 Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978 Kosal Path & Angeliki Kanavou To cite this article: Kosal Path & Angeliki Kanavou (2015) Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978, Journal of Political Ideologies, 20:3, 304-332, DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 Published online: 25 Nov 2015. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjpi20 Download by: [24.229.103.45] Date: 26 November 2015, At: 10:12 Journal of Political Ideologies, 2015 Vol. 20, No. 3, 304–332, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978 KOSAL PATH Brooklyn College, City University of New York, Brooklyn, NY 11210, USA ANGELIKI KANAVOU Interdisciplinary Center for the Scientific Study of Ethics & Morality, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697-5100, USA ABSTRACT While mistaken as zealot ideologues of Marxist ideals fused with Khmer rhetoric, the Khmer Rouge (KR) cadres’ collective profile better fits that of the convert subjected to intense thought reform. This research combines insights from the process and the context of thought reform informed by local cultural norms with the social type of the convert in a way that captures the KR phenome- non in both its general and particular dimensions.
    [Show full text]