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The Life of Gudmund the Good, Bishop of Holar

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The Life of Gudmund the Good, Bishop of Holar THE LIFE OF GUDMUND THE GOOD, BISHOP OF HOLAR Translated from the original Icelandic sources by G. TURVILLE-PETRE and E. S. OLSZEWSKA The Viking Society lor Northern Research Printed for the Society by Curtis and Beamish, Ltd* Northfield Road, Coventry 1942 GIVEN THROUGH THE GENEROSITY AND IN MEMORY OF THE LATE ERNEST PAYNE, M.A., MEMBER OF COUNCIL CONTENTS PAGE Preface ix Introductory Notes - - xix Translators' Note - xxviii The Life of Gudmund the Good 1 Genealogical Tables 113 Sketch-map of Iceland - 114 PREFACE FOR a full appreciation of the story of Gudmund the Good, a short account of early Christianity in Iceland will perhaps be helpful. The Icelanders had adopted the Christian Faith in the >ear 1000. The chief instigator in their conversion was the King of Norway, Olaf Tryggvason (995-1000). Olaf was a ruthless and fanatical teacher. Not content with preaching to his own subjects, he resolved to convert the Icelanders to the new faith. As their teacher, he sent a German priest called Thangbrand to Iceland in 997. Thangbrand was a spendthrift arid a robber, and a man of violent temper. One,of the reasons why Olaf sent him to Iceland was, no doubt, that his lawless conduct could only injure the Christian cause in Norway. Thangbrand remained in Iceland for two years. He made some fri«nds and converts in Iceland but was, on the whole, unpopular, and was eventually expelled from the island for manslaughter. When Thangbrand returned to Norway, and delivered a report of his mission to King Olaf, the King was enraged to hear of the obstinacy of the Icelanders. He threatened to take reprisals against them, but was finally calmed by two Icelanders present at his court. These were Gizur the White and Hjalti, the son of Skeggi, and they undertook to return to Iceland and to persuade" the people to accept Christian teaching. In the year 1000 Gizur and Hjalti pleaded the Christian cause before the Icelandic Assembly. At first the rulers of Iceland could not agree whether Iceland should be heathen or Christian, but, finally, the heathen and Christian parties agreed to elect Thorgeir, one of the wisest men present at the Assembly, to make the decision alone. Thorgeir lay with a cloak spread over his head for a day and a night, while he thought the problem out. When he arose, he announced that henceforth Iceland should be a Christian land. Nevertheless, some heathen practices, such as the exposure of children and sacrificial banquets of horseflesh, were allowed to continue for several years to come. Even wor­ ship of the heathen gods was countenanced, so long as it were not made a public scandal. The restraint exercised by advocates, both of the old faith and the new, should have been a model for subsequent reformations and conversions. The ruthless methods used by King Olaf in Norway were not copied in Iceland. Neither. the Christians nor heathens used violence against their opponents. Restraint, liberty and tolerance were to remain the dominant characteristics of the Icelandic Church for the next century and a half. At first the Icelanders depended for their teaching on foreign clergy. Among foreign bishops who visited Iceland in the nth century, we read ,of Jon the Irishman, Bjarnhard, who was probably an Englishman, and of Rodolf, who remained in Iceland for nineteen years. This Rodolf is probably identical with Rudolf, who was made Abbot of Abingdon, near Oxford, in 1050. There were also three "Armenian" bishops in Iceland during the nth century. It is believed that they were heretics of the Paulician sect. It appears that they were forbidden, by the Archbishop of Bremen, to teach in Iceland, but evidently they gained a fair number of adherents. It was not long before native Icelanders began to study for the priesthood. Perhaps the most distinguished of Icelandic clergymen during the iith century, and the first Icelander to be ordained Bishop, was Isleif. Isleif was born about the year 1005. As a young man he had studied in the well-known convent of Herford in Westphalia. He visited Pope Victor II in Rome before his consecration by Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen in 1056. In the following year, Isleif returned to Iceland, and settled down on his ancestral farm Skalholt. He instructed pupils at Skalholt, and this farm was destined to be the episcopal see, and the chief cultural centre of southern Iceland until late in the i8th century. Isleif was a son of Gizur the White, the friend of King Olaf, who had played an active part in the conversion of Iceland. He belonged to the family of the Mosfellingar, one of the foremost families of southern Iceland. With his European culture, Isleif thus combined the strongest traditions of his own country. During the latter years of the nth century the administra­ tion of the Icelandic Church fell more and more into the hands of native clergymen, who replaced their foreign teachers. By the end of that century, the Church had become a thoroughly native institution, and foreigners took little part in its organisation. Until 1104 Iceland formed a part of the Archdiocese of Bremen, but in that year it was placed under the Archbishop of Lund. Both Lund and Bremen were far removed from Iceland, and probably the Archbishops knew little about conditions there. They did no't often interfere in Iceland's affairs. Because of its independence, the Church of Iceland developed rather differently from that of neighbouring countries. The "rivalry between Church and State was slow to develop in Iceland. The temporal rulers were the goQar* or chiefs. The word go$i (plural goftar) was originally applied to pagan priests. The goQar of medieval Iceland were, in fact, heirs to the pagan priests, whose temporal powers they still exercised as Christians. The gofinrft, or "office of goQi," was largely hereditary, or was, at any rate, the saleable property of distinguished families. In many instances the goftar studied for the Christian priesthood, and they thus became spiritual as well as temporal rulers. Just as their pagan ancestors had built temples to Thor and Frey, so the Christian go'Qar built churches upon their lands, and main­ tained these churches as their private property. Until the question of patronage became acute, towards the end of the i2th century, and until the Icelandic Church, under foreign influence, began to press for separate jurisdiction for the clergy, there were scarcely grounds for a quarrel between Church and State. For the Church and the State were one. Isleif was not only a bishop, he was also a gofti, and, it seems, his son Gizur (died 1118) succeeded him in both these offices. The early Church of Iceland contrasted sharply with that of Norway. In Norway, at any rate until the middle of the i2th century, it was unusual for a nobleman to be trained as a priest. Consequently, most of the Norwegian nobles knew little of letters. Most of the priests who worked in Norway, during the first hundred and fifty years of its Christian period, were foreigners. For this reason, Norway never came to enjoy that blend of the best elements of European Christian and of native pagan cultures, which characterised medieval Icelandic civilisation. If native and foreign elements had not mingled at an early date, it is improb­ able that the Icelanders, alone among the Scandinavian nations, would have produced a great vernacular literature in the middle ages. Literary and scholarly interests awakened early in Iceland. The first man who wrote in the Icelandic language was the priest, Ari, the son of Thorgils (1067-1148). Ari applied his clerical training to the study of native history. One of his works, " The Book of the Icelanders," is preserved, though in an abridged form. " The Book of the Icelanders " was used as a source by many who wrote about the history of Iceland later in the middle ages. Ari's use of the vernacular is surprising at so early a date, for most continental history in the nth and early iath centuries was written in Latin. Few historians wrote in their own language at this period, except those in England and Ireland. It seerns likely, therefore, that Ari followed the example of scholars in the British Isles, when he wrote his history in Icelandic. Undoubtedly, English clerics taught in Iceland during the nth century, and Ari himself mentions an Irishman who was there, though before his own time. Xll Even more remarkable than Ari was his cousin Ssemund (1056-1133), also> a priest. Sajmund spent a part of his life in France, where he studied astrology and other subjects. He became so learned that later generations regarded him as a magician. Unlike Ari, Saemund wrote in Latin, and was probably influenced by the French culture of his time. It is believed that he wrote a history of Norway, which was used as a source' by j±e monk Odd (circa 1190), as well as by Snorri and by others who wrote about the history of Norway, both Icelanders and Norwegians. Saemund took an active part in the administration of his country. His home was Oddi, in the extreme south of the island. Until the end of the izth century, Saemund's descendants, known as the Oddaverjar, were unquestionably the most learned and cultured men in Iceland (vide infra). Until 1106, Skalholt was the only episcopal see in Iceland. In response to appeals made by the people of northern Iceland, Bishop Gizur agreed that a Bishop should be appointed for the north of Iceland las well. Gizur's choice and that of the northern people fell on Jon, the son of Ogmund.
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