RAUNA KUOKKANEN ON TWO CONTINENTS Self-Determination Processes in Saami and First Nation Societies

Sometimes it can be challenging to be Jr. was not, however, satisfied with indigenous peoples is the collective a Sámi in North America. Not only this “scientific” explanation. He dimension of their existence as well as have most people never heard of the argued that “[t]he Lapps may have rights. This implies that besides com- Sámi but in many cases, we remain whiter skins than Africans, but they do monly characterized rights of individ- suspect due to our relatively “White not run around naked to absorb the uals, we have rights as distinct peo- looks.” Especially in Native North sunlight’s vitamin D. Indeed, it is the ples. In other words, indigenous peo- America (or in “Indian Country” or Africans who are often bare in the ples are not merely “groups,” “popu- “Turtle Island” as the continent is also tropical sun. The Lapps are always lations,” or even “ethnic minorities” called), Europe equals White and heavily clothed to protect themselves but peoples with inherent right to self- White equals the settler and colonizer from the cold” (Deloria 1995: 10). determination as defined in interna- —the well-known figure of “the white Though probably more correct than tional law. This is the reason why man.” Due to a common lack of knowl- Bronowski, Deloria also lapses into indigenous peoples worldwide have edge of the Sámi, it is hard for some the stereotypical belief that the Sámi demanded recognition of this collec- people to think that there really are live in a permanent winter. tive aspect in international contexts indigenous people in Europe and While the focus of this article is not such as the United Nations. Scandinavia, especially when the the whiteness of the Sámi, two points In this paper, I consider some of the Sámi do not present what is stereo- needs to made here. First, the skin recent self-determination develop- typically considered the “indigenous color is more or less a non-issue in ments among indigenous peoples on looks.” It is not surprising, then, that Sámiland. Second and even more im- two continents, Europe and North some of us resort to suggesting that portantly, it is not the skin color that America, particularly in Canada. First, the Sámi are the “White Indians of makes one an indigenous people. I discuss historical and contemporary Scandinavia” (Gaski 1993). The ap- According to the ILO Convention developments in the fields of educa- parent whiteness of the Sámi has, in dealing with indigenous rights, an tion and language, and second, I fact, intrigued quite a few scholars individual is “regarded as Indigenous examine the current endeavors toward throughout time. In his The Ascent of on account of their descent from the indigenous autonomy among the Man, Jacob Bronowski asks: populations which inhabited the coun- Sámi and First Nations peoples. While “Why are the Lapps white? Man try ... at the time of conquest or colo- there is only one officially recognized began with a dark skin; the sunlight nization or the establishment of pre- indigenous people in Europe (save makes vitamin D in his skin, and if sent state boundaries and who, irre- Greenland), there are hundreds of he had been white in Africa, it would spective of their legal status, retain indigenous peoples in North America, make too much. But in the north, some or all of their own social, eco- naturally posing some serious chal- man needs to let in all the sunlight nomic, cultural and political institu- lenges for any meaningful compar- there is to make enough vitamin D, tions” (ILO Convention no. 169, Article isons even within. It is however widely and natural selection therefore 1(b). According to another definition agreed that despite historical, geo- favored those with whiter skin” by UN rapporteur Jose Martinez graphic, political, and economic differ- (cited in Deloria 1995: 10). Cobo, ences, indigenous peoples and cul- The late well-known Standing Rock Indigenous communities, peoples tures share certain similarities in terms Sioux lawyer and scholar Vine Deloria, and nations are those which, having of their worldviews, values both of historical continuity with pre-inva- which are reflected particularly in the Rauna Kuokkanen sion and pre-colonial societies that special relationship of indigenous developed on their territories, con- peoples with their lands and territo- sider themselves distinct from other ries. sectors of the societies now prevail- One of the factors that clearly dis- ing in those territories, or in parts of tinguish indigenous peoples from eth- them. They form at present non- nic minorities is their relationship with dominant sectors of society and are their territories, establishing what is Author’s address: determined to preserve, develop commonly known as the “Aboriginal and transmit to future generations title.” For indigenous peoples, land is their ancestral territories, and their not only a source of livelihood but also E-mail: [email protected] ethnic identity, as the basis of their of philosophy; fundamental cultural A previous version of this paper was pre- continued existence as peoples, in values and worldviews are derived sented at the Symposium on Circumpolar accordance with their own cultural from the land. As noted by the Special Culture: “Contemporary Perspectives from Ancient Peoples of the North,” orga- patterns, social institutions and Rapporteur of the UN Working Group nized by the Humanities West on 8 June legal systems (Cobo 1986). on Indigenous Populations, Erica- 2003, San Francisco. What is central in various definitions of Irene Daes,

NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES 20:2 2006 1 “Throughout the life of the Working Language and Education the church was also an attempt to Group, indigenous peoples have implement the principle of Protes- emphasized the fundamental issue Although the overall aspirations, tantism by preaching gospel in the of their relationship to their home- issues, and goals are similar, differ- language of the people. While the lands. They have done so in the ences in the length and intensity of churchmen indicated support of the context of the urgent need for un- the colonial history in Scandinavia Sámi language, they were very clear derstanding by non-indigenous and North America have lead to dif- on their intentions of overthrowing the societies of the spiritual, social, cul- ferent emphases and approaches to Sámi land-based “religion” and world tural, economic and political signifi- decolonization and self-determination view characterized by the existence cance to indigenous societies of among the Sámi and North American of various deities and spirits of the their lands, territories and resources indigenous peoples. In general, the natural world to whom human beings for their continued survival and vital- colonization of the Sámi was much were required to pay respect and ity. Indigenous peoples have ex- subtler and arguably more perilous express gratitude. plained that, because of the pro- than the arrival of the settlers, coloniz- In the nineteenth century, however, found relationship that indigenous ers and missionaries in North Ameri- the assimilation pressures intensified peoples have to their lands, territo- ca. By the time of the early Sámi cul- as the sought to gain ries and resources, there is a need tural reawakening in the mid-nine- a stronger hold over their northern ter- for a different conceptual frame- teenth century, much of the traditional ritories. The surrounding states justi- work to understand this relationship Sámi cultural and spiritual ceremonies fied their assimilation policies in the and a need for recognition of the and practices had been replaced name of education: the only way for cultural differences that exist. already several generations ago by the Sámi to become equal with the Indigenous peoples have urged the Christianity. At that time, the Sámi lan- other citizens of the state was to know world community to attach positive guage, however, had not been deci- the official language of the country. value to this distinct relationship” mated and systematically erased as it Laws that prohibited the use of Sámi (Daes 1999: para. 10). was in many places in North America. language both in schools and at home Moreover, indigenous peoples world- Quite naturally, the language, which were passed, particularly in Norway wide are united by a set of shared and still is the strongest marker of Sámi- and Sweden (Aikio 1992: 209–211). At common experiences related to being ness, became the main focus of the the end of the nineteenth century, the colonized, marginalized, and exploit- Sámi ethnopolitical movement which first Sámi writers and activists chose ed both in the past and in the present, began in the late 1960s. the Sámi language as the symbol of demonstrated very clearly by the cur- Although the Sámi language was Sáminess and Sámi identity that was rent debates on biopiracy, commer- regarded as one of the primary tar- required for the protection of Sámi cialization, and privatization of indige- gets of colonization and assimilation, identity and self-representation. The nous knowledges and patenting in- there is also a long history of church right to one’s mother tongue became digenous DNA, to mention only few of and, to some extent, state authorities a central issue for most of the first the new forms of the continuing colo- attempting to interact with the Sámi in Sámi organizations established in the nial enterprise. My considerations their own language. This history first decade of the twentieth century. thus are based on this commonly reaches back to the seventeenth cen- Up to this date, the Sámi language shared indigenous description being tury when representatives of the cler- remains as the clearest, strongest “united in our diversity.” gy translated Christian texts into Sámi measure of Sáminess for the majority The top priorities and concerns for their missionary purposes. Behind of the Sámi. The official Sámi defini- among contemporary indigenous the apparently well-intentioned idea of tions in the three Nordic countries are peoples worldwide have to do with producing religious services and texts all based on linguistic criteria.2 decolonization and transformation of for the Sámi in their own language The determined effort of the Sámi to their societies—the various challen- was a missionary strategy of under- revitalize and restore their language is ges of reclaiming their rights and res- mining Sámi culture and religion from a significant achievement considering ponsibilities as peoples. These pro- within. Some scholars have argued how many indigenous languages in cesses encompass issues from the that there have always been two dif- the world are on the brink of extinction personal level—such as reclaiming ferent approaches to Sámi language as a result of colonialism and more identities and learning the language and culture by the church and sur- recently, pressures of globalization. and cultural practices—to structural rounding kingdoms; one of assimila- Since the early 1970s, the state and and societal levels, including rebuil- tion and eradication and another of status of the Sámi language—or to be ding educational and other institutions preservation and protection (e.g., precise, the Northern Sámi language based on models deriving from and Salvesen 1995: 120–121). It is possi- which is the most widely spoken of reflecting indigenous thinking, values, ble, however, to consider these while the others and conventions. In short, decoloniza- apparently contradictory approaches remain in a critical state—has gradu- tion and transformation among indige- the two sides of the same coin—insid- ally improved to the extent that today, nous peoples means restoring indige- ious colonial practices promoting there are again young parents who nous communities and recovering interests of the states over the Sámi speak Sámi to their children.3 control over their lives according their territory. Occasionally, there have own priorities and premises. In the fol- also been representatives of the cler- lowing, I will take a closer look at how gy who have candidly spoken against 2 The official definitions of the Sámi this has been and is done in Sámi and the assimilation of the Sámi, especial- slightly vary from country to country but Native societies, focusing on two the- ly during the official assimilation poli- they are all based on linguistic criteria. It is beyond the scope of this article to mes: language and education, and cies in the nineteenth century (e.g., discuss the details of the various defin- current processes of autonomy. Niemi 1997: 74). itions or recent developments and the The active use of Sámi language by implications of those definitions.

2 EUROPEAN REVIEW OF Both Norway and have tional ceremonies, such as the pot- Native education has been seeking to passed Sámi Language Acts in 1992, latch, but often also as a part of indi- establish education on its own terms making the Sámi language official viduals’ work and daily activities. and models such as the widely used together with the dominant languages While it is essential to emphasize figure of the medicine wheel which in the northernmost municipalities of the central role of the language in cul- aims at holistically attend to various both countries. This has meant, tural revitalization, it may not be dimensions of learning, Sámi educa- among other things, that road signs enough to speak the language if it is tion has established a strong basis for and places names are required to be not closely connected to other dimen- the Sámi language, reflected in the in Sámi as well in the officially defined sions of culture such as the different fact, for example, that in certain “Sámi home area.” These language set of values, systems of knowledge, Nordic universities, it is possible to acts guarantee the Sámi a right to use and worldviews. Particularly in a situa- receive university education in our their own language at courts and with tion where a language is in a minority own language. the authorities. Applying first and fore- position and under a heavy influence most to local and regional authorities of dominant, majority languages, working in the “Sámi home area,” the there is a serious danger that every- Processes of Indigenous Autonomy Act does not, however, obligate the day language starts reflecting more authorities to know Sámi but the rights the values and world view of dominant For most indigenous peoples, self- are guaranteed through translation societies than of its own. In other governance or self-determination and interpretation. The Sámi Lan- words, we can also colonize our- does not imply secession but reclaim- guage Act was revised in 2003 but its selves in our very own language if we ing the right to freely determine their implementation remains inadequate are not aware of the subtle and more political status and pursue their own and incomplete. insidious forms of colonization and economic, social, and cultural devel- Compared to many Native lan- assimilation some of which we may opment. Effective governance is con- guages in Canada and the United have internalized as part of our think- sidered an essential factor in enhanc- States, the situation of the Sámi lan- ing. ing economic development of Native guage, however, is remarkably better. Differences in policies and experi- American communities. According to For example, the First Nations situa- ences of colonial educational institu- the Harvard Project on American Indi- tion in British Columbia, where indige- tions have also resulted in a situation, an Economic Development (1992), nous languages were always relative- where the Sámi have perhaps always effective governance is characterized ly small in terms of numbers of speak- been less distrustful of formal educa- as “(1) having power to make deci- ers. A relatively short but very de- tion imposed by the governments. sions about a community’s own future; structive colonial era characterized by The focus of Sámi education has been (2) exercising power through effective generations of assimilative schooling in creating and offering education for institutions; and (3) choosing eco- and decimation of Native population Sámi children in their own language. nomic policies and projects that fit by imported diseases have seriously Only recently more attention is being with values and priorities, that is, the undermined the vitality of First Nations paid to the contents and curriculum of culture of the community” (cited in languages. Today, a number of West Sámi education as well as the hidden Erasmus 2002: 120). Coast First Nations languages are in a values and norms delivered through In Canada, the Indian Act of 1876 state of emergency with only a hand- text books of dominant societies, has been the main piece of federal ful of speakers left, usually elderly some of which have been directly legislation controlling “Status Indians” people who will soon pass away. In translated into Sámi (see Hirvonen and the reserve system. Despite the this critical stage, many First Nations 2004). Native Americans and First colonial piece of legislation that re- educators and scholars have started Nations, on the other hand, have since mains in place, many Native commu- language revival programs some of the 1970s focused on incorporating nities have a more extensive autono- which have already produced promis- their own approaches and concepts my over some of their affairs than the ing results and a change in the trend to education and redefining education Sámi. Many of the First Nations have of the apparent language loss. Yet on in a way that would take into account maintained their original treaties with the other hand, unlike among the their own philosophies, values, and the Crown, while some have been Sámi, many other First Nations’ cultur- traditional ways of learning such as successful in negotiating a contempo- al and spiritual practices remain oral tradition and various cultural rary treaty with the federal govern- strongly manifested not only in tradi- practices (see Barman et al. 1986, ment. For example, the Supreme 1987, Battiste and Barman 1995, Court of Canada’s Delgamuukw deci- Castellano et al. 2000, Swisher and sion of 1997 established Aboriginal 3 In some Sámi areas, there are kinder- Tipperconnic 1999). title to traditional land has marked a gartens and schools where the lan- There are also slight differences in significant watershed in Native rights guage of instruction is Sámi. In those purposes of education in Sámi and (see, e.g., Cassidy 1998; Mills 1994). places, Sámi is often used as a daily Native American societies. For Native The Nisga’a in British Columbia and language of communication. At certain universities, there are Sámi studies pro- Americans, education is often consid- the Cree in Quebec are among the grams where it is possible to study and ered “at the heart of the struggle ... to First Nations who, in the past years, graduate in the Sámi language. There regain control over their lives as com- have reached a modern-day self-gov- are also newspapers, magazines, radio munities and nations” (Castellano et ernment agreement with the Canadi- broadcasts, and more recently, TV pro- al. 2000: xi). For Sámi, the emphasis an government. In 2002, the James grams available in Sámi. Although in- has been on being able to be educat- Bay Cree voted in favor of an agree- sufficient in many ways, the Sámi lan- ed in their own mother tongue, and in ment, which includes $3.4 billion in guage acts in Finland and Norway passed in the early 1990s have con- cases where Sámi children have not payments for the next 50 years, more tributed to the recognition of the Sámi learned Sámi as their mother tongue, control over their community and language. be able to learn to speak Sámi. While economy, more power over logging,

NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES 20:2 2006 3 and more jobs. In return, the Cree adapted into new changes without reflected in the establishment of the have promised to drop the several bil- losing their integrity. On the political Sámi Parliaments. Jull’s inquiries to lion environmental lawsuits against and societal level, this successful Sámi associated with the Norwegian the government and agreed to accept adaptation is usually measured by the Sámi Parliament “revealed little or no hydropower installations in their terri- establishment of a political structure serious thought to structures, staffing, tory. The agreement also settles with bodies such as Sámi Parliaments program management, etc.” (Jull forestry disputes between the Cree and the Sámi Council, and by the 1995: 132). In other words, whereas and Quebec (Environment News Ser- Sámi capability of “adjusting” to the indigenous peoples in Canada strive vice 2002). Praised by many, others demands of the modern world (see toward replacing and rebuilding the still consider it a monumental mistake Gaski 1997; Stordahl 1993). Further- governing structures from the bottom and view the James Bay Cree as sell- more, as J. K. Gibson-Graham point up, Sámi politicians have joined the outs. By granting access to the out, the production of “a narrative of existing system, hoping to be consult- resources in their territory, some local adaptability and accommoda- ed with on Sámi issues. Crees are concerned of the fact the tion” can easily lead to “inadvertently The more trusting approach of the Quebec government will have the last establishing the dominance of global Sámi can, at least partly, be explained say in the future projects (Di Matteo economic restructuring over local by their postwar integration into the 2002). social and cultural life” {Gibson-Gra- Nordic welfare state system. As a The agreement may well be prob- ham, 1996 #561: vii}. result, the socio-political status quo lematic and contested among the When considered more closely, one has not been as detrimental to the Cree themselves, but it nevertheless may ask whether these Sámi achieve- Sámi as a people as for many other gives the James Bay Cree a much ments are merely limited to one Sámi indigenous peoples. Poverty, unem- stronger position and control over dimension (usually language) while ployment and the lack of proper hous- their own lives and futures than previ- they otherwise do not reflect tradition- ing, health care, and other social ser- ously. The duty to properly consult al Sámi modes of organization or cul- vices do not characterize Sámi soci- and accommodate the interests of tural practices. Clearly the current ety to the same extent as it does many First Nations where their rights may be Sámi institutional structures and polit- First Nations and Native American affected is also recognized as part of ical agendas and practices are very communities. Therefore, the Nordic the British Columbia treaty negotiation similar, if not the same as their Nordic welfare system can be credited for the principles (B.C. Treaty Commission counterparts—even the Sámi Parlia- relative social well-being that many 2003: 6). However, Canada’s land ments, the elected national bodies indigenous peoples lack even in the claim policy and its premises have and official representatives of the First World. The integration of the been criticized for several reasons. Sámi, are structured and adminis- Sámi into the welfare system is not, The policy requires the extinguish- tered according to Nordic models. however, entirely unproblematic. ment of Aboriginal rights, including Moreover, while possessing limited In an analysis of the compatibility of Aboriginal title, in exchange for the decision-making power over issues welfare ideology and indigenous rights included in the new settlement such as allocating funds to Sámi orga- rights, it has been suggested that the or agreement, reflecting the surrender nizations and initiatives, these institu- principles of the Nordic welfare sys- provisions of post-Confederation tions and political bodies have no tem are often in direct contradiction to treaties. There is also a tendency to control whatsoever over Sámi territory the notions of indigenous collective achieve an agreement “only when the or its resource use—even the right to rights (see Olsson and Lewis 1995).4 federal government [is] eager to facil- be consulted is repeatedly neglected The ideology behind the Nordic wel- itate an economic development pro- by national governments. This is a fact fare system is constituted by princi- ject” (Coolican 1986: 13). that comes as a surprise to many out- ples of egalitarianism and social The Sámi, on the other hand, have siders, indigenous and non-indige- equality on the one hand, and individ- chosen a more modest path in which nous alike, who have understood the ualism and an orientation toward the cultural adaptation is commonly con- Sámi Parliaments as true self-govern- whole on the other. It is argued that, sidered one of the corner stones of ing bodies while in reality, beyond “These competing influences have the survival of Sámi culture and soci- symbolic recognition they have represented fundamental obstacles ety. Sámi scholar Veli-Pekka Lehtola, achieved relatively little in terms of to the development of Sámi cultural for instance, argues that, safeguarding the rights of the Sámi as autonomy, for they have each con- “In the face of new influences, new an indigenous people. tributed to the limited perspective of models of government, new restric- This is also suggested by Peter Jull Sámi minority rights held by non- tions and new abuses and draw- who, in his comparative analysis, con- Sámi, Scandinavian policy-makers backs, the Sámi never rushed to an tends that although the postwar Sámi and society at large. ... In essence, uprising and resistance. Instead, movement developed somewhat earli- the Nordic welfare states have pro- they have always given way, reced- er than Native movements in Canada vided social security to Sámi indi- ed and retreated but yet held their and although the Sámi appear among viduals with the intent of ensuring own and integrated changes as an “the best educated, the most work- them a parallel standard of living to integral part of their own culture” skilled, and the greatest participants that of the Scandinavian majority (Lehtola 1996: 17–18). in mainstream politics” of all indige- while, simultaneously, tending to It is suggested that the ability of Sámi nous peoples in the world, the Sámi diminish both the importance and culture to adapt both to the natural seem “to have achieved less of what realization of the Sámi’s collective environment and societal changes is Canada’s indigenous peoples regard one of the most fundamental and as the main indigenous political agen- 4 For “welfare colonialism” in other important factors of Sámi history; that da” (Jull 1995: 131). This could be at indigenous societies, see Robert Paine despite the long period of coloniza- least partly explained by the trusting (1977) and Cathryn McConaghy {2000 tion, the Sámi have successfully approach to governments, well #928}

4 EUROPEAN REVIEW OF rights to protect their culture” (Ols- establishes a co-management body stituents (the Finnish government, son and Lewis 1995:177–178; to oversee and decide the use of the Sámi Parliament, the province of Lap- emphasis added}). county’s recourses and land base. land, appointed researchers) seeking In other words, individualism and Hailed as an indication of Sámi self- to find an acceptable solution. How- social equality that underpin the ideol- determination by some, the ever, it seems that what is “accept- ogy of the commonly praised Nordic Act, however, is only a co-manage- able” has more to do with politics than welfare system have tended to ignore ment arrangement between the Sámi historical facts. As the recent re- and curtail the collective dimension of and the non-Sámi in the county. A search by legal scholar Kaisa Korpi- the Sámi as a separate people with new body called the Finnmark Estate jaakko-Labba clearly demonstrates, distinct rights within the state, making will be established to own the land Finland never gained a legal owner- also many Sámi themselves to pay and resources on behalf of the coun- ship over the Sámi territories. The inadequate attention to this crucial ty’s inhabitants. The Estate will be run Sámi land rights were just convenient- aspect in defending their rights. It by a six-member board, half of which ly “forgotten” in the early twentieth could be argued, then, than the are elected by the Sámi Parliament. century in the new laws of indepen- apparently beneficial system intended Moreover, the Act contains provisions dent Finland (Korpijaakko-Labba to offer high quality social services to that allow the Sámi Parliament to 2000). This history, however, is hard everybody, the Sámi included, has in ensure that Sámi interests and needs to swallow for the Finnish state, which fact functioned as an insidious tool of are taken into consideration in the has set up a new research consortium further assimilating and integrating land use and planning. The Finnmark of hand-picked, more compliant re- the Sámi people into dominant, main- Act enters into force in July 2006. searchers. Initially, the consortium was stream society—insidious for this has In Finland, there is a long history of expected to present its final results gone mostly unnoticed even among state committees (since 1952) and recommendations in 2004, but the Sámi many of whom have eco- proposing that the Sámi land and the research project has been repeat- nomically benefited from this system. water rights need to be resolved with edly given extension, reflecting the This is not to suggest that there are a separate law. In 1995, under the great unwillingness of the Finnish gov- no achievements in claiming and increased pressures to resolve the ernment to tackle the issue of Sámi reclaiming Sámi self-determination. “Sámi question,” the Finnish Constitu- autonomy beyond cultural and lin- The most recent achievements in- tion was amended so that it now rec- guistic rights. clude the Finnmark Act in Norway and ognizes the Sámi as an indigenous Many indigenous scholars and the Nordic Sámi Convention proposal people. In the same year, the Sámi politicians have criticized the state that would harmonize the legislation Cultural Autonomy Act was passed. attempts to limit indigenous rights to and policies dealing with the Sámi in The irony of these Sámi Acts is that by cultural dimensions only. Maori schol- the Nordic countries in order to better and large, they are restricted to Sámi ar Linda Smith, for example, contends protect the Sámi rights. According to culture and language and thus do not that the cultural dimension is only one the draft Convention, these include include rights to land and water, thus aspect of the overall objective of the the right to Sámi language and cul- arguably replicating the already exist- dismantling of hegemonic structures ture, the protection of Sámi livelihoods ing basic human rights to one’s cul- in society. Cultural rights are often rel- and development of Sámi society in ture and language encoded, for atively easily recognized and guaran- such a way that the nation-state bor- example, in the Convention of the teed by governments for they are con- ders will not hinder this process. It Civic and Political Rights. Moreover, sidered non-threatening to the overall urges the Nordic nation-states to take as Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez argues, status quo and the economy of the special measures to guarantee the separating indigenous self-govern- state. It is clear, however, that the Sámi the rights indicated in the Con- ment from land base not only trans- reconstructing of viable indigenous vention. The draft Convention was forms “the identity of Indigenous peo- societies remains insufficient without released in November 2005 and given ples from peoples to other minority a strong and vital economic and to the three Sámi Parliaments for con- groups that do not have a terri- resource base. As long as indigenous sideration and acceptance. If the torial/homeland attachment” but also peoples are not in control of their ter- Nordic governments ratify the Con- “denies Indigenous communal owner- ritories, they will not be control of their vention, it will become part of national ship” (Altamirano-Jimenez 2004: 354). lives and future as a people. legislation. This, in turn, reflects the neoliberal While the overall objectives of The Finnmark Act can be seen as agenda and approach to indigenous indigenous peoples worldwide remain one of the outcomes of the well-known rights that seeks to reduce and rede- similar—strong and viable self-gov- Alta River conflict in the late 1970s fine indigenous rights to fit into a new ernments and the right to make deci- and early 1980s, when Sámis opposed model of market citizenship with a sions about the future as a people— the government of Norway’s plans to focus on economic development. there are, however, clear differences build a hydroelectric dam in one of the More recently, the Finnish govern- in emphases and approaches to large salmon rivers located in the ment has agreed to meet the mini- these goals as the examples above heart of herding region in mum requirements needed to ratify have illustrated. First Nations in Cana- northern Norway (see Brantenberg the ILO Convention 169 on Indige- da have been relatively successful in 1985, Paine 1982, Parmann 1980, nous Peoples—a Convention already drawing public attention to their col- Sanders 1980). The dispute highlight- ratified by Norway in 1989. The lective rights and their status as dis- ed the need to resolve the ownership required changes in Finnish legisla- tinct nations. Many successful legal of the land in the Sámi region and the tion include addressing the question cases and treaty negotiation process- Sámi Rights Committee was estab- of Sámi land rights which was shelved es have also guaranteed land settle- lished to address the issue. Finnmark in the 1995 Sámi Act legislation. Since ments and self-governance agree- is the northernmost county in Norway 2000, there have been a number of ments. The Sámi, on the other hand, and the newly passed legislation various committees by different con- have achieved a relatively strong sta-

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