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Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece Vol. 55, 2019 A Review of Obsidian Source Exploitation in pre- Columbian South America Periferakis Argyrios National and Kapodistrian University of Athens https://doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.20997 Copyright © 2019 Argyrios Periferakis To cite this article: Periferakis, A. (2019). A Review of Obsidian Source Exploitation in pre-Columbian South America. Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece, 55(1), 65-108. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.20997 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 04/10/2021 19:47:05 | Volume 55 BGSG Review Paper A REVIEW OF OBSIDIAN SOURCE EXPLOITATION IN Correspondence to: PRE-COLUMBIAN SOUTH AMERICA Argyrios Periferakis argyrisperiferakis@gma il.com Argyrios Periferakis1 DOI number: http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/ 1National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Department of Geology and bgsg.20997 Geoenvironment, University Campus, Ilissia, 15784, Athens, Greece [email protected] Keywords: obsidian, South America, Inca, pre-Columbian civilisations Abstract Citation: Periferakis, A. (2019), A review of obsidian source The focus of this paper is the obsidian quarries of the Pacific coast of pre-Columbian exploitation in pre- South America, which were exploited by the indigenous populations since ca. 11000 columbian south America, Bulletin Geological BC. The importance of obsidian in geoarchaeology and palaeoanthropology has Society of Greece, 55, 65- already been demonstrated in sites from all around the world. In this paper, the 108. presence of obsidian in correlation to tectonic activity and volcanism of South America is presented, along with the main sources in their regional geological context. Obsidian Publication History: artefacts were the mainstay of everyday life of indigenous populations and obsidian Received: 12/08/2019 Accepted: 11/10/2019 was also used in manufacturing weapons. -
War, Chronology, and Causality in the Titicaca Basin
LAQ 19(4) Arkush 11/6/08 8:53 AM Page 1 WAR, CHRONOLOGY, AND CAUSALITY IN THE TITICACA BASIN Elizabeth Arkush In the Late Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 1000–1450), people in many parts of the Andean highlands moved away from rich agricultural lands to settle in defensive sites high on hills and ridges, frequently building hilltop forts known as pukaras in Quechua and Aymara. This settlement shift indicates a concern with warfare not equaled at any other time in the archaeo- logical sequence. While the traditional assumption is that warfare in the Late Intermediate Period resulted directly from the collapse of the Middle Horizon polities of Wari and Tiwanaku around A.D. 1000, radiocarbon dates presented here from occupation and wall-building events at pukaras in the northern Titicaca Basin indicate these hillforts did not become com- mon until late in the Late Intermediate Period, after approximately A.D. 1300. Alternative explanations for this late esca- lation of warfare are evaluated, especially climate change. On a local scale, the shifting nature of pukara occupation indicates cycles of defense, abandonment, reoccupation, and wall building within a broader context of elevated hostilities that lasted for the rest of the Late Intermediate Period and beyond. En el Período Intermedio Tardío (ca. 1000–1450 d.C.), los habitantes de muchas partes de la sierra andina abandonaron ter- renos productivos para asentarse en sitios defensivos en colinas, a veces construyendo asentamientos amurallados en las cum- bres, llamados “pukaras” tanto en Quechua como Aymara. Este cambio demuestra una preocupación por la guerra no conocida anteriormente en la secuencia arqueológica. -
Raised-Bed Irrigation at Tiwanaku, Bolivia
RAISED-BED IRRIGATION AT TIWANAKU, BOLIVIA Introduction The Bolivian Altiplano is a high-elevation (over 12,000 feet above sea level), seemingly inhospitable environ- ment. At first glance, it appears an unlikely locale for a flourishing empire capable of supporting a large popu- lation. Yet for approximately 600 years, the Tiwanaku Empire thrived on the Altiplano. The Empire rose about 400 AD, fed by local abundance - fish from the lake Titicaca (the world’s highest navigable lake), meat from llamas and alpacas pastured on high plateaus, and potatoes and other crops grown in raised- bed fields fed by irrigation channels and drained by massive ditches. Like other empires, Tiwanaku’s expansion depended on abundant food production, and for over seven centuries, it regularly produced food surpluses. These surpluses were a product of ingenious irrigation systems. Map 1. General Map of the Lake Titicaca region. According to Andean religion the creator emerged from Lake Titicaca to shape the earth and the first people. Because of its sacred nature, the lake’s shores are ringed with the ruins of small shrines and temples, some dating as far back as 700 BC. Researchers think that Tiwanaku (the city) was originally one of these small religious centers. Tiwanaku, the Community But in the 6th century, because of the political power of the Tiwanaku people, Tiwanaku became a prize pilgrim- age center. Many of these pilgrims traveled long distances, crossing the Titicaca’s blue waters on reed crafts. Then they walked due east over the grassy plains of the altiplano toward the blue-and-white peaks of the Andes (see Illustration 2). -
The Inka: the Lens Through Which We See the Andean Past Copyright Bruce Owen 2006
Andean Archaeology and Ethnohistory The Inka: The lens through which we see the Andean past Copyright Bruce Owen 2006 − Announcements − Chelsea Bahr has the readers? − The contact list is posted − please check it for accuracy, email me for fixes, changes, additions, deletions, etc. − A handout with some help on pronouncing Andean terms is available on the class web page under "Handouts" − Quiz − Today we’ll look briefly at the Inka as they existed when Francisco Pizarro and his men arrived in 1531, taking the capital, Cuzco, by late 1533 − This is the Andean society that we know by far the most about − As such, it provides clues and models for understanding earlier societies − Obviously, the distant past was not just like the recent past − But using the Inka as a starting point beats using only our European preconceptions as a source of models − First, let's think about the two eyewitness accounts we just read − What kinds of written sources are there? − letters, reports and other narrative accounts by conquistadores − such as the extract from Pedro Sancho de Hoz's An account of the Conquest of Peru, 1534. − Sancho was one of two scribes or secretaries to Francisco Pizarro − he was there at most of the important events of the conquest − he recorded what happened as official reports to the Spanish crown − sometimes specifying that Pizarro and others had reviewed his account, approved it, and attached their signatures − early scholarly works (Cobo, Cieza) − such as the extract from Pedro de Cieza de León's Chronicles of Peru, 1553 − Cieza -
Empires of the Andes
A Majestic Frontier Outpost Chose Cooperation Over War Empiresof the by Patrick Ryan Williams, ndesMichael E. Moseley, & Donna J. Nash The people huddled in their impregnable fortress atop the Ahigh mesa called Cerro Baúl, their last refuge as the mighty Inca legions swept through the valley far below. With its sheer walls and single, tortuous route to the top, the citadel defied attack by storm, so the Inca army laid siege to Cerro Baúl. For 54 days, the people held out. But with little food and no water, they found their redoubt The summit of Cerro Baúl, protected by steep, rugged slopes, provided a was not only a grand bastion virtually impregnable fortress for ancient civilizations of the Andes. but also a grand prison. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN DISCOVERING ARCHAEOLOGY 69 hen, in hopes of sav- The Moquegua Valley had been in the ing their starving Tiwanaku orbit until the Wari made their children, the defenders sent bold thrust into the region. To secure the youngsters down from their political outpost, the Wari intruders the beleaguered mountaintop. strategically settled the towering Cerro The Inca received the chil- Baúl and the adjacent pinnacle of Cerro dren with kindness, fed them, Mejia. Unraveling the nature of this and even let them take a few intruding colony and its relationship supplies to their parents with the surrounding Tiwanaku is a long- — along with a promise standing concern of the Asociación Con- of peace and friendship. tisuyo, a consortium of Peruvian and That was enough for the hungry American scholars investigating the and hopeless people of Cerro Baúl. -
Myth and Memory at the Site of Tiwanaka, Bolivia
The Making of Place : Myth and Memory at the site of Tiwanaku, Bolivia Leslie A. Friedman Architectural Conservator Los Angeles, California, USA [email protected] Abstract. The sacred site of Tiwanaku, Bolivia, the first major city-state in the Central Andes, has, for almost 3,000 years, been appropriated for various intents by the Inca, the Spanish, the Bolivian state, European travelers, spiritualists, and the indigenous Aymara people who claim the World Heritage site as their ancestral home. Investing the site with meanings, myths, memories, each group has created – or re- created – the spirit of the site of Tiwanaku. Today, the site of Tiwanaku continues to be a vortex of competing claims and a location for multiple intangible heritages, such as Aymara cultural ceremonies and modern music videos; a newly- created solstice festival that is held yearly at the site; and, arguably, the rituals of archaeology and world heritage. This paper traces the making of place and heritage: how, from its inception through today, multiple histories and collective memories have physically altered the site of Tiwanaku, impacting its excavation, conservation, and presentation; and how intangible acts shape the tangibility of place. The World Heritage site of Tiwanaku, located near the border between Bolivia and Peru, dominated the Central Andes between A.D. 500 and A.D. 1000, its political and cultural influence spreading far into what is present day Peru, Chile and Argentina. Utilized by the Inca in the 15th century and appropriated to justify their own powerful empire; a source of awe and building material to the conquering Spanish in the 16th century (who by dismantling the site also sought to destroy the myths and historic memory associated with it); the subject of inspired travelers’ accounts for hundreds of years; the focus of Bolivian pride since the 20th century; and more recently, the symbolic location of Aymara identity, the site of Tiwanaku exemplifies the 1 concept of “place-making”, as it has been continually created and re- created for thousands of years. -
Peru Field Guide
Storke Memorial Field Course to Peru 2019 Field Guide Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory/Columbia University Organizers: Bar Oryan Elise M. Myers Table of Contents Title Page Number Ancient Andean Culture ~ Elise M. Myers 3 Tectonics & Earthquakes in Peru ~ Lucy Tweed 10 Mountain Building and the Altiplano ~ Kelvin Tian 14 Lake Titicaca ~ Jonathan Lambert 21 Marine Life in Peru ~ Elise M. Myers 26 Terrestrial Biodiversity in Peru ~ Joshua Russell 33 El Niño/La Niña & Peru ~ Thomas Weiss 39 Coastal Upwelling & Productivity ~ Nicholas O’Mara 48 Arc Volcanism in Peru ~ Henry Towbin 55 Rainbow (Vinicunca) Mountain ~ Jonathan Lambert 56 Tropical Glaciers ~ Jonathan Kingslake 61 Peru’s Desert and Sand Dunes ~ Bar Oryan 69 Coastal Geomorphology in Peru ~ Lloyd Anderson 75 Peruvian Thermal Springs & Salt Mining ~ Chris Carchedi 81 2 Ancient Andean Culture Elise M. Myers Humans have lived in the Andean region, characterized by proximity to the Andean mountains, for millenia. The general theory for human migration is passage via the Bering Strait from Siberia into North America (Dryomov et al. 2015). Divergence between groups of North America and South America occurred around 14.75 kyr (Lindo et al. 2018). In South America, the earliest indication of hunter-gatherers was found to be 12 kyr (e.g. Gnecco et al. 1997, Aceituno et al. 2013). The populations in this area are believed to have transitioned to permanent occupation of the region in the early Holocene (Pearsall 2008), by 7 kyr (Haas et al. 2017), signified by a shift to cultivation of plants and the presence of women and children in higher altitude archaeological remains. -
Journal of World-Systems Research, VI, 1, Spring 2000
Rise, Fall, and Semiperipheral Development in the Andean World-System Darrell La Lone his paper examines how different power strategies have been played Tover the course of the three-thousand year Andean civilization. In broad terms, the power strategies center on ideological, economic, and mili- tary power (Mann 1986; Earle 1997). The case materials show that what we call “states” are formations that succeed, albeit temporarily, in combining strat- egies of ideological, economic, and military power. Nonetheless, following Randall Collins (1981:71), I would argue that coercive power is the sine qua non for state development. If we start from the power to coerce as a foun- dation, varying strategies of manipulating economic, ideological, and mili- tary power will produce a number of different pathways to varying forms of organization. Some may be more centralized than others, some may be less steeply stratifi ed than others, some may have more specialized institutions than others, some may look more like environmental management systems, and others may look more like well-organized predatory protection rackets. Those which were less successful in manipulating these strategies were more vulnerable to collapse, opening the way for new formations to emerge. As world-systems approaches would predict, this has often happened on the peripheries of former core formations. In common with many discussions of precapitalist world-systems the central problem I address is that of cycles of rise and fall in Andean civili- zations. Such discussion of rise and fall is now well-established in world- systems theory (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997), but it has an even longer ancestry in archaeology and anthropology, where we have a rich literature on state formation and collapse (Yoffee 1995; Haas, Pozorski and Pozorski 1987; Wright and Johnson 1975; Jones and Kautz 1981; Culbert 1973; Marcus 1989; Millon 1988; Toland 1987; Carneiro 1970; Service 1975; Tainter 1988; Yoffee and Cowgill 1988). -
The Taki Onqoy, Archaism, and Crisis in Sixteenth Century Peru
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by East Tennessee State University East Tennessee State University Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University Electronic Theses and Dissertations Student Works 5-2002 Dead Bones Dancing: The akT i Onqoy, Archaism, and Crisis in Sixteenth Century Peru. SΣndra Lee Allen Henson East Tennessee State University Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.etsu.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Henson, SΣndra Lee Allen, "Dead Bones Dancing: The akT i Onqoy, Archaism, and Crisis in Sixteenth Century Peru." (2002). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 642. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/642 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Works at Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dead Bones Dancing: The Taki Onqoy, Archaism, and Crisis In Sixteenth Century Peru A thesis presented to the faculty of the Department of History East Tennessee State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in History by Sändra Lee Allen Henson May 2002 Dr. James L. Odom, Chair Dr. Dale J. Schmitt Dr. Sandra M. Palmer Keywords: Taki Onqoy, Archaism, Millenarian Movements, Sixteenth Century Peru ABSTRACT Dead Bones Dancing: The Taki Onqoy, Archaism, and Crisis In Sixteenth Century Peru by Sändra Lee Allen Henson In 1532, a group of Spanish conquistadores defeated the armies of the Inca Empire and moved from plundering the treasure of the region to establishing an imperial reign based on the encomienda system. -
Resistance to the Expansion of Pachakutiq's Inca Empire and Its Effects on the Spanish
RESISTANCE TO THE EXPANSION OF PACHAKUTIQ'S INCA EMPIRE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SPANISH CONQUEST A Senior Scholars Thesis by MIGUEL ALBERTO NOVOA Submitted to the Office of Undergraduate Research Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the designation as HONORS RESEARCH FELLOW May 2012 Major: History Economics RESISTANCE TO THE EXPANSION OF PACHAKUTIQ'S INCA EMPIRE AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SPANISH CONQUEST A Senior Scholars Thesis by MIGUEL ALBERTO NOVOA Submitted to the Office of Undergraduate Research Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for designation as HONORS RESEARCH FELLOW Approved by: Research Advisor: Glenn Chambers Director for Honors and Undergraduate Research: Duncan Mackenzie May 2012 Major: History Economics iii ABSTRACT Resistance to the Expansion of Pachakutiq's Inca Empire and its Effects on the Spanish Conquest. (May 2012) Miguel Alberto Novoa Department of History Department of Economics Texas A&M University Research Advisor: Dr. Glenn Chambers Department of History This endeavor focuses on the formation and expansion of the Inca Empire and its effects on western South American societies in the fifteenth century. The research examines the Incan cultural, economic, and administrative methods of expansion under Pachakutiq, the founder of the empire, and its impact on the empire’s demise in the sixteenth century. Mainstream historical literature attributes the fall of the Incas to immediate causes such as superior Spanish technology, the Inca civil war, and a devastating smallpox epidemic; however, little is mentioned about the causes within the society itself. An increased focus on the social reactions towards Inca imperialism not only expands current information on Andean civilization, but also enhances scholarly understanding for the abrupt end of the Inca Empire. -
INKA CUBISM Reflections on Andean Art
INKA CUBISM Reflections on Andean Art ESTHER PASZTORY © Esther Pasztory 2010 To the memory of Alan Sawyer and Ed Lanning 1 © Esther Pasztory 2010 “And this may, indeed explain the exceptional character of CADUVEO? Art: that it makes it possible for Man to refuse to be made in God’s image.” -C. Lévi-Strauss, Tristes Tropiques (1967), p. 172 2 © Esther Pasztory 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 4 Personal Preface 5 Introduction 9 Chapter 1. Andean Art: From Obscurity to Binary Coding 16 Chapter 2. The Inka State: Utopia or Dystopia? 37 Chapter 3. Chavín de Huantar: The Andean Rosetta Stone 49 Chapter 4. Architecture: Shelter as Metaphor 65 Chapter 5. Textiles and Other Media: Intimate Scale 86 Chapter 6. Moche Pottery: Explicit Hierarchy 103 Chapter 7. Stone Sculptures: Highland Austerity 119 Chapter 8. Later Trends: Image on the Decline 130 Chapter 9. The Imperial Inka: The Power of the Minimal 140 Chapter 10. Colonial Epilogue: Nostalgic Echo 152 Conclusion 157 Bibliography 161 Endnotes 171 3 © Esther Pasztory 2010 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Amanda Gannaway and William Gassaway for editorial and formatting help with the manuscript. 4 © Esther Pasztory 2010 PERSONAL PREFACE I have been interested in Andean art since entering graduate school in 1965. I came to Columbia to study what was then called “Primitive Art” and wrote my Master’s Essay on African Art. However, quite early, I became more fascinated by the mysteries of ancient America and changed my major to Pre-Columbian art, which consisted of Mesoamerican and Andean art. I can thank my training in the Andes to Alan Sawyer in art history and Ed Lanning in archaeology. -
'To Work Is to Transform the Land': Agricultural Labour, Personhood
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE ‘To work is to transform the land’: Agricultural labour, personhood and landscape in an Andean ayllu. Clara Miranda Sheild Johansson A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2013 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97, 961 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Alanna Cant, Kimberly Chong, Katharine Dow and Stuart Sheild. 2 Abstract This thesis analyses the central role of agricultural labour in the construction of personhood, landscape and work in an Andean ayllu. It is an ethnographic study based on fieldwork in a small subsistence farming village in the highlands of Bolivia. In employing a practice-led approach and emphasising everyday labour, ambiguity and the realities of history and political power play, rather than the ayllu’s ‘core characteristics’ of complementarity and communality, the thesis moves away from the structuralist approaches which have dominated this field of study.