INTERROGATING SOCIALISM: A STUDY OF THE NORMATIVE FOUNDATION OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIALIST PROGRAMS (Word count: 68552) By Man Kong LI Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervisor: Professor Janos Kis CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 COPYRIGHT NOTICE This dissertation contains no material accepted for any other degree(s) at any other institution(s). This dissertation contains no material written and/or published by any other person, except where appropriate acknowledgement has been made in the form of bibliographical reference. Man Kong LI September 22nd, 2019 CEU eTD Collection ii ABSTRACT This study explores the normative foundation of socialism. It attempts to find out whether there is a coherent and compelling normative foundation for socialism, and, if there is one, what are its limits to the justification of socialist institutions. I argue that socialism should have its political principles grounded in the ideal of self-realization in productive work. This socialist ideal argues that an important source of people's well-being is freely opting for work for realizing their ability. The socialist ideal thus demands that the production process be structured in a way that workers can properly regard themselves as participating freely in a cooperative enterprise to produce valuable things or services. One major point this study wishes to establish is that self-realization in productive work is central to people's well-being, and it is the insight to human life that the socialist intellectual tradition captures. This study also attempts to show that this normative political theory of socialism is superior to many contemporary socialist theories and proposals. A crucial shortfall of these socialist proposals is that, I argue, they lack a distinctive and coherent socialist ideal as the normative foundations of their proposals. These proposals explicitly or implicitly appeal to a wide range of normative political principles or values, but they fail to clearly explain why these principles or values are qualified to be called socialist. It is because these proposals, and the principles that justify them, are not supported by a systematic account of human interests they aim to address. This is what I mean to be not having an adequate account of the normative foundation of socialism. This study contributes to improve this shortfall in socialist theories and proposals by exploring what can be a proper normative foundation of socialism. This is a strategy of CEU eTD Collection normative justification very different from those adopted by most contemporary socialist proposals and theories. One crucial problem for their lack of an adequate account of normative foundation is that, these socialist proposals fail to distinguish themselves from contemporary liberalism. I argue iii that there is a problematic aspect that lies at the normative core of liberalism. This is the liberal idea of individual responsibility. It allows people's differential level of advantages to be determined solely by the consequences of individuals' choices, given a fair condition to everyone. I argue that this makes liberalism fails to keep track of, or obscures the reasons for, providing citizens with the satisfaction of justified genuine needs. The socialist ideal of self- realization in productive work, I argue, fares better in this regard. Therefore, I contend, contemporary socialist proposals and theories are misguided in their failure to distinguish their own normative foundation from that of liberalism. Yet, I also argue that the socialist ideal is defective, because it commits to principles that can at times conflict with each other but contains no theoretical resources to resolve the conflict. I then explore the institutional implications of the socialist ideal, and argue that its defects can be mitigated, but not resolved, by institutional design. CEU eTD Collection iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation takes much longer than I expected to complete. It is also much shorter than I expected. Although I stick more or less to the same project for the past six years, I would never have expected it takes its present shape. In this long intellectual journey that has many twists and turns, I have many people to thank for guiding me along, accompanying me, and leading me into many interesting diversions. First and most importantly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Janos Kis. I learned many things from Janos, not only for this dissertation, but also for things more fundamental, like how to think and write about complex normative problems. It also turns out that, in retrospect, he was the one who knew from the start where the destination this project is heading to. Thank you, Janos, for all your teaching and guidance throughout this journey. I would also like to thank Andres Moles and Nenad Dimitrijevic, my panel members, for their valuable comments to my various drafts of the chapters. Nenad is always resourceful in suggesting me what kind of socialist and Marxist literature I should look for. Andres supplied our discussions (during panel meetings and over many sandwich lunches) with witty but insightful remarks. I learned from them much more than what contained in this dissertation. Comrades are important for struggle, even for an intellectual one. I would like to thank many friends I made in CEU, who made valuable comments to my project and, more importantly, accompanied me through the ups and downs these years. They are Zlata Božac, Ardi Priks, Gorana Misic, Daniela Craciun, Margaryta Rymarenko, Jelena Belic, Miklós Zala, Georgiana Turculet, Tamara Kolaric, Yuliya Kanygina, Kei Takahashi, Daniel Dzah, Elettra CEU eTD Collection Repetto, Dragan Kuljanin, Stanisław Richard, Felix Bender, Marko Konjović and Zsolt Kapelner. Special thank is due to Viktor Ivanković, my classmate for four years, my flatmate for two year, and a loving and helpful friend for life. He taught me many things, from philosophical arguments to how to write and speak better English. The dissertation would look v much worse if I did not know him. I would also like to thank Angelo Leung, who helped me to make sense of many philosophical arguments since we knew each other. I would also like acknowledge here my debts to Po-chung Chow, who introduced to me the beauty of political philosophy, and whose Ploughing Classics Reading Group cultivated my first understanding of what rigorous academic philosophy looks like. Special thank is owed to Yat-tung Chan, who mentored me in my formative years of undergraduate study. He patiently taught me the importance of writing and thinking carefully and clearly. I would also like to thank Hon-kit Chao, Chi Kwok, Baldwin Wong, Siufu Tang, Sui-ming Tsang and Tsz-chun Choy, who made valuable comments on various predecessors of this project. An early draft of chapter 2 was presented in the HKU Graduate Conference in Political Theory 2016. An early version of chapter 3 was presented in the Annual Doctoral Conference 2017, and later, in a slightly different form, in The Legacy of Georg Lukács: An International Conference 2017. I would like to thank the many valuable comments from the audience and commentators then. Finally, I would like to thank my parents and my brother, for the support and the tolerance to me pursing a doctoral study far away from home for many years. My deepest gratitude is to my wife, Lok-kam Ho, who tolerated me for not being nearby with her for many years, and supported me relentlessly all along. Without her love, kindness and help, I probably would not have the resolution to finish this project. Hong Kong, my home town, is now in a turbulent time. My sense of justice and social concern was largely cultivated by the friends I made in the Student Union of The Chinese CEU eTD Collection University of Hong Kong, many of whom are now freedom fighters on the streets and in many of their respective positions. I dedicate this dissertation, with gratitude, to them, and all who stand up to fight for autonomy and democracy in Hong Kong. vi This does not mean that socialism is a dead option. I do not think so. But I do think that this option was emptied not only by the experience of socialist states; it was emptied by the silly self-complacency and self-confidence of its adherents, by their inability to face both the limits of our efforts to change society and the incompatibility of demands and values which made up their creed; briefly, that the meaning of this option has to be revised entirely, from the very roots. Leszek Kolakowski, 'My Correct View on Everything', Socialist Register, (11), 1974, 19-20 CEU eTD Collection vii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ___________________________________________________ 1 I. Outline of the Project _____________________________________________________________ 1 II. The Problem with Contemporary Socialist Proposals ___________________________________ 6 III. The Challenge of Liberalism _____________________________________________________ 14 IV. The Concept of a Socialist Normative Foundation ____________________________________ 18 V. In Defense of the Socialist State and Rule of Law _____________________________________ 25 VI. The Organization of this Study ___________________________________________________ 29 CHAPTER 2 LIBERALISM AND THE LIMITS OF INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY ___________ 34 I. Introduction ___________________________________________________________________