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Home , Gerhard Kittel, Positive Christianity, The Victory of Faith

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Religion and Belief print post approved 318780/00042

2014 history teachers’ association of victoria no. 3 vol. 49 Thema

Nazism, Political Religion and ‘Ordinary’

How did the churches – and their communities – respond to as a political religion?

Dr Samuel Koehne, Deakin University

The study of Nazism and religious belief has been between the bounds of Christian faith and National a vibrant field of historical inquiry in recent years. Socialism did not exist for those who had made the This topic has been the subject of an ever-increasing tapestry. number of studies, both ‘from above’ and ‘from below.’ Numerous recent works have shown that indeed There have been arguments (as well as counter- some saw their faith as entirely consistent arguments) about whether the Nazis were advocating with National Socialism. As Manfred Gailus put it a particular form of faith called ‘positive ,’ in an edited collection, it was generally ‘not a good whether there might be a kind of ‘special path’ of performance’ for the churches.3 The point that development in German religion, whether there may surprised crowds in 2010 had already been noted by be ‘Catholic roots’ to the , or whether we James Zabel in 1976: ‘Ideas which today may appear should understand Nazism fundamentally through a to be essentially unchristian were considered by racial-biological Darwinian narrative.1 sincere people in … the 1930s to be at the basis of right There has also been a fascinating shift towards belief.’4 Susannah Heschel has pointed out that there revising our understanding of the role of the churches is a need to understand this as historians, and grasp in Germany and their support for or opposition to ‘the complexity of how religion functions rather than the Nazi Party in power. In 2010, an exhibition at defining its “essence.”’ Complicated and intertwined Berlin’s German Historical Museum on ‘Hitler and the relationships clearly existed between ‘ordinary Germans’ had one piece in particular that ‘caused the Germans’ and the Nazi State, and this was no less true crowds to stop and stare.’2 It was a 1935 tapestry that of Christian communities.5 combined the Lord’s Prayer, a church and the When it comes to the notion of religious opposition, flag. This was an object made by ordinary people, by there are two key problems. First is historical Christian women, in genuine belief that these three complexity and second is defining ‘resistance.’ This should be interwoven. What seems to have fascinated becomes all the more difficult when trying to provide visitors was that the expectation of a disjunction information to a general audience. For example,

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important internet resources are Quarterly, which not only counts many ABOVE: Crowd at a Hitler beginning to become available, such as major authors among its editors but rally. the dual language website ‘Protestant also offers free access to reviews of PREVIOUS PAGE: Reichstag Christians under the Nazi Regime.’ current literature.11 In addition there is a ovation after Hitler As Kyle Jantzen has noted, this is an forthcoming book (Catholics, Protestants, announced the Anschluß, 1938. ‘innovative attempt to present the and Nazis, edited by Mark Ruff) that aims history of Christian resistance’ during to offer a comprehensive introduction the Nazi period but he also notes that it to the debates on this topic and access to 1 See Samuel Koehne, ‘Reassessing The Holy is incumbent on those producing such some major primary source documents, Reich: Leading Nazis’ resources to deal with ‘all aspects … from as much of the material is still only Views on Confession, the heroic to the disgraceful.’6 available in German.12 Community and “Jewish” Materialism,’ Journal of In his classic work, John Conway gives So how do we begin to make sense of Contemporary History 48 a good summary of this process away all these diverse trends? What I would (2013): 423–45. from a hagiography of groups like the like to do in this paper is examine the 2 ‘Hitler Exhibit Explores a ‘,’ which was that topic by taking one of the dominant Wider Circle of Guilt,’ New they and the were schools of thought – that Nazism York Times, 15 October ‘uninterruptedly the opponents of was a ‘political religion’ – and dealing 2010. 7 3 Manfred Gailus, ‘Keine Nazism.’ Several authors have been very directly with an issue that I have often gute Performance: important in problematising German encountered when teaching the history Die deutschen church history. For instance, Robert of the Nazi Party. A common question Protestanten im “Dritten Ericksen, Kevin Spicer, Doris Bergen raised by students is this: what could Reich’” in Zerstrittene and Susannah Heschel have all dealt be known about the Nazis when they ‘Volksgemeinschaft’: Glaube, extensively with the topic of theologians came to power? While formulated in Konfession und Religion and Christians who found much to agree different ways and sometimes with a im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Manfred Gailus and with in Nazism. different chronological focus, the core Armin Nolzen (Göttingen: of this question is one of historicism. Their works have considered prominent Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, It may be abundantly clear to us now Protestant theologians, Catholic priests, 2011), 96–121. While what the Nazis stood for, how racist Gailus deals with German the ‘Faith Movement of the German and antisemitic they were, but we are Protestants, Spicer deals Christians’ which sought to establish looking back to the topic with knowledge with German Catholics in a specifically ‘German’ Church, and of World War II and . So the same book (66–95). those involved in the establishment 4 James A. Zabel, Nazism what could be known by people then, of the ‘Institute for Research into and and the Pastors: A Study of and how did they view the Nazis? Given Elimination of Jewish Influence on the Ideas of Three Deutsche my sense that many teachers encounter Christen Groups (Missoula, German Church Life.’8 There have also this questions, I believe it may be a Montana: Scholars Press, been recent studies that examine the useful prism through which to view 1976), 226. movement for a neo-pagan ‘German Nazism and religion. Moreover, it offers 5 Susannah Heschel, Faith.’9 Then there has been a growing ‘Historiography of us an opportunity to deal with some field of studies, led by Manfred Gailus Versus approaches mentioned above. and Kyle Jantzen, which examines Anti-: A Response ‘parish politics’ and the responses of The Revival of ‘Political Religion’ to Robert Morgan,’ Journal for the Study individual congregations in recognition One of the simplest ways we can of the of the fact that we need to understand answer the question ‘what could be 33 (2011): 272–73. On the full diversity of Christian response. known?’ is by examining how people the study of ‘ordinary This is particularly important because Germans’ and ‘everyday actually understood Nazism on the there has been some assumption in life’: Detlev Peukert, cusp of the so-called ‘seizure of power’ the historiography that ‘national and Inside : (Machtergreifung) in 1933.13 In fact, the regional church-political issues … were Conformity, Opposition idea that Nazism forms a ‘political and in Everyday simply replayed locally.’10 religion’ is not only a dominant Life (Harmondsworth: For those who wish to quickly gain theoretical strand, but also marks a Penguin, 1989). an understanding of the most recent return to ideas expressed at the time. 6 The English version of the website is a valuable research, I would recommend the Many of those who argue in favour of educational tool: http://bit. journal Contemporary Church History ‘political religion’ consciously draw ly/1zy1xOK.

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on Eric Voegelin’s characterisation of there are sacred writings (e.g. Das 7 John S. Conway, The Nazism and Communism in precisely Kapital by Marx) in which one Nazi Persecution of the these terms by 1938, though he was believes, even if one does not know it Churches 1933–45 (London: not alone in such views. As Emilio precisely. Here there are confessions Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1968), xxi-xxviii. notes, ‘the first scholars who of faith with all the characteristics of a 8 Robert P. Ericksen, used the concept of political religion genuine Credo, for example, with the Theologians under Hitler: (or any of its synonyms, such as secular formulas regarding the rejection of Gerhard Kittel, Paul Althaus, religion and lay religion) in order to false teachings (Communist Manifesto, and Emanuel Hirsch (New interpret totalitarian movements, were Chapter 3) or with the prohibition Haven: Yale University Protestant and Catholic intellectuals of modification (“The Programme Press, 1985); Susannah and theologians.’14 Gontier has pointed is unalterable,” Constitution of the Heschel, The : Christian Theologians and out that Voegelin himself stated in a 1973 NSDAP). In these confessions a the in Nazi Germany interview that his work ‘conformed to doctrine is pronounced, which is so (Princeton: Princeton the usage of a literature that interpreted self-evident for the faithful that it University Press, 2008). ideological movements as a variety of needs no proof.18 9 Karla O. Poewe, New religions.’15 Religions and the Nazis What is intriguing is that precisely (New York: Routledge, Much modern work is focused on how these points are now reappearing in 2006). Nazi rituals and ceremonies were some recent literature, including Rainer 10 Kyle Jantzen, ‘, comparable to those of ecclesiastical Bucher’s fascinating work Hitler’s Perseverance, and Protest: tradition and the ways in which Nazism .19 Bucher makes the point that Strategies for Clerical Survival Amid the German (as an ideology) might become a Hitler believed ‘two lessons could be Church Struggle,’ Church substitute or replacement for religion. learned from dogmatic form for the History 70 (2001): 296. A major proponent for using ‘political Nazis’ “political confession”: certainty 11 See http://bit.ly/1s61iXx. religion’ as a ‘heuristic tool’ is Hans and intolerance.’20 12 A number of the most Maier, who has argued that two major While theologians and intellectuals significant documents methods to examine are viewed Nazism as fundamentally racial have been translated by the analyses of ‘rituals and celebrations Peter Matheson, The Third and as an ‘ersatz religion’ or a ‘political through which a “community of Reich and the Christian religion,’ what about those who might believers” constitutes itself’ and the Churches: A Documentary be termed ‘ordinary Germans’? What is consideration of ‘totalitarian political Account of Christian fascinating is that the same conclusions Resistance and Complicity understanding, through which at least were reached in a minor German During the Nazi Era a minimal religious dimension shines Christian community known as the (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, through.’16 Maier also points out that Temple-Society (Tempelgesellschaft) by 1981). there were those at the time who 13 See the special issue 1932.21 on this topic in Politics, saw ‘the new despotisms’ of ‘Lenin, Religion & Ideology 14 Mussolini and Hitler’ as ‘surrogates A Liberal Christian Response: (September 2013): 321–448. for religion.’ He cites Eric Voegelin and The Temple-Society 14 Listing ‘Luidi Sturzo, the novelist Franz Werfel, who wrote One major problem with the notion Adolf Keller, Paul Tillich, in 1932: ‘Communism and National of ‘ordinary Germans’ is that no such Gerhard Leibholz, Socialism are primitive stages in the Waldemar Gurian and creatures exist, and the Templers process of overcoming ego. They are Eric Voegelin’: Emilio are in some ways very much ersatz-religions, or if you prefer, ersatz Gentile, ‘Political Religion: extraordinary. Nonetheless, there for religion’; ‘the two most important A Concept and its are several reasons for examining Critics: A Critical Survey,’ movements of contemporary times, such a small and theologically liberal Totalitarian Movements and Communism and National Socialism, Christian community. To begin with, Political Religions 6 (2005): are anti-religious, yet they are systems of the relative obscurity of the Temple- 22. belief acting as religious surrogates and 15 Thierry Gontier, ‘From Society considerably increases its by no means just political ideologies.’17 “Political Theology” usefulness. Given that this organisation to “Political Religion”: While certainly not as widely known has operated essentially since its Eric Voegelin and Carl as Voegelin’s work, there were others foundation as an independent body Schmitt,’ The Review of Politics 75(2013): 25–6. in the early 1930s who described with a voluntaristic membership, it was 16 Hans Maier, ‘Political Nazism and Communism as ideologies largely free of the church-political and Religion: A Concept and its which were ‘ersatz religions’ and their strategic concerns in the large German Limitations,’ Totalitarian adherents as seeking something akin to ‘state churches’ (Landeskirchen, funded Movements and Political ‘secularised churches.’ These were the through taxation).22 Religions 8 (2007): 14. exact expressions used by the Protestant The study of such a group also answers 17 Maier, ‘Political Religion,’ theologian Hermann Sasse in 1932 in 9–10. Maier himself argues the call (issued by Gailus and Jantzen) the renowned Church Yearbook. Sasse ‘that Lenin, Mussolini and for the consideration of diverse drew out this comparison even further, Hitler were not founders communities of German Christians. of religion’ (12). arguing that in Nazism or Communism: Indeed, this was a Christian community

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whose members were both ‘insiders’ and which was no longer seen as ‘the word of 18 Evangelische Kirche 28 ‘outsiders’ when it came to the rise of God.’ Deutschland, Kirchliches the Nazis. The emphases of their faith This liberality in matters of faith Jahrbuch für die (including millennialism) had led them evangelischen Landeskirchen certainly made it difficult to argue to establish nine major communities or Deutschlands, ed. Hermann against ideas that came to the fore ‘colonies’ in Palestine under Ottoman Sasse, vol. 59 (Gütersloh: with the German Christian movement, rule, but in doing so they still strongly C. Bertelsmann Verlag, such as purging the or 1932), 34. maintained their German identity.23 creating a ‘German’ Church. By 1938, the 19 Rainer Bucher, Hitler’s In contemporary publications, they President of the Temple-Society found Theology: A Study in were listed as ‘overseas Germans’ and himself having to contend with Elders Political Religion, trans. Rebecca Pohl (London: by 1938 they were even used in a racial speaking out ‘publicly from the pulpit Continuum, 2011). 29 case-study as to whether German ethnic against Christianity and the Bible.’ One 20 Koehne, ‘Nazism and groups could flourish in a foreign land.24 of the German leaders, Dietrich Lange, Religion: The Problem of Despite this perception, there has been had written of his ‘objections to the Old “Positive Christianity,”’ a German Temple-Society in Stuttgart Testament’ by 1936. A year later he was Australian Journal of Politics since 1873. This German community arguing in favour of ‘new religions’ like and History 60 (2014): 38. 21 See Paul Sauer, The Holy formed a base for Templer activities, Wilhelm Hauer’s neo-pagan ‘German Land Called: The Story including publishing the Temple- Faith’ and Mathilde Ludendorffs’ bizarre of the Temple Society, Society’s newspaper, Watchtower of the beliefs (which were anti-Christian).30 trans. Gunhild Henley Temple (Die Warte des Tempels) from (Melbourne: Temple The history of the Templers thus reflects 1921–1935. The Watchtower was almost Society Australia, 1991). and challenges some conventional the sole means of linking all Templer 22 Shelley Baranowski, ‘The narratives of this period. Finally, the communities (including some in Russia 1933 German Protestant group has a direct connection to Church Elections?’ Church and the United States). Australia. During World War II, the History 49 (1980): 298–315. Another reason to consider the group is Palestine Templers were interned by 23 Alex Carmel, Die their very liberality of faith, as some of the British, then many of them were Siedlungen der württembergischen those who were most enthusiastically deported to Australia and interned Templer in Palästina Nazis and Christian adhered to a liberal at Tatura. As they became migrants at 1868–1918, trans. Perez theological tradition.25 As Heschel notes, the end of the war, the centres of the Leshem (Stuttgart: W. the desire of many liberal theologians Temple-Society are now Melbourne and Kohlhammer, 1973). was to be ‘modern,’ so some theologians Stuttgart.31 24 H. Kremer, ‘Beitrag zur ‘gravitated towards racism as a tool Volksbiologie der in Antisemitic, Dictatorial, and Palästina siedelnden to modernize Christianity and to a ‘New Faith’: Perspectives Deutschen (Templer),’ demonstrate that its principles were on Nazism by 1932 in Auslandsdeutsche in accord with those of racial theory.’ Volksforschung, ed. Hans This offered ‘a veneer of sophistication’ The rise of the Nazis, we should Joachim Beyer (Stuttgart: because ‘racial theory’ appeared (at remember, was a gradual process and Ferdinand Enke Verlag, the time) ‘intellectually avant-garde.’26 very much contingent on historical 1938), 138–51. But this does raise the question of the context. A number of historians have 25 Though by no means exclusively so: Zabel, response of those who were simply argued that the Nazi’s ultimate rise to Nazism and the Pastors, 226. members of a liberal Christian group. power cannot be understood without 26 Respectively Heschel, considering the impact of Hitler, The Temple-Society actually began The Aryan Jesus, 285–86; although points out that ‘Antisemitism versus Anti- with a strict interpretation of scripture, we require both an understanding of Judaism,’ 272. including a very direct reading of ‘Hitler’s absolute centrality while at the 27 Christoph Hoffmann, prophecy that meant they sought to same time placing the actions of even Sendschreiben über establish themselves as the ‘people den Tempel und die such a powerful dictator in the context of God’ in ‘the Holy Land’ before the Sakramente, das Dogma of the forces, internal and external, end of the world came. However, their von der Dreieinigkeit und which shaped the exercise of his power.’ von der Gottheit Christi, founder (Christoph Hoffmann) quickly Moreover, he emphasises the desire for sowie über die Versöhnung moved them away from what might be ‘national salvation’ as a key motivation.32 der Menschen mit Gott termed a fundamentalist Christianity. Nationalism and the desire for a (Stuttgart: J. D.Bock, 1878). In a series of circulars in the 1870s, he 28 Warte JG-92 (1936): 12. I ‘German Mussolini’ were also a way the denied the divinity of Christ, declared will refer to Die Warte des Templers were introduced to the Nazis. that baptism and holy communion were Tempels as Warte, and each not binding as sacramental rites, and The first mention of the Nazi Party yearbook as JG (Jahrgang). 33 29 Warte JG-94 (1938): 122. that the doctrine of the triune God was appeared in an article in 1923. In this, However, he believed that 27 false. Jesus became a model for living, Dietrich Lange gave a positive (though Nazism and Christianity and one’s ‘conscience’ became the brief) assessment of the National were compatible. ‘primary source’ for knowledge of God. Socialist movement, focusing largely 30 Warte JG-92 (1936): 131, This removed the authority of the Bible, on the Nazis as a nationalist movement. Warte JG-93 (1937): 2–4.

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ABOVE: Three emblems of The article was published on 31 May, zeitgeist, undoubtedly because of the Die Deutschen Christen (L–R: 1932, 1935 and 1937). meaning that the NSDAP was promoted extraordinary success of the Nazis in before the attempted Putsch 1930, when they moved from holding in November and the consequent fame twelve seats in the German federal derived from this. Lange argued for the parliament to holding 107. importance of unity in Germany, and A growing awareness of the Nazis as a included the curious combination of significant factor, and as a movement Gandhi and Mussolini as role-models that ‘we here in Germany are daily for nationalism. In his opinion, National reminded of’ led the Templers Richard Socialism represented a key nationalistic Hoffmann and Alfred Weller to write a movement, symptomatic of a broader series of critical articles on the NSDAP trend away from ‘internationalist in 1932.37 This was the Templers’ first sentimentalism.’ This contradicts the detailed introduction to Nazi ideology. Temple-Society’s stated international They could not help but pay attention to perspective but makes some sense in the such a detailed and lengthy assessment, period after World War I, when Germany which spanned five issues of the Warte.38 appeared to have been treated as a pariah As part of their detailed study, Weller state. and Hoffmann printed the entire Nazi Another Templer (Theodor Fast) Programme, giving the Templers the questioned the appropriateness of Party’s stated aims.39 They noted that such a discussion in the Warte. He saw Hitler had declared this Programme Lange’s article as presenting far too unalterable, but to understand it, they simplistic a picture and believed such turned to a range of Nazi sources, not ideas would eventually only lead to fresh least .40 bloodshed.34 Opposing the closed nature While Hoffmann and Weller wished of nationalist views that promoted an to examine the Party as a political ‘us or them’ paradigm, Fast called for group, they did note from the outset empathy instead. He saw the Templers’ that the NSDAP was not so easily mission as encompassing more than categorised, blurring the lines between just Germany and was astounded that it the political and ideological, and spilling should be proposed ‘salvation’ should be into an ideological movement.41 This expected from the ‘Fascists in Italy and 31 Suzanne D. Rutland, is a continuing difficulty in current ‘“Buying Out of the National Socialists in Bavaria.’ Matter,”’ Journal of Israeli historiography regarding the Party History 24 (2005): 135–54. By 1931, Dietrich Lange returned to the Programme: that it represented both 32 ‘The Uniqueness of same topic, in what he saw as a time of a political and ideological statement. Nazism’ in Kershaw, Hitler, extreme crisis. He argued Germany’s While Hoffmann and Weller began by the Germans, and the Final ‘ship of state’ was ‘in the highest danger stating that there were difficulties in Solution (New Haven: Yale on the seas,’ threatened by party understanding exactly what the Nazis University Press, 2008), confusion and strife. Yet, he cautioned stood for, four definite themes appear: 347. 33 Warte JG-79 (1923): 78–9. that it remained to be seen whether the Hitler’s importance; the uncertainty 34 Warte JG-79, 92-3. ‘Third Reich’ – ‘so desperately looked for about what the Nazis would do in 35 Warte JG-88 (1931): 185–86. and imminently expected’ – would lead government (apart from establish a 36 Warte JG-88, 83. to smooth sailing.35 Otto Rubitschung dictatorship); the centrality of race 37 Warte JG-89 (1932): 25–7, thought that it was more important and antisemitism to the Party; and 33–5, 83–6 . for Germans to work together than that the movement was more a faith 38 Warte JG-89 (1932), Issues 4, 5, 10, 11 and 12. rely on the ‘vague hope of a powerful than a political party. This was a point 36 39 Warte JG-89 (1932): 26–7. revolution or of a German Mussolini.’ that Richard Hoffmann made outright: 40 Warte JG-89, 26. Despite these reservations, both ‘National Socialism appears to me largely 41 Warte JG-89, 25. statements indicate that the idea of to be a faith, to which people either 42 Warte JG-89, 81. a Nazi revolution was in the German adhere or do not.’42

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The centrality of Hitler was clear. They in a series of articles on reparations ABOVE LEFT: Celebration of Luther Day by Deutsche began with a history of the NSDAP, but payments that ran parallel to the Christen, 1933, Berlin. included a biography of Hitler, viewing articles on the NSDAP.48 What was also him as the driving force behind National appealing to Christians in Germany was ABOVE CENTRE: German 43 Evangelical Church Socialism. Indeed, the NSDAP was the notion of a strong ‘moral’ basis to the signs displayed outside referred to as the ‘Hitler Movement.’ NSDAP (including a hard-line attitude to Marienkirche, Berlin, 1933. The Templers were also made aware crime and pornography) and Hoffmann ABOVE RIGHT: Theologian that the Nazis were founded on and Weller stated that Hitler had sought and later Reich Bishop, racial antisemitism. Relying on Mein to ‘march against the Babylon of Sin, Ludwig Müller, at the Kampf, Hoffmann and Weller stated Berlin’ in 1923.49 National Synod, 1933, unequivocally that while one of the men Wittenberg. While Hoffmann pointed out major who inspired Hitler (Karl Lueger) had problems, he and Weller did not see been antisemitic on religious grounds, the Nazis as the solution in any sense, ‘Hitlerian antisemitism’ was racial.44 43 Warte JG-89, 25-6. They particularly as they expressed doubt Much of the rest of Hitler’s biography relied largely on Mein about what the Nazis actually intended Kampf and Theodor Heuss’ dealt with the failed 1923 Putsch. to do in power.50 They did note that book, Hitlers Weg. Already, there were some elements of the the Nazis wished to base the entire 44 Warte JG-89, 26. See Adolf ‘Hitler myth.’45 While generally viewed in economic system on Gemeinnutz vor Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans. Ralph Manheim (London: a negative light, Hitler was credited with Eigennutz (‘common good before private Houghton Mifflin & an excellent ability to read behaviour good’), but pointed out that the Nazi Co, 1943; repr., London: and understand psychology, which perception of this as a battle between Pimlico, 2004), 109–10. allowed him not only to characterise ‘Germanic’ socialism and ‘Jewish’ 45 Kershaw, The ‘Hitler those killed in the Putsch as martyrs capitalism made no sense. Hoffmann Myth’: Image and Reality in but also to join the disparate strands stated that the Nazi argument that the Third Reich (Oxford: Oxford University Press, of the movement together and rule economic systems were racially defined 46 51 1987). them ‘with a strong hand.’ In order to was ‘simply false.’ It was largely on 46 Warte JG-89 (1932): 33. define the essence of Nazism, the Party these grounds that they saw Nazism as This is a fairly accurate Programme was studied in detail. Weller having no rational foundation, forming assessment. and Hoffmann were hard pressed to find an expression of faith rather than 47 Warte JG-89, 27. specific practical measures, but were reason.52 The Nazis themselves played 48 Warte JG-89, 75–6, 76–7, clear that Hitler wanted a dictatorship, on such concepts and ’s 81–3, 89–92. 49 Warte JG-89, 27. Berlin in an autocratic state in which the will of film of the 1933 Nazi Party the Weimar period was 53 the Führer would be paramount. In their rally was entitled The Victory of Faith. often seen as the ‘Babylon view, the Nazis wished to make the state The only definite point Hoffmann of the World’: David J. into the image of the Nazi Party itself, to Diephouse, Pastors and and Weller could find, the one clear the extent that they believed the term Pluralism in Württemberg, thing that the Party stood for, was ‘leadership’ (Führung) was in reality a 1918–1933 (Princeton: antisemitism. They stated ‘antisemitism synonym for ‘dictatorship’ (Diktatur) in Princeton University plays a fundamental role in the Party,’ Press, 1987), 14. the Nazi lexicon. pointing out that the Nazis believed 50 Warte JG-89 (1932): 81. The focus of the Nazi ‘faith’ was very could not be citizens of Germany 51 Warte JG-89, 35. much one of ‘national salvation.’ As (Point 4 of the Nazi Programme), and 52 Warte JG-89, 81–2. 53 It is not as famous as Weller and Hoffmann put it, Hitler that they sought to fight the ‘Jewish- Riefenstahl’s later work 54 argued he was going to oust the materialistic spirit’ (Point 24). Taking on the 1934 rally (Triumph ‘November criminals’ – those who had the definitions in Mein Kampf of Jews of the Will) because Hitler ended WWI by signing the armistice as ‘culture destroyers’ and as ordered copies of the film – and set in place a regime that would ‘culture creators,’ they demonstrated destroyed after the Röhm make ‘everything better.’47 This was Hitler’s hatred of the Jews.55 As they Putsch: Steven Bach, Leni: The Life and Work of fairly appealing, given the historical concluded, ‘it comes as no surprise that Leni Riefenstahl (United circumstances – and Germany’s real Hitler is of the opinion that the most Kingdom: Little, Brown, economic and political crises were important factor in the destruction of 2007), 121, 131. emphasised by Richard Hoffmann Germany is a lack of understanding of 54 Warte JG-89, 83.

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‘In the Templers’ view, the rise of the Nazis had to be understood in a societal context where there was a trend towards mysticism, to sects and movements of faith: to the irrational.’

the race problem,’ while adding that it most important creative force in world was illogical that 600 000 German Jews history, so any ‘creative’ historical figure could cause Germany’s downfall.56 must have been Nordic.61 Hoffmann and Weller also addressed Having discussed the fact that the the question of ‘positive Christianity,’ movement did not allow any place which appeared in Point 24 of the for women, except as ‘wives and Nazi Programme. As I have explained mothers,’ the writers concluded with elsewhere, the longer history of this the important point: ‘We live in a time of term related to traditional and doctrinal crisis.’ Hoffmann and Weller described Christian faith (orthodox Christianity) the Nazis as very much a party of the and it was certainly understood in this ‘negative campaign,’ unable to provide sense by the Templers.57 In 1917, the (or even indicate) genuine and concrete Templer President, Christian Rohrer, solutions to Germany’s problems. specifically wrote of ‘two religions’ in Instead, they saw the Nazis as hanging the Protestant Church: the ‘positive’ out a colourful but uninformative and the ‘liberal.’ He viewed ‘positive’ political shingle, pinning their hopes on as synonymous with ‘orthodox,’ and formulaic slogans.62 described the liberal and positive views The Nazis’ success was attributed to a as divided according to their ‘positions good use of mass-psychology by Hitler regarding the traditional dogmatic but also to Germany’s crises: ‘The crisis, creed.’58 in which we live, is not only one that 55 Warte JG-89. They cited Hoffmann and Weller were clearly applies to the economic field, but also Hitler’s idea of Jews as conversant with this understanding, to the intellectual-spiritual.’ In their ‘parasites’ in the body of but argued that Point 24 was so vague view, the rise of the Nazis had to be the Volk. that nothing could be gleaned from it understood in a societal context where 56 Warte JG-89, 84. alone.59 They offered brief synopses of there was a trend towards mysticism, 57 Koehne, ‘The Problem of some dominant views on Christianity to sects and movements of faith: to the “Positive Christianity,”’ 28–42. in the Nazi movement, and made points irrational. It was in this category that 58 Warte JG-73 (1917): 57–8; prominent in the historiography in they placed the NSDAP. Ultimately they essentially that positive recent years. For instance, they argued concluded that Nazism was an ersatz Christianity was in support that there were those in the Nazi religion, whose members were anchored of the ‘dogmatic creed’ movement who simply accepted it ‘as in a religious understanding of the Party while liberal Christianity true’ that ‘Jesus was an Aryan.’ They rather than in a rational allegiance to challenged it. went on to argue that ‘thereby National political objectives, and ‘where reason 59 Warte JG-89 (1932): 84. 60 Warte JG-89, 85. See Socialists are offered the possibility, has nothing more to say, one moves to 63 Heschel, The Aryan Jesus; that they can retain Christianity as a the field where faith reigns.’ religious confession’ – which would not Poewe, New Religions. Conclusion 61 Warte JG-89 (1932): 84–5. be the case if Jesus was Jewish. They 62 Warte JG-89. also noted that those who could not Like the Protestant Church leadership, 63 Warte JG-89, 86. accept ‘that Jesus was an Aryan’ were the Templers had a clear perspective on 64 The Protestant Church driven to ‘a rejection of Christianity’ the Nazi Party, its aims and objectives, leadership was well 64 aware of the NSDAP’s and returned instead ‘to the Germanic before the Nazis took power. It is 60 antisemitism, political cult of gods (cult of Odin, etc.).’ They also important that these come from violence and revolutionary noted ’s importance as contemporary observers, and writers aims: J. R. C. Wright, a Party leader and considered his work who were members of the group itself. ‘Above Parties’: The Myth of the Twentieth Century (Mythus), Hoffmann and Weller did state that it Political Attitudes of the which they described as based on a was unclear how the Nazis would act if German Protestant Church Leadership, 1918–1933 racial conception of the world and as they actually achieved power. From their (London: Oxford intellectually bankrupt. In this regard, perspective, this was because the Nazi University Press, 1974), they cited the circularity of Rosenberg’s Programme was vague as to practical 58,74, 83–4, 98–100, 112. argument that the was the measures, and the possibility existed

Agora 27 Thema Middle Years CONFERENCE Friday, 24 October 2014 | 8.00am – 3.30pm Victoria University, 300 Flinders Street, Melbourne

FOR YEARS 7-10 TEACHERS Register now at www.htav.asn.au

that the movement would change once Nazi Party was described as seeking to ABOVE: Frankfurt am Main in the 1930s. it reached a position of power. This build an antisemitic dictatorship, and possibility offered the disjunction Nazism was seen as a substitute faith, 65 As NSDAP membership between stated purpose and action that yet approximately seventeen per cent did not include children or members, so many Germans clung to, the hope that of the Templers in Palestine ultimately Balke estimated every 65 the Nazis’ actions might differ from their joined the NSDAP. Germans could be third adult was an NSDAP stated objectives. very well aware of what the Nazis stood member: NSDAP– for by 1933. But whether this mattered to Palästina, 69, 190–91. So what could be known about the Nazis? ‘ordinary Germans’ is another question 66 Gailus argues that A great deal – but how that knowledge entirely, particularly in the ‘revivalist’ 1933 formed a kind of then was either used or ignored is atmosphere that characterised the early ‘Protestant experience’ perhaps the more pertinent matter. The years of the Nazi regime.66 that contained notions of Walk away with ready-to-use a national and spiritual revival. classroom activities!

More than 30 sessions on pedagogy, teaching the AUSVELS History overviews and depth studies, using ICT in the History classroom and unique ways of engaging students. Highlights include:

Between Persia, India and Teaching Latin America China Resources for Teaching Differentiating Strategies in Aboriginal History Culture and Year 9 History Country Sword, Plough, Cross and Using Oral History to Engage Crescent Students Exploring Pacific Island History Convicts in Van Diemen’s Land The Remembering Them App Australian School Historical Thinking in the Communities and WWI Classroom Creating Literate Humanities Teaching Khmer Empire with Students 28 Agora PROGRAM OUT NOW! 3D Not Reinventing the Wheel visit www.htav.asn.au

Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s: Koehne, S

Title: Nazism, Political Religion and "Ordinary" Germans

Date: 2014

Citation: Koehne, S. (2014). Nazism, Political Religion and "Ordinary" Germans. Agora, 49 (3), pp.21- 28

Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/51940