The influence of ethnolinguistic diversity on discourses in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament

A remote ethnographic discourse analysis

Sezanne Audry Bron

Master Thesis Culture Studies Track Global Communication

Tilburg University School of Humanities and Digital Sciences

August 2020

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Name: Sezanne Audry Bron ANR: 455731 SNR: 2017321

Supervisor: prof. dr. J.W.M. Kroon Second reader: prof. dr. K. Yagmur

Title of thesis: The influence of ethnolinguistic diversity on discourses in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament; A remote ethnographic discourse analysis

Abstract: Three-quarters of the worlds’ population speaks at least two languages, which indicates that most people worldwide are multilingual. Many countries, therefore, have a multilingual character through their multilingual population. Multilingualism is, in fact, a naturally occurring process in many communities around the globe. This natural process occurs when there is a voluntary accepting attitude towards other languages resulting in linguistic synergy. The number of languages that the people speak in those countries reflects their linguistic capital. A persons’ linguistic capital can be measured by the number of languages that a person can speak, the fluency in those languages, and the comfort of using those languages. Those who are endowed with linguistic capital can also use it as an instrument of power to be believed, obeyed, respected, and distinguished by others through their speech. In some instances, indigenous languages or dialects can overrule the privileged linguistic capital and symbolic power of a popular world language or the country’s institutional language depending on the situation and context in which it is used. In a general sense, language is a political phenomenon that concurrently plays a discursive role, which is imperative in a political context. That is, language has a mediating function in politics that, when employed strategically and intelligently by politicians, can result in the acquisition and retention of power, fame, and popularity. The many languages spoken by the population of countries with a multilingual character can also reflect in the governing institutions such as the parliament of those countries. Suriname can be characterized as a multilingual country since at least 20 languages are spoken

2 in the country. The languages of the population also reflect in the linguistic repertoire of the members of the Surinamese Parliament’s National Assembly through their discourses. The Surinamese Parliament’s discourses revealed an inclusive linguistic environment wherein next to the institutional language Dutch, Sranan, English, and other indigenous languages are allowed for meaning-making, as long as a translation or explanation follows to enable all the participants to follow the meetings. Languaging strategies also seemed to be a common phenomenon in some of the parliamentairians’ discourses. This being said, the use of the English language in Surinamese laws derived from international conventions is not always appreciated by some of the parliamentarians.

Keywords: Suriname, Discourse, National Assembly, Parliament, Language diversity, Multilingualism

Word count: 26.011

3 PREFACE

Herewith, I present my thesis “The influence of ethnolinguistic diversity on discourses in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament; A remote ethnographic discourse analysis”. This thesis results from qualitative research that I have conducted to complete my master’s study in Global Communication at Tilburg University.

The inspiration to write this thesis was triggered through the courses that I have followed during the master track Global Communication and Management of Cultural Diversity. My interest in researching multilingualism started with an article that I wrote for the courses Language, Culture, and Globalization during my pre-master Management of Cultural Diversity. The article is about my linguistic background and my experience with multilingualism. The article “Migration, the common thread through my existence” can be found on Diggit Magazine (https://www.diggitmagazine.com/articles/migration-my-existence).

I would not have been able to conduct this research without the help of others. I want to thank Ms. Ruth de Windt (Chief Registrar of the Surinamese Parliament), Mr. Sharman (Head of the Legal Department of the National Assembly in Suriname), for helping with everything that I needed to collect data for this research. I would also like to thank my supervisor, professor Kroon, and my second reader, professor Yagmur. They inspired me to write this thesis through the courses that I received from them during my study at Tilburg University. I am also grateful for the patience, advice, and guidance that I have received from professor Kroon during my research and writing this thesis. Finally, I want to thank my family, particularly my husband, for emotionally supporting and motivating me while I completed this thesis.

I wish you a pleasant and inspiring reading.

Haaren, August 2020

Audry Bron TABLE OF CONTENTS

BACKGROUND INFORMATION ...... 2

4 PREFACE ...... 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... 4 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 7 2. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ...... 9 2.1 Discourse with a small d; Language ...... 9 2.1.1 What is (a) language? ...... 9 2.1.2 Language diversity in multilingual societies ...... 11 2.1.3 Multilingual conversation strategies ...... 12 2.1.4 Symbolic power and linguistic capital ...... 13 2.1.5 Parliamentary language ...... 15 2.2 Discourse with a big D and Parliamentary discourse ...... 16 2.2.1 Parliamentary discourse ...... 17 2.2.2 Identity making in discourse ...... 18 2.2.3 Identity making in parliamentary discourse ...... 20 2.2.4 Discourse specific features ...... 21 2.2.5 Discourse specific features in parliamentary debates ...... 23 2.3 Summary ...... 26 3. THE FIELD OF RESEARCH ...... 28 3.1 Ethnic composition of Suriname ...... 28 3.2 Language diversity in Suriname ...... 31 3.3 The political composition of Suriname ...... 34 3.4 Summary ...... 36 4. METHODOLOGY ...... 36 4.1 Research design ...... 37 4.2 Research strategy ...... 38 4.3 Participants ...... 39 4.4 Data collection ...... 39 4.5 Data analysis ...... 41 4.6 Research quality indicators ...... 42 5. FINDINGS ...... 44 5.1 MP Somohardjo’s (PL) language; an example of language practices in the parliamentary meetings ...... 44 5.2 Issues with the English language ...... 48 5.3 Using group demographic affiliation for the interest of the people and making your voice heard ...... 54 6. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION ...... 61 6.1 Conclusion ...... 61 6.2 Discussion ...... 62 6.2.1 A reflection of the linguistic capital of the Surinamese society during parliamentary meetings of the Surinamese National Assembly ...... 62 6.2.2 Symbolic power of linguistic capital in the parliament of the National Assembly of Suriname ...... 64 6.2.3 The use of discourse features to make a point from an ethno-diverse perspective ...... 65 6.3 Limitations ...... 66 6.4 Recommendation for future research ...... 67 7. REFERENCE ...... 69 8. APPENDIX ...... 76

5 APPENDIX 1: TABLE WITH LIVE STREAMED MEETINGS FROM 10 JANUARY 2019 TO 7 MARCH 2019 ...... 77 APPENDIX 2 INTERVIEW GUIDE MS. RUTH DE WINDT ...... 87 APPENDIX 3 INTERVIEW GUIDE MR. FAYAZ SHARMAN ...... 89 APPENDIX 4 ANALYSIS OF NARRATING AND NARRATED EVENTS ...... 91

6 1. INTRODUCTION

On the 10th of July 2018, a conference was held called ‘Touch Dutch Base’, which took place in the Netherlands’ governing capital, The Hague, at the Binnenhof, where the Dutch Parliament is seated. The conference was organized by the Nationale Coordinator Internationale Functies (NCIF) (National Coordinator for International Functions), a bureau that, according to van Kleij (2018), has been included in the Ministry of foreign affairs. Van Kleij (2018) explains further that this organization’s function is to make sure that the Netherlands is well represented in over thirty international organizations such as the United Nations and NATO. According to van Kleij (2018), the conference had two functions: the first function was networking for the attendants, and the second was to discuss the topic of xenophobia and the fear of migrants. The attendees were the Dutch minister of foreign affairs, Stef Blok, and 80 Dutch employees of international organizations. During this meeting, minister Stef Blok made two peculiar remarks. His first remark was, “Name one example, of a multi-ethnic or multicultural society, where the indigenous population is still living, [...] and where they live peacefully together. I don’t know any.” (Zembla, 2018). When an individual present in the audience mentioned Suriname as an example, he responded with the following remark: “So the parties in Surinam are not divided by ethnic lines? A functioning constitutional state and government? [...] Suriname is a failed state! And this honestly has to do with the ethnic division.” (Zembla, 2018). In light of the courses that I followed in the MA program Global Communication, minister Blok’s claim triggered my interest in conducting a study in the Parliament of Suriname. Not because I want to understand whether the country is truly a failed state that presupposedly is divided through ethnic lines, but because of the linguistic diversity that these divisions in ethnic lines have brought about in Suriname. This research aims to find out if besides the national language Dutch, the other languages of the diverse ethnic groups in Suriname are also visible in the Surinamese Parliament, and if so, whether they influence the discourses in the Parliament’s meetings. The main research question therefore reads: “How is the ethnolinguistic diversity of Suriname reflected by and influencing the discourse in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament?” To answer this research question, I have structured this thesis into five subsequent chapters. In chapter 2, I present my conceptual framework using various concepts, such as

7 language, language diversity and multilingualism, and identity. Even though politics is not my field and has not been dealt with in-depth during my Global Communication study, I have attempted to give in my conceptual framework an as straightforward as possible explanation of what parliamentary discourse entails. Chapter 3 deals with the field where my research is located by giving a picture of Suriname, its ethnic groups, the languages spoken by these ethnic groups, and the Surinamese Parliament. The methodology that I have used to conduct this research is discussed in chapter 4. The findings of my research are presented in chapter 5. After which the thesis is concluded with a conclusion and discussion in chapter 6 to answer this research’s questions.

8 2. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

This research’s central theme is discourse, which is often perceived as merely the conversations that we have. However, this is not entirely true. Discourse is a broad concept in which Gee (2015) made a distinction between discourse with a “big D” and discourse with a “little d”. Discourse, according to Gee (2015), who has conducted intensive research on this concept, is not merely conversation but rather entails the social interactions between individuals and/or groups. This chapter is divided into sections that discuss discourse with a small d and discourse with a big D. Under discourse with a small d, the concepts such as language in a general sense, linguistic capital, and symbolic power acquired through language and multilingual conversation strategies used to create linguistic synergy are discussed. The concepts of identity, indexicality, and other discourse specific features are elaborated under discourse with a big D. Since this research is about discourse in the Surinamese Parliament, I have also integrated parliamentary discourse under both discourse with a small d and discourse with a big D.

2.1 Discourse with a small d and language

Gee (2015) explains that discourse with a small d is merely the language used to communicate. In other words, the words that come out of your mouth and the languages that we use to transfer communication. In that sense, we do not look further than the speech act itself, and the concepts that will be dealt with in the following sections are, therefore, language-related.

2.1.1 What is (a) language?

Language plays a pivotal role in discourse and in society as a tool to make meaning and establish the power relations that come with it (Blommaert & Jie, 2010). To understand the meaning-making and power relations part of language, we need to begin from the basis to understand what language is. It is hard to tell how many languages exist on this planet; however, prior studies claim approximately 5000 to 8000 spoken languages, which are unevenly distributed around the globe (Evans & Levinson, 2009; Nettle, 1998). Next to the spoken languages, there are at least 121 documented natural human languages without a sound system, known as the sign languages of the deaf (Evans & Levinson, 2009). Doubts about the

9 exact numbers of languages are tied to the definitional concept of what is perceived as a language. Kemp (2009) notes that linguists can define language through various theoretical understandings. Within all the theoretical understandings that linguists use to define a language, they emphasize three specific attributes that are central in language: “meaning, embodiment, and self-adaptive local emergence of patterning” (The Douglas Fir Group, 2016, p. 21). Language is an overarching concept that “inextricably involves cognition, emotions, consciousness, experience, embodiment, brain, self, human interaction, society, culture, mediation, instruction, and history in rich, complex, and dynamic ways” (The Douglas Fir Group, 2016, p. 39). Simply put, language is a social action that is conducted – verbal, non- verbal, or through writing – as a communication tool to express the concepts of one’s mind to themselves or others in a manner as understandable and clear as possible (Lesch, 2010). The naming of a language can be seen as objectification justified by naming or defining speech corresponding to a group (Grenfell, 2011). This form of objectification is a Eurocentric social invention from the colonial context occurring from two levels (Makoni & Pennycook, 2012). Firstly, languages are linked from unfamiliar territory to entities such as “nations, ethnicities, peoples, territories,” and so forth (Makoni & Pennycook, 2012, p. 442). Subsequently, “the local linguistic chaos is then sorted out to fit languages onto categorizations of people, and, where extra work is needed, languages are specifically created and renamed in order to fit preferred linguistic conditions” (Makoni & Pennycook, 2012, pp. 442-443). The Western approach to the construction of language is leaving out a crucial language element, i.e., history. It is therefore rightfully so that Yakpo, Van Den Berg, and Borges (2015) mention that “languages are not entities that exist on their own accord” (p. 170). Languages have meaning to people based on the historical context and function. Based on the historical point of view, languages can differ fundamentally from one another through sound systems, grammar, lexicon, meaning, and the syntactic organization of a language (Evans & Levinson 2009), which cannot be linked to an entity. All the previous being said, Makoni and Pennycook (2012) also point out based on a claim of Heryanto (2007), that in certain traditional societies language is not perceived as an invention with universal categories, and the necessity to specifically name whatever it is that one individual speaks to another is not present. That is why in certain traditional societies, “if language was relevant at all, it was something that was the possession of each individual and not necessarily shared by social groups” (Makoni & Pennycook, 2012, p.443).

10

2.1.2 Language diversity in multilingual societies

Researchers have not always appreciated the multitude of diversity in languages around the globe especially when people living in a country speak various languages among each other, as its richness complexifies speech communities and therefore also the societies in which they are present (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012). The incomprehensibility of linguists on the part of the communicative practices of language diversity in general – but more specifically in the case of multilingualism – is also created through the dominance of modernist constructs (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012). Within those modernist constructs as an example, there is a Eurocentric assumption about multilingualism. It is a phenomenon in which different language communities compete amongst one another, linguistically, for the sake of linguistic recognition and acceptance (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012). Multilingualism might be perceived as a new phenomenon in Western societies where it “is often celebrated in the communicative context of late modernity, where languages come into contact in contexts of transnational affiliation, diaspora communities, digital communication, fluid social boundaries and the blurring of time/space distinctions” (Canagarajah and Liyanage, 2012, p.49). Multilingualism is a widespread phenomenon around the world, but it is not new. Studies revealed that multilingualism existed in the Middle Ages in various parts of Europe (Cenoz, 2013). Also, other research has shown that multilingual communities have existed around the globe for centuries in traditional cultures in pre-modern and pre-colonial times, at least in certain parts of India (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012) and Africa where “it is common and, indeed, expected, for communities to function through multiple languages, so much so that the languages themselves become ‘invisible’ in many communities” (The Douglas Fir Group, 2016, p.23). The term multilingualism can be defined either as the capability of an individual to speak and understand at least two languages or more (Lin & Li, 2012; Spotti & Kroon, 2017) or for an individual to understand and speak at least three languages or more languages (Kemp, 2009). Either of the previously mentioned definitions can be used since there is no universal numerical scale for the minimum number of languages used for the term multilingualism (Kemp, 2009). The proficiency in each of the languages that a multilingual individual speaks is likely to differ, and it might even fluctuate over time. Also, these individuals “may use a number of languages on account of many different social, cultural and economic reasons”

11 (Kemp, 2009, p.12). Three-quarters of the world’s population speaks at least two languages despite the fact that it is not officially recognized by their states (Edwards, 2012), indicating that most individuals around the world are multilingual (Kemp, 2009). Multilingualism is a naturally occurring process in many communities around the globe. This natural process occurs when there is a voluntary accepting attitude towards other languages resulting in linguistic synergy. Meaning that instead of rejecting or suppressing each other’s languages, individuals of local language communities and newly arrived language communities use an adaptive linguistic strategy when they come into contact with one another (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012).

2.1.3 Multilingual conversation strategies

Multilingual individuals can use various adaptive linguistic conversation strategies to reach linguistic synergy such as code-switching or translanguaging. Code-switching is a creative communication strategy (Wei, 2011) using at least two languages across language boundaries “or between two dialects or registers of the same language” (Shay, 2015, p. 463). Code refers to the named language, such as English, Spanish, etc. According to Wei (2011), a defining character of code-switching is that “code-switching requires knowledge and competence in all the languages involved, plus the involvement of higher-level executive systems to manage across the languages” (p.374). Code-switching consists of an alternating discourse style used by multilingual individuals in the same stretch of an interaction in written but most often in speech act (Lin & Li, 2012) wherein the speaker can select a specific language to the interlocutor (Shay, 2015). In a social sense code switching can be motivated metaphorically or situationally depending on the interlocutors’ act of moment-by-moment meaning-making based on intracommunal communicative appropriateness between people who share the same linguistic background or repertoire (Lin & Li, 2012). According to Shay (2015), inter-sentential and intra-sentential are the most prominent forms of code-switching. The first does not require grammatical competence or high language proficiency in the languages used (Shay, 2015; Rampton, 2012) while the latter does (Shay, 2015) to demonstrate a credible identity of professionalism. Code switching on a grammatical level occurs in a very orderly fashion. However, this orderliness can differ from the languages involved (Gafaranga, 2008). Translanguaging is a more recently applied term defined as “the deployment of a speaker’s full linguistic repertoire without regard for watchful adherence to the socially and

12 politically defined boundaries of named (and usually national and state) languages” (Ricardo, García, & Wallis, 2015, p.281). Contrary to code-switching, translanguaging can be used by multilingual speakers who have insufficient comprehension in a particular language (Park, 2013), in an attempt to make themselves understood in another language. The similarity between code-switching and translanguaging is that multilingual speakers simultaneously alternate between languages spontaneously (Park, 2013). The cornerstone of translanguaging according to Ricardo, García, & Wallis (2015) is a term called idiolect, which is defined as the “person’s own unique, personal language, the person’s mental grammar that emerges in interaction with other speakers and enables the person’s use of language” (Ricardo, García, & Wallis, 2015, p.289). Examples of translanguaging can be observed in instances of literal translations or lay interpretation (Auer, Forthcoming).

2.1.4 Symbolic power and linguistic capital

Language is a fundamental part of human life (Guardado, 2018), and a social and economic fact (Blommaert, 2018; Klapwijk & van der Walt, 2016) through which power relations and control are exercised. People need others in the social act of dialogical communication, which is a joint effort established through an intersubjective normative template where people constantly negotiate and accommodate their ways of communicating to arrive at effective meaning-making (Blommaert, 2018). Words can be perceived as the basic makeup of language consisting of signs to make meaning in communication. Language, therefore, holds symbolic power through the use of words (Bourdieu, 1989). However, words only receive meaning based on community consensus on what signs are believed to signify (Grenfell, 2011). Symbolic power relations and control are exercised over a language through the social fact based on linguistic capital. Linguistic capital refers to the value that is attributed to a language to fulfill a person’s economic, cultural, social, and or symbolic capital needs, which can be used to acquire other resources that a person needs to gain access to better life chances or material wealth (Harrison, 2009; Morrison & Lui, 2000). A person’s linguistic capital can be measured by the number of languages that a person can speak and the fluency in and the comfort of using those languages. Also, some languages fulfill more capital needs than others. From an international point of view, popular languages such as English, Arabic, Chinese, French and Spanish (Noack & Gamio, 2015) for example dominate the international linguistic field because they hold significantly high linguistic capital based on the fact that the groups

13 that use those languages possess either economic, social, cultural and or “political power and status in local and global society” (Morrison & Lui, 2000, p. 473). Linguistic capital, however, does not only refer to how well a person speaks a language. It is also the advantage that one gains from speaking with the voice of authority substantiated by the institution (linguistic educational knowledge), the normativity of the market (socially accepted words within a community), and acceptance by the social space in its entirety (Bourdieu, 1993). According to Grenfell (2011), all languages have value, however, not each language is valued equally, since some languages are valued over others. The value of a language can be translated into symbolic power. Symbolic power from a linguistic point of view, is the ability to impose visions upon others concerning the value that is attributed to language by means of which language is to be deployed in what situation and in what context, of which the language that is used only holds value in the specific situation and context in which it is immersed (Bourdieu, 1989; Grenfell, 2011). An example given by Miles (2000) is that:

Though contestable on ideological grounds, European languages in Africa and elsewhere are preserved and defended precisely because they are foreign and ostensibly neutral tongues. Even when spoken badly or by a tiny minority, superimposed colonial tongues are valued because no indigenous ethnic groups are specifically identified with them. (Miles, 2000, p. 215)

Also, in a general sense, due to normativity, the language of the dominant group holds the most power, which is often the language from the upper and middle class that is also named the standard language which is used as the institutional language (Grenfell, 2011; Lippi-Green, 2011).

The symbolic power of language is also played out through the inclusion and exclusion of language rights. The article of Namyalo and Nakayiza (2015), shows both the inclusion and exclusion of language rights in Uganda. According to Namyalo and Nakayiza (2015), in Uganda on the one hand language diversity including that of indigenous languages is promoted in practically all activities in Uganda. On the other hand, the same linguistic rights are disabled in the political domains, where English is promoted. Exclusion of language rights can have a damaging effect on people. Namyalo and Nakayiza (2015) illustrate a situation where forcing the English language upon politicians who preferred to speak their indigenous language due to

14 their lack or low English comprehension led to bad emotional experiences. Because some of the politicians could not read the oath during their swearing-in-ceremony, they struggled to the extreme where some politicians even fainted. With this being said, the use of language should not be understood merely as a communication tool to make meaning in discourse between those engaged in a communicative exchange (Klapwijk & van der Walt, 2016). Those who are endowed with linguistic capital also use it as “an instrument of power” with the objective “to be believed, obeyed, respected and distinguished” by others through their speech (Klapwijk & van der Walt, 2016, p. 69). In some instances, indigenous languages or dialects can overrule the privileged linguistic capital and symbolic power of a popular world language or the institutional language of a country depending on the situation and context in which it is used. Bourdieu (1993) gives as an example the appreciation that was published in a Bearn newspaper for the fact that the Mayor of Pau (a village in France) addressed his audience in their mother tongue (Bearnais) instead of standard French during the ceremonial honoring of a Bearn Poet. The audience’s appreciation showed the symbolic power for the mayor’s linguistic capital of speaking Bearn in a situation and context that transcended the standard French language.

2.1.5 Parliamentary language

Language, in a general sense, is a political phenomenon that concurrently plays a discursive role, which is imperative in a political context (Dunmire, 2012). That is, language has a mediated function in politics that, when employed strategically and intelligently by politicians, can result in the acquisition and retention of power, fame, and popularity (Dunmire, 2012; Ilie 2010). The emphasis in parliamentary discourse in a general sense consists of “talk and subsequently texts” (Lesch, 2010). This talk and text are formed based on multiparty dialogue with objectives that generally speaking “reveal global similarities: to legislate or contest legislation, to represent diverse interests, to scrutinise the government’s activities, to influence opinion and to recruit and promote political actors” (Lesch, 2010, p. 44) but also “to achieve a number of institutionally specific purposes, namely position-claiming, persuading, negotiating, agenda-setting, and opinion building, usually along ideological or party lines” (Ilie, 2015, p.3). This type of dialogue is a form of deliberation existing of rhetorical patterns employed “to display various ideological visions, party affiliations, institutional positions and political

15 agendas of the members of parliament as representatives of citizens in terms of their social, professional, gender and ethnic backgrounds” (Ilie, 2016, p.133). The language that is used in parliamentary rhetoric plays a particular role in bringing across “political motives and legitimate political action,” which reveals the linguistic struggle for and over power in the sense of “acquiring political power, challenging it, competing for it, or defending and consolidating it” (Ilie, 2016, p.134). Parliamentary language is a language with a vocabulary that consists of professional political concepts that have historically loaded meanings, such as “question, plenum, session, speaker, reading, committee, debate, quorum, adjournment and division” or “bill, petition, motion, standing order, agenda, dissolution, libuster, guillotine, interpellation and vote of no condence” (Palonen, 2011, p.14). These concepts have specific and significant meaning in parliamentary debates, but do not make sense outside that context or have different meanings (Palonen, 2011). Parliamentary language has an international character, which as stated by Palonen (2011) “forms a kind of universal political Esperanto of parliamentarians that transcends the borders of grammar and vocabulary of ‘natural’ languages and allows parliamentarians across the geographical and party lines to understand each other” (p.21). As a technical language, parliamentary language does not have native speakers. It therefore does not belong to any ethnic group. Consequently, this language’s technical parliamentary vocabulary must be learned by anyone who wishes to understand parliamentary debates in depth. However, learning a parliamentarian language is time- consuming. It is imperative for anyone who wants to learn it to have “a sense of both history and rhetorical nuances” in politics (Palonen, 2011, p.14).

2.2 Discourse with a big D and Parliamentary discourse

Having discussed some of the concepts in relation to discourse with a small d, I will now zoom in on discourse with a big D, and parliamentary discourse, since the context of my research is the Surinamese Parliament. Discourse with a big D is a form of discourse, which “is meant to capture the ways in which people enact and recognize socially and historically significant identities or kinds of people through well-integrated combinations of language, actions, interactions, objects, tools, technologies, beliefs, and values” (Gee, 2015, p.1).

16 2.2.1 Parliamentary discourse

Parliamentary discourse “from a pragmalinguistic perspective” is a genre belonging “to the wider field of politics” (Ilie, 2015, p. 2). Parliamentarism, according to Ilie (2015), is a political system with “a traditional setting for open, confrontational dialogue among elected members of the citizenry” (p.1). The work that is performed in parliaments can therefore characteristically be distinguished through its main feature, “speaking (monologic communication) and debating (dialogic communication)” (Ilie, 2010, p. 334). Parliamentarism is a political system that, seen from an international perspective, is increasingly popular in democratic societies such as Suriname. The popularity of parliaments can be attributed to the increased transparency and visibility that debates in parliaments have gained over time, which have significantly impacted the voters’ perception, and as a result also the advancement of public affairs (Ilie, 2016). The transparency and visibility are based on the audience-oriented element created through the presence of parliamentarians, members of the electorate, the general public, and the media (Ilie, 2016), all of which is imperative in parliamentary dialogue. Next to that, voters expect that parliaments – as the embodiment of the will of the people seated in government – will truly help to solve the most pressing matters that the entire society is confronted with in daily life, based on the fact that parliamentarians have been voted to do so (Ilie, 2015). Discourse in parliamentary debates does not occur through direct communication between the members of parliamentarians. It is regulated by a person who has specifically been assigned the particular function through which parliamentarians address each other during the debates, to avoid chaos. This person has a presiding function and acts as chairperson. The chairperson is addressed as “the speaker” in parliamentary discourses in “unicameral parliament or in the lower house of bicameral parliaments”, and as “the president” in the upper house or second chamber” (Ilie, 2015, p.4) of bicameral parliaments. The chairperson is or has been a member of one of the sitting parties in parliament. This person can be perceived as an arbiter and needs to take on an impartial stance to guarantee fair debates and is also the timekeeper to guarantee that every member gets a fair amount of speaking time.

17 2.2.2 Identity making in discourse

The concepts of language and identity are two separate topics that are inseparably interdependent from each other. This is also perceived in discourse. As Gee (2001) explained, in discourse we not only use languages to fit it to situations or a particular context. We also use it to perform socially situated identities as in the type of person one is seeking to be and enact. Baxter (2016) pointed out that “identities are constructed by and through language, but they also produce and reproduce innovative forms of language” (p.34). The powerful role that language plays in identity is related to the fact that it is “through language that people and places are named, heritage and ancestry recorded and passed on, and beliefs developed and ritualised” (Joseph, 2016, p. 19). On the other hand, identity has a central function in language, which is related to the audible phonetic features that one possesses that are revealed during verbal communication. Through, for example, accents, diphthongs, and melodies of speech - and not so much the words that a person utters - it is possible to reveal the demographics a person is from or belongs to, which is undeniably related to that person’s identity. Practices or performances of identity can be described as recognizable multifaceted categorized repertoires that are “regimented through linguistic and discursive means” (De Fina, 2016, p. 163). McAvoy (2016) explains that when people speak, they “employ psychological concepts to work up particular kinds of identity, for selves and others, such as the thinking, feeling, rational, self-aware person and the emotional, out-of-control other” (p.109). She also indicates that identity is a social artefact produced by language and that it always resides in practices or performances rather than in the mind, because what people think and what people display does not always correspond, because people tend to display something different from what they think (McAvoy, 2016). Through the behavior or the manner of communication of a person “we can observe concrete, situated and interactionally contextualized identity work” (Blommaert, 2018, p. 58). In this performance, people express their identity depending on the context, which “is a concrete time-space configuration in which particular forms of identity are expected, required or optional” (Blommaert, 2018, p.58). The performance of identity work is a complex and dynamic process which is conceived, constructed and enacted, and because of its multiplicity it is potentially fluid and fuzzy displaying contradictions and discontinuity, while at the same time in a strategic sense identity can be negotiated and renegotiated according to the circumstances (Baker, 2016; Joseph, 2016; De Fina, 2016).

18 Notwithstanding the previous description, for a performed identity to be credible and relevant, in general, or when challenged, it has to be maintained through reproduction and reinvention (McAvoy, 2016, p. 102). The vast variation of identities that individuals produce are “constructed intersubjectively and context-contingently” (Joseph, 2016, p. 22). A person’s identity is ‘constructed intersubjectively’ through the manner in which it is received and perceived in the minds of others during the dynamism of linguistic encounters (this can be face- to-face or vicariously), and is a process that is out of the control of the sender who is communicating or giving signals about his or her identity. The process of ‘context-contingent’ identity creation occurs when the same people “co-construct different identities for one another depending on the circumstances, even if the linguistic indices are (abstracted from the circumstances)” (Joseph, 2016, p. 22). De Fina (2016) points out that a person’s identity can be differentiated in the following dimensions: personal or individual identity, also known as the prescribed identity and the social or collective identity, also referred to as ascribed identity. De Fina (2016) explains that “while personal identities capture characteristics and attributes that the individual regards as defining her/himself as a particular and unique kind of person, social identities refer to membership into social groupings that may be based on gender, age, ethnicity, place of origin and so forth” (p.163). Identity repertoires are also displayed in the communication about oneself and or towards others in individual or collective identity narratives (Yuval-Davis, 2006). These narratives are “stories people tell themselves and others about who they are (and who they are not)” (Yuval-Davis, 2006, p. 202) and the perception of what it means to be a member of a particular demographic. In essence, people can identify exclusively with one identity category, such as with people who have the same phenotypic configuration as they have, only white or black or only men or women. On the other hand, “their concrete social location is constructed along” an inexhaustible list of “multiple axes of difference, such as gender, class, race and ethnicity, stage in the life cycle, sexuality, ability and so on” (Yuval-Davis, 2006, p. 200). According to Canagarajah and Liyanage (2012), “for people who grow up with multiple languages in their everyday life, unitary notions of identity are reductive” (p. 57). Meaning that it is common that people living in multilingual societies develop multiple memberships that overlap and interlock in “amicable and productive ways to create fluid and hybrid identities” (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012, p. 52) by exploiting their linguistic capital. To perform identity work in a linguistically diverse society, it is practical for individuals to have an open, flexible, and positive mindset towards other languages. Such a mindset requires a “radically

19 other-centred” approach from individuals resulting in “a we perspective as a natural outcome” to produce meaning in interactions through which individuals can “accomplish their communicative objectives in relation to their purposes and interests” (Canagarajah & Liyanage, 2012, p. 55).

2.2.3 Identity making in parliamentary discourse

According to van Dijk (2010), political identities are performed through features of social identities as explained in section 2.2.2, including particular characteristics that are necessary for politicians to execute their political function. Political identities of parliamentarians are mainly performed through their membership position in the parliament. The people seated in parliament are professional politicians “who have been elected or appointed as the central players in the polity” and are paid to execute political activities (Van Dijk, 1997, p. 13). Parliamentarians can be divided into two groups; the government and the opposition. The government is the group that rules the country and is formed by the party that has won the majority of seats during the election. Parties can decide to join forces by forming a coalition and govern the country with several parties in case when none of the parties has reached the majority of seats that are required to govern the country themselves, this group is referred to as members of the government (MG’s). In the government there are the following positions; that of a president (in a republic) or a prime minister (in monarchies), a vice president, and some of the members who have been appointed as ministers. The ministers form a cabinet with an advising role to the president or prime minister in important decision makings. The opposition consists of parties that have won enough votes to be seated in the parliament, and all those parties combined form the largest voted group in the parliament, and this group is referred to as the members of parliament (MP’s). The essential role of the Parliamentarians is to control the government to ensure that the interest of the people is taken care of by the government. The government can only pass laws or raise taxes with the consent of the majority of the MP’s. Parliamentarians are only involved in political discourse through their identity performance as political actors, which are often practices that have political functions and implications manifested for example through activities such “governing, ruling, legislating, protesting, dissenting, or voting” (Van Dijk, 1997, p. 14). Discourse in institutional settings like parliaments in essence consist of speech acts that are performed on micro and macro level to shape and craft identities of the members of the parliamentarians. The identity performance

20 on the micro-level involves elements such as the “use of ritualised forms of address” through “recurring key words”, “recycled clichés”, “counter-clichés”, and “particular questioning and answering patterns”, which “occur in sequences and are performed by speakers engaged in globally structured speech activities, such as debating” (Ilie, 2010, p.337). The appropriateness of the speech acts embedded in these elements are directly or indirectly evaluated at the macro- level by all the actors of a parliament since the implications of the speech acts do not remain in the speech act itself. Speech acts depend and actively create the situations in which they are uttered and therefore have a broader influence on the outcome of the situation in a general sense (Ilie, 2010; Reyes, 2011).

2.2.4 Discourse specific features

A central feature of discourse that we use in any language in one way or another is by using signs that signal an object by pointing at the object (Wortham & Reyes), known as indexicality. Indexicalities are expressed through the traditionally understood manifestations of language for meaning-making, which is through the performance of a variety of semiotic signals such as objects, attributes, or activities (Blommaert, 2005). Indexicals can be divided in two groups main. The first group are the indexicals signs that signal the occurring social actions categorized under deictics, reported speech and evaluative indexicals. Each of the previously mentioned categories can concurrently signal one of the other categories in the sense that a reported speech usually contains deictics and simultaneously functions as an evaluative indexical (Wortham & Reyes, 2015). The second main group are metapragmatic indexicals consisting of “signs and process that describe how language performs action” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 54). Both groups consist of implicit and explicit indexicals.

Deictics, reported speech and evaluative indexicals Through deictics we can often recognize important information about the social action that is occurring in discourse. The deictics can be divided into four main types: spatial, temporal, person and discourse. The spatial deictics are used to give information about places or locations through words such as “here, around the corner and way over there” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 47). Temporal deictics are linked to occurrences in time, such as in the past, present or future though words such as “now, then, last month and a few years later” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 47). There are words used in both deictics such as the here and there or now and then, that

21 presuppose a radial geometrical centeredness in the sense that the boundaries of where the one word ends and the other begins is unclear. Person deictics are used refer to the speaker and to those spoken to and about through words such as I, you, she, he, we, and them (Wortham & Reyes, 2015). Through person deictics we can gather important information about the social action one tries to accomplish through discourse, as they are used to presuppose things about the speech event while describing the context of the event (Wortham & Reyes, 2015). For example, the words we and they can be used in discourse to refer to two groups and presuppose a boundary between two groups, signaling ingroup and inclusion or outgroup and exclusion. Discourse deictics are expressions like this or that “which stand in for prior or future discourse or refer exophorically to objects in the context” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 48). Reported speech is used to tell someone something that another person said in a direct or indirect manner or something that you said yourself. For example, if the neighbors told me that they are going on vacation I will say in a direct manner through reported speech we are going on vacation, said the neighbor and in an indirect manner the neighbors said that they are going on vacation. Evaluative indexicals are a very broad category of signals that are formulated to position a subject or object in a distinctive way through names, labels and descriptions of which different presuppositions are used to characterize a subject or object (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 51). Such as describing a person as assertive as opposed to aggressive. There is also a particular form of evaluative indexing called emblem. An emblem is “a sign or group of signs that presuppose and characterize a recognizable social type” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 52), such as housewife, feminist, dandy, businessman, playboy.

Metapragmatic indexicals Metapragmatic indexicals can be implicit and explicit. Implicit in the sense that individuals can index that they are not native speakers of a specific language through their speech styles, their accents, diphtongues, melodies of speech and their use of grammar in a particular language. Metapragmatic indexicals can also be construed to attribute evaluative meaning to a language in an explicit manner or implicit manner a tacit manner or through the use of gestures. For example, in a multilingual conversation were too much English is spoken to the likes of a person who does not fully comprehend English and does not appreciate it when English is spoken too often, the person can explicitly say you speak too much English. The individual can also use a tacit manner of implicit indexicality by saying I am getting dizzy every time English is spoken or by using gestures such as putting her hand in front of her mouth and sigh in dislike.

22 Both explicit and implicit forms of indexicality in the previous example can have implications for the social action (Wortham & Reyes, 2015). Another way of using metapragmatic indexicals is through orders of indexicality also known “the metapragmatic organizing principle behind what is widely understood as the pragmatics of language” (Blommaert, 2012, p. 37). Through orders of indexicals we can construe meaning to the implicit signals that we receive. Orders of indexicals can help us to identify something about the person who is uttering, i.e. “man, woman, young, old, educated, from a particular region, or belonging to a particular group, etc.” next to that (Blommaert, 2005, p.11). The tone of voice of an utterance also helps us in metapragmatic organization to recognize whether an utterance is “serious or banter, an anecdote, a joke, an order, a request”, or whether the speaker is “sure/sincere/confident of what s/he says”, and it also reveals the type of relationship between the interlocutors (Blommaert, 2005, p. 11). From everything that has been written above people tend to make character judgments through the signs that they receive in a conversation which they use to label an interlocutor as “arrogant, serious, funny, self- conscious, or businesslike” (Blommaert, 2005, p. 11). Character judgements are formed based on the communication style that is recognized in the communicative exchange between interlocutors. Using gestures such as nodding your head or a thumbs up for validity are also implicit indexicals, however the meaning behind those gestures can differ per culture.

2.2.5 Discourse specific features in parliamentary debates

The discourse specific features mentioned in section 2.2.4, are also present in parliamentary discourse since they form the basis for discourse. However, discourse specific features in parliamentary dialogue are confrontations that exhibit ongoing co-performances that consist of the “interplay between orderly discourse and disorderly discourse” (Ilie, 2016, p. 139). These features involve “linguistic and non-linguistic variables such as the general rules of politeness, tolerance of aggressive linguistic behaviour, preference towards abstract or concrete political language, as well as concepts of irony and humour, in a given culture” (Lesch, 2010, p. 44). Ilie (2010) argues that “for parliamentarians who participate on a regular basis in the political decision-making process by interacting and debating, speaking is acting” (p. 342). And this acting can take place through discourse specific features.

23 Orderly parliamentary discourse Members of parliament perform their role in orderly parliamentary discourse through various subgenres such as “ministerial statements, interpellations, parliamentary speeches, parliamentary debates, parliamentary (oral and written) questions, and question time” (Ilie, 2015, p. 3). Some of the previously mentioned subgenres of parliamentary discourse can have different names depending on the country and the type of parliament. Overall, parliamentary discourse involves debating. According to Ilie (2015), debates in parliament are intended to maintain the accountability of the government “by enabling focused discussion and by eliciting clarifications about government policies” (p. 4). These debates are speech performances established through parliamentarians’ discourse activities which are principally conducted through formal “discussions, consultations and disputes” (Ilie, 2010, p. 334). These activities can involve “(often heated) exchanges of opinion”, but they are primarily intended “to facilitate the chamber’s informed collective decision-making on specific issues” (Ilie, 2015, p. 4). Parliamentary debates are in general initially introduced through the annual parliamentary session with an opening speech that is often held by the head of states in most parliaments and sometimes by “the head of the executive and is usually followed by debates” (Ilie, 2015, p. 4). The issues for debate are either provided and chosen by the members of parliament or they are used to emphasize the work of parliamentary committees which are documented in written reports (Ilie, 2015, p. 4). Political issues have at least two sides, of which the members of parliament can debate in favor of or against (Ilie, 2016, p. 134). This means that political issues in a parliamentary debate cannot be discarded by anyone since all standpoints and their alternatives are challenged and considered, of which members of parliament consequently have to make separate judgments and decisions to make sure that they can uphold their previous positions in a debate (Palonen, 2011, p. 15). The debates are often concluded after voting for a resolution of the issue by the majority of votes of the parliamentarians. Parliamentary debates are procedural by nature and governed by tradition, meaning that they are controlled by an institutional set of rules which are ritualised (Lesch, 2010; Ilie, 2015) and the debates can therefore be described as being scripted. These rules are salient in the process of “discussing the pros and cons of every item on the agenda” since this “requires the mutual respect of co- parliamentarians and the willingness to become persuaded by them when appropriate” (Palonen, 2011, p. 21).

24 Disorderly parliamentary discourse, rule violations Regardless of procedural rules, parliamentary debates are conducted by parliamentarians and as humans they have the tendency to forget the rules or at times ignore them all together and consequently parliamentary debates do not always go according to script. This can be linked to the claim of Ilie (2016) that agnostic spirit is the strength of parliamentary rhetoric (p. 134), which is salient in heated debates and used to neutralize or prove political adversaries wrong. When this happens, evidently members of parliament have the tendency to use unparliamentary language, in the sense that they use a style of speaking that lacks the ritualized politeness expected from a member of parliament during political debates. This politeness within parliamentary debates is based on “treating other members with respect and equality as a condition of fair debate”, and to guarantee a fair debate it is salient that in the regulation of unparliamentary language a balance is found between “free speech, fair play in the parliamentary debate, and equality amongst parliamentarians” (Palonen, 2011, p. 16). An example given by Palonen (2011) is that calling a fellow parliamentarian straight out is not tolerated, while, being creative and innovative with words can give parliamentarians the freedom of speech to say something impolite in a manner that sounds more polite, such as stating that a fellow parliamentarian is “being economical with truth” (Palonen, 2011, p. 16). Palonen does mention that it seems that nowadays parliamentarians are better skilled to tolerate verbal attacks contrary to the nineteenth century where “racist, anti-Semitic and sexist expressions or tones” can be identified in parliamentary debates which would not be accepted in present-day debates (Palonen, 2011, p. 17).

Strategic legitimization Parliamentarians also use strategies of legitimization by enacting arguments to justify their course of action through the use of the following social practices: emotions, hypothetical future, rationality, voice of expertise and altruism (Reyes, 2011). The aim of using these types of strategies is to gain support and approval from other parliamentarians “to obtain or maintain power, to achieve social acceptance, to improve community relationships, to reach popularity or fame, etc.” (Reyes, 2011, p. 782). Parliamentarians can for example attempt to appeal to emotions by arguing from personal experiences as an instrument to legitimize for example cultural generalization (Reyes, 2011). Legitimization through emotions can also be achieved linguistically by employing indexicality through constructive strategies of otherness in a two- sided story. In that story on the positive side there is the “us group” consisting of the speaker

25 and audience and on the negative side in that story is the social group that is depicted as the “them group” of whom the negative attributions, qualities of their personality and actions are at play (Reyes, 2011, p. 78). The use of hypothetical legitimization comes in the form of sentence constructions starting with a possible threat in the (near) future followed by the words such as if, could, and would, concluded with the result of execution of the threat. Reyes used as an example the following sentence of Obama “and this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and Al-Qaeda can operate with impunity” (p.795). Parliamentarians employ rationality as a legitimation strategy by presenting the legitimation process through sentences such as “after consultation with our allies” (Reyes, 2011, p. 799), which demonstrate that they have come to their conclusion through a mental and verbal processes of consulting and exploring all possible sources and options prior to taking a particular decision. The legitimization of voices is achieved through “authoritative speech” (Reyes, 2011, p.786). Parliamentarians in such a case make sure to consult experts in the field of a specific subject to demonstrate to the audience that their proposals are supported by reliable and knowledgeable people. As a result of this the “speaker is more persuasive, more convincing, and more attended to” (Reyes, 2011, p. 787). Legitimization through altruism is used in the form of “moral evaluation” to serve their voters (Reyes, 2011, p. 787). Through which parliamentarians legitimize their proposals as “common good that will improve the conditions of a particular community” which is often their own community but might be presented as beneficial for “society as a whole” (Reyes, 2011, p. 787). These five strategies according to Reyes are quite effective since as society to a certain extent we have common values and visions of the world and therefore we are sensitive to those strategies.

2.3 Summary

Language is an overarching concept in discourse with a little d that individuals use to express the concepts of their minds in meaning making through either verbal, nonverbal or written language. Multilingual individuals can use their linguistic capital in various adaptive languaging strategies to make meaning. However, the language that an individual chooses in meaning making does not only depend on the linguistic capital in the sense of the number of languages that they have in their linguistic repertoire and the fluency and comfort to use those languages in meaning making. It also depends on the symbolic power that is attributed to a language since not all languages are valued equally. The situation, the context and the domain

26 in which a language is deployed also plays a pivotal role in meaning making. In certain contexts or domains one language is promoted while another is excluded. Excluding one language can mean imposing another language upon individuals, which might lead to violating an individual’s language rights. Violating language rights is possible since the language of the dominant group holds most power, and the language of the dominant group is often also the language that is used in certain domains such as politics. Through big D discourse we use language in combination with other discourse specific features to perform identities in an implicit or explicit manner through the use of indexicalities. Implicitly enacted indexicalities are the things that we say with words or without words, with our gestures, through our voice, the consciously hidden meaning behind our words, and the unconscious messages that we send with our words and through our gestures. Explicit indexical features are communicated for example through deictics and evaluative speech. People in multilingual societies commonly perform multiple memberships through their linguistic capital to create fluid identities. The metapragmatic use of their language can help in identifying the hybrid identities of multilingual individuals and whether a person is or is not a native speaker of a particular language for example through accents, diphtongues and melodies of speech. Parliamentary discourse which is regulated through a chairperson, adds an extra dimension to identity making through the politically performed roles, the technical language and parliamentary discourse specific features which are used, by enacting arguments, to justify courses of action of the participants. What would be of interest to understand based on the information from this chapter is how the members of the Surinamese National Assembly use small d discourse and big D discourse during the parliamentary meetings and for what purpose.

27 3. THE FIELD OF RESEARCH

Suriname, the subject country of this research, is the smallest country in South America, with a size of 163.820 square kilometer and a population of 541,683 inhabitants according to the last census that was held in 2012 (Menke, 2016). Suriname shares borders with neighboring countries French Guiana to the east, Brazil by the South, Guyana to the west and since it is located on the northern coast of South America it also borders the Atlantic Ocean to the north. The population composition of Suriname is one of the most ethnically diverse of all the countries in South America including the Caribbean (Menke, Schalkwijk, Schalkwijk & Seligson, 2013,). The Surinamese population consists of many ethnic and tribal groups that are all minorities by themselves and “who have maintained, to a large extent, their linguistic and cultural heritage” (Menke, et al., 2013, p. 163). Suriname can be characterized as a plural society that is ethnically, religious and culturally diverse, and despite these characteristics, the Surinamese population live “side by side with a common governmental system” (Menke et al., 2013, p. 164). Suriname has a long colonial history first falling under the rule and reign of the British and later of the Dutch. Suriname is now a republic since its official independence in 1975.

3.1 Ethnic composition of Suriname

Suriname’s rich ethnic diversity is overtly visible through the phenotype of its population and covertly through the sub-division within ethnic groups. As in many countries around the globe Suriname conducts periodical censuses mainly to keep track of the country’s demographic changes for development plans. One of the topics tracked through the census is ethnicity. The definition of ethnicity in Suriname used for the last three censuses conducted from 2003 till 2012 is:

“a group of people who, on the basis of a common socio-cultural identity, have the feeling to be a separate group in the society, are dedicated to the continued existence as a group and as a consequence of the previous deliberately distinct themselves from the others in the society.” (Reynold, 2016, p. 30)

28 The values used in the census (in Dutch) to ascribe the individuals who took part in the census were: Inheems (stam) (indegenous (tribe)), Marron/Boslandcreool (stam) (Maroon (tribe)), Creool (Creole), Afro-Surinamer (Afro-Surinamese), Hindoestaan (Hindustani), Javaan (Javenese), Chinees (Chinese), Kaukasich/blank (Caucasian/white), Gemengd (Mixed), Overige (Other), Weet Niet (do not know), Geen Antwoord (no answer) (Reynold, 2016). The Surinamese population is historically shaped as follows: • The first group that populated Suriname are the indigenous Amerindian who have been valued under native (tribe) in the census. The reason why the term tribe is placed between brackets is based on the fact that there are several sub-ethnic groups within this ethnic category. • The second group were the Europeans, the Spanish who ‘discovered’ Suriname followed by the British and then the Dutch who both colonized Suriname in sequential order. The descendants of this group is valued in the census under Caucasian/white. • The third group were the enslaved people who had been imported from Africa. This group was later divided in two subgroups: the enslaved who stayed on the plantation and who are valued under Creole, and the enslaved who escaped from the plantations “into the largely unpopulated interior to avoid the harsh working conditions” and “succeeded in establishing independent communities and have maintained a distinct culture” based on a combination of African and Amerindian traditions (Taylor & Berns, 2010, para. 3). The latter subgroup is valued in the census under Marron/Boslandcreool (tribe). Behind the category Marron/Boslandcreool the indication tribe is added, because there are many sub-ethnic groups within this ethnic category just like with the native Amerindians. Schwaller (2018) explains that “the English word ‘maroon’ derives from the Spanish cimarrón”, and that the word was applied “to indigenous groups, Africans, and even livestock that had ‘gone wild’ or fled outside of Spanish control” during the “Spanish settlement in the Caribbean” (p.610). The word Marron is therefore perceived as a contested word by certain members of this group. • The fourth group were the contract workers imported from China, India and from Indonesia in respective sequential order from first to last. These groups have been valued in the census under Chinese for the group from China, Hindustani for the Indian group and Javanese for the Indonesian group. • The fifth group up to date are people migrating into Suriname from all over the globe and who have been valued under ‘others’ in the census.

29 A striking point in the census is that the values used for people who self-identity as being from European descent fall under the value Caucasian/white, which is a ‘race’ and not by definition a specific ethnic group. The previously mentioned values changed in the history of the census reports between the period of 1971 to 2004 from an ethnic group ‘European’ to a racial group ‘Caucasian/white’, while the ethnic terms to describe the other groups changed from one ethnic term to another ethnic term (Menke & Sno, 2016). The census of 2012 revealed the percentage of the population categorized by ethnic group and race as follows:

“the East Indian group is the largest (29%), followed by the Creole (19%), the Maroon (16%), the Javanese (15%), and the Amerindian (4%). There is also a large group of mixed origin (13%) and some smaller groups such as the Chinese, Syrian, Lebanese and Whites (“Others” 4%).” (Menke et al., 2012, p. 163)

The census reports were initially drawn up by linking ethnicity to specific regions, which can be motivated based on the explanation of St-Hilaire (2001) (cited from Hoefte, 1990a) that “three hundred years of Dutch colonialism left the nation divided along ethnic lines” (p. 998). All the ethnic groups were initially divided geographically to districts and did not mingle that much. However, St-Hilaire (2001) explains that “the post-1945 urbanization of the Surinamese population ushered in new dynamics in ethnicity and assimilation” (p. 998). Assimilation is the term commonly used to describe the process of individuals or members of a minority group adopting the behavior of a mainstream culture (St-Hilaire, 2011). Prior to 1945 the capital of Suriname, Paramaribo, was to a great extent populated by Creoles and Dutch citizens. However, the desire for upward socio-economic mobility resulted in urban migrations from rural districts of Suriname to the country’s capital city Paramaribo by Hindustani, Javanese, Maroons and all the other ethnic groups (St.-Hilaire, 2001). The newcomers upon arrival in the capital discovered that urban migration alone was insufficient to fit in, they also had to assimilate to the institutionalized language Dutch or the lingua franca Sranan to realize some form of socio-economic mobility.

30 3.2 Language diversity in Suriname

Language in Suriname as mentioned by Taylor and Berns (2010) “is perhaps one of the most complex aspects of the Surinamese social mosaic” motivated on the fact that “its intricacy derives from the number of languages spoken combined with the uses and contexts to which they are put” (para. 17). The complex aspect of language in Suriname is also perceived in the countries national anthem, which like many multilingual countries consists of verses in the several languages that are spoken in the country. In the case of Suriname, the anthem has two verses, a Dutch verse and a verse in Sranan. Regardless of the language complexity of Suriname, I will attempt to give an as clear but concise picture as possible of the languages that are spoken in Suriname. Suriname is a very linguistically diverse country wherein over twenty different languages are spoken next to Dutch (Kroon & Yagmur, 2014; Carlin, Léglise, Migge & Tjon Sie Fat, 2014). Below are the languages spoken in Suriname divided sequentially in linguistic ethnic categories from a historical point of view from the oldest category to the newest arrivals: • Amerindian: Lokono (Arawak), Kari’na, Trio and Wayana. • Afro-Surinamese: Sranan language spoken by the Creoles and N’dyuka (Aucan), Saamaka, (Saramaccan), Pamaka (Paramaccan), Matawai and Kwinti spoken by the Maroons. • Asian-Surinamese: Sarnami spoken by the Hindustani, Javanese spoken by Javanese and Hakka spoken by the Chinese. • Other: Papiamento, Arabic, Swedish, Gabonese, Lebanese, Iranian, Greek, Urdu, Armenian, Iraqi, Flemish, German, Indian, Malay, Scottish, Sinti, Swahili, Tagalog, Sign Language, Brazilian Portuguese, Guyanese English, Guyanese Creol, Spanish, English, French, and Haitian Creole. This list of languages spoken in Suriname is based on the data results from the researches of Kroon and Yagmur (2014) and Léglise and Migge (2014) on the languages spoken by pupils and teachers in elementary schools in various geographical regions in Suriname. I have linked this overall and proper representation of the linguistic diversity in Surinam to the respective ethnic categories. Noteworthy about linking ethnic group to a language is that being part of an ethnic group as an individual in Suriname does not necessarily mean that you speak the language associated to your ascribed or self-prescribed ethnic group. Also, a person’s ethnicity does not specifically reveal his or her language repertoire in Suriname.

31 Not all the languages are valued equally since there are languages that are attributed more prestige than others by the Surinamese population. Dutch is the main language used in the Surinamese linguistic landscape; nonetheless I did not list it above. This decision is motivated on the fact that according to Carlin et al. (2014), “language in Suriname is a vigorous obsession and has been an emotive topic since colonization by the Dutch” wherein Dutch plays an imperative role in which it “is regarded as having gate-keeping functions in Surinamese society” (Carlin et al., 2014, p. 1). The gatekeeping function means that Dutch is the ‘safe language’ since it does not lend to favoring a specific ethnic group and therefore avoids conflicts – linguistically speaking – between the ethnic groups. Dutch is the only officially recognized institutional language in Suriname ever since the Dutch colonial rule up to present day and therefore has an overt position of prestige. The Dutch language that is spoken in Suriname, however, “developed distinct characteristics in its lexicon and grammar that set it apart from European Dutch” (Yakpo, 2015, p. 264). Dutch is heavily promoted in Suriname and as a result spoken by the vast majority of the Surinamese population either as their primary language, second or even third language (Carlin et al., 2015). The ethnic languages to the contrary “tend to be associated with ethnic and social constructs that are not conducive to upward social mobility, but many of them are indispensable for managing everyday life and tend to have high covert prestige” (Carlin et al., 2015, p. 1). The main language that has high covert prestige is Sranan, an African based language with influences from the European languages English and Dutch created through the language contact with the British and the Dutch in colonial times. Sranan is initially linked to the Creole ethnic group. However, it has experienced a significant expansion “in terms of speaker numbers and language domain” (Yakpo, Van Den Berg & Borges, 2014, p. 166). Sranan is in actual fact the second-high language spoken in Suriname since it is spoken by a large part of the Surinamese population as a second or third language of all the social classes and ethnicities (Yakpo, 2015). Nonetheless, there are Surinamese who will deny this and will name another language that they prefer when asked (Yakpo et al., 2014). Also, Sranantongo spoken as an individual’s primary language differs from Sranan spoken as a second or third language in a number of ways (Yakpo, et al., 2014). Even though Sranan lacks institutional support, it has shifted as a language of less prestige to its current functioning as an ethnically neutral national lingua franca (Yakpo, et al, 2014). Dutch and Sranan are the two dominant languages of Suriname that function as donor and source languages for the other ethnic languages as a result of language contact (Yakpo, et

32 al., 2014). Two widely spoken languages are Aucan and Saramaccan of the Maroon ethnic groups (Leglise & Migge, 2014). It seems to be thriving since these two languages “appear to have a large mother tongue speaker community in eastern and central Suriname, respectively” (Leglise & Migge, 2014, p. 31). The “language maintenance rates for Maroon languages appear to be quite high and the user communities of some Maroon languages appear to be growing (Leglise & Migge, 2014, p. 42). Just like Sranan, “Maroon languages, have become more acceptable means of communication in domains previously reserved for Dutch” (Leglise & Migge, 2014, p. 39). The language Sarnami, which is a language that came into existence in Suriname through the merging of diverse north-Indian languages is a vital language for the people of Hindustani origin (Yakpo, 2015; Kroon & Yagmur, 2014). The latter also counts in the case of the Chinese language for the Chinese population (Kroon & Yagmur, 2014). While the above languages are thriving and expanding in numbers of speakers, the languages of some other ethnic groups seem not to be doing so well. Javanese for example seems to be losing its vitality based on both linguistic and sociological evidence (Yakpo, 2015). Native languages such as Mawayana (Wayana) are even in danger of extinction (Yakpo, et al., 2015). The above gives a picture of the multilingual character of the Surinamese population of which a vast majority speaks at least one of the above languages as their primary, secondary or even third language. Also, most of the people in Suriname speak more than two languages (Kroon & Yagmur, 2014). The use of multilingual conversation strategies such as code- switching is also a norm rather than an exception in Suriname (Yakpo, 2015). Surinamese people creatively use their language repertoires and language practices “to (temporarily) invoke certain identities, stances, and relationships and to (re)negotiate existing social constructs. The types of languages that are practiced and their social functions are variable across individuals depending both on people’s aspirations and the social networks and contexts in which they interact” (Carlin et al., 2014, p. 2). As mentioned in section 3.1, people from the diverse ethnic groups migrated from the rural areas to the urban capital for socio-economic mobility and in the process had to assimilate linguistically to Dutch and Sranan or adapted another ethnic language for other purposes. St-Hilaire explains that irrespective of the practices related to linguistic assimilation, having a common language may not suffice to create a political community. This is due to the fact that “linguistic assimilation frequently fails to eliminate ethnic divisions”, “ethnicity has a primordial appeal that often transcends linguistic assimilation and is played out and continually reinvented in the political, economic and social institutions of a nation” (St.-Hilaire, 2011, p. 1000). According to Eersel (2011), Suriname

33 does not have a language authority that regulates the languages in Suriname. The working language at the Surinamese Parliament for example is Dutch. However, it is also allowed for the members of the National Assembly to speak any of the other languages spoken by the Surinamese population. Consequently, code-switching and borrowing words from other languages than Dutch is common practice during parliamentary meetings (Eersel, 2012).

3.3 The political composition of Suriname

The Surinamese Parliament, the subject of this research, is seated at the capital of Suriname, Paramaribo. The Parliament is setup in a unicameral form – meaning that it consists of a single legislative chamber – which has been named the National Assembly (Curiel, 2014). The National Assembly consists of 51 members who have been elected by voters from ten districts in which the country has been divided for governance purposes. The 51 seats, however, “are apportioned among the 10 districts in a way that is not proportional to population or electorate size” in order to “guarantee the more rural and less densely populated districts enough influence” (Curiel, 2014, p. 30). Next to that, Suriname’s political system to a certain extent is organized as a consociationalism democracy, as a result of the fact that most of the political parties are “too small to hold a majority position” (Menke et al., 2012, p. 124). Consequently, these smaller parties reach out to others, most often from the same ethnic group to form ethnic alliances, or to other ethnic groups to form alliances of multi-ethnic nature. Consequently, the majority of the “political parties are organized along ethnic lines” to form a coalition of an inter-ethnic nature. This type of formation, as a result, “helped to create a peaceful multi-ethnic society” in Suriname (Menke et al., 2012, p. 124). This political formation is based on the well- respected “philosophy of broederschap” (philosophy of brotherhood), which is an ideology based on values of “the inclusion of many ethnic groups in leadership in order to negotiate about differing interests and to resolve eventual conflicts in a peaceful manner” (Menke et al., 2012, p. 124). Menke et al (cited from Taylor and Berns, 2010) describe this pride of the political Surinamese system as follows:

“There is a pride felt by the Surinamese government and many of its citizens for how the multi-ethnic society has avoided overt tensions and violent conflict for much of its history. There is also a growing recognition on the part of the government that Suriname’s diversity is an asset to the country’s development, and one that should be

34 nurtured’. Tensions and violent conflict have especially been avoided due to the political system (consociational democracy) in Suriname.” (Menke et al., 2012, p. 125)

However, in recent years there appears to be “more support among citizens for multiethnic political parties”, which might have implications for the future continuation of the consociational democracy (Menke et al., 2012, p.125). The report by Menke and colleagues also shows that the stable democratic attitude of the Surinamese citizens has declined over time (Menke et al., 2012, p. 132). Nonetheless, in comparison to the other countries across the Americas, Suriname has a very stable democracy overall. This claim is based on the fact that Suriname scored far above average in the same survey in the combination of support of political system and political tolerance of all the countries combined in that region, which are two of the critical factors for democratic stability (Menke et al., 2012) Suriname as a republic did not always have the political construction that was explained earlier. According to Marchand (2010) it was created gradually, and the first ethnic group in Suriname after the Dutch elite group that had any electing or governing rights to set up electoral associations was the light-colored middle-class Creoles at the beginning of the twentieth century. This changed when the Asian ethnic groups (Hindustani and Javanese) were allowed positions in the Parliament, creating resentment from the Creoles towards the Asian groups. By 2010 the ethnic group of Maroons also joined the governmental institutions. Politics in Suriname has been used since the first elections till present as a vehicle by ethnic groups to climb the social ladder and because of this several political parties are strongly associated with specific ethnic groups (Menke et al., 2012). The coalition that was seated in Parliament during the period of this researched was installed in 2015 and consisted of the following 8 parties: • The NDP (National Democratic Party), multi-ethnic party with 26 seats • NPS (National Party Surinam), multi-ethnic party with 3 seats • PL (Pertjajah Luhur) Javanese party with 5 seats • AC (Alternative Combination) Maroon party with 5 seats • BEP (Brothers and Unity in Politics) Maroon party with 2 seats • DOE (Party for Democracy and Development in Unity) Maroon party with 2 seats • PALU (Progressive Laborers and Agricultural Union) mix Creol and Javanese with 1 seat • VHP (Progressive Reform Party) Hindustani party with 8 seats.

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Most of the parties are composed along ethnic lines, however, NDP, VHP and NPS have a multi-ethnic member composition. Just because the previously mentioned parties are ethnically mixed does not mean that they are free of ethnic politics, “ethnic affiliation is often more localized” (Menke et al., 2012, p. 168). Menke and colleagues use the following illustration of how this done, “campaigns in Amerindian villages where the NDP portrays its leader primarily as an Amerindian (Bouterse is of mixed ethnic background with some Amerindian blood), but this image shifts in other geographic areas” (Menke et al., 2012, p.168).

3.4 Summary

Suriname is the most ethnically diverse of all the countries in South America including the Caribbean, where over twenty different languages are spoken next to the institutional language Dutch. However, not all the languages are valued equally, since Dutch is valued an overtly position of prestige as the only officially recognized institutional language. While some of the other languages have covert values of prestige and their group of speakers are expanding and thriving, a few others are at the brink of extinction. The main non officially recognized language with high covert prestige is Sranan. However, there are Surinamese people who will deny speaking it. Languages are not regulated by a language authority in Suriname, and most of the people in Suriname speak more than two languages separately or simultaneously. The use of multilingual conversation strategies is therefore a norm rather than an exception. Although the parties that are seated in the National Assembly of Suriname are primarily organized along ethnic lines, the working language spoken in the parliamentary meetings is Dutch. The use of other indigenous languages are also allowed during parliamentary meetings. The background information of this chapter already gives an impression of what can be expected from a language and ethno-diversity point of view in the parliamentary meetings of the Surinamese National Assembly. What will be of interest is to understand how the languages that are used in the Surinamese society are truly reflected in the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament. 4. METHODOLOGY

36 In this chapter the research methods are discussed which were used to answer the research question: “How is the ethno-linguistic diversity of Suriname reflected by and influencing the discourse in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament?”

I will also explain how the analysis was conducted to answer the sub questions that were formulated based on the information from chapters 2 and 3 for small d and big D discourse respectively.

Small d discourse research sub questions: 1. How does the linguistic capital of the Surinamese society reflect during the debates of the Surinamese Parliament? 2. How is symbolic power of linguistic capital played out during the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament?

Big D discourse research sub question: 3. What are the discourse features that the parliamentarians of the National Assembly of Suriname use to get their voices heard from an ethno-diverse perspective?

The methods that have been used to answer these sub questions will be discussed in the research design, research strategy, participants, data collection, data analysis and finally research quality indicators and limitations in the following sections of this chapter.

4.1 Research design

This research has a qualitative nature for which I have chosen the embedded case study design. The design is embedded in the sense that the overall unit wherein this research is conducted is the Surinamese Parliament and the meetings that they have in the Parliament are subunits that are explored individually after which the results “are drawn together to yield an overall picture” (Rowley, 2002, p. 22). A shortcoming of this design that Rowley (2002) addresses is that it is a major challenge to attain a holistic perspective from the analysis of the sub-units. Nonetheless, I still chose this design, however based on the fact that this research overall is a single case that does not require control over the behavioral events and because the focus is on

37 a contemporary event (Yin, 1994). I perceive parliamentary discourses as a contemporary event with a “uniquely situated reality” from a unique point of view where the complex events occur “in a totally unique context – time, place, participants” and other factors which are a series of conditions that influence the event (Blommaert & Dong, 2010, p. 19). What is interesting about these factors is that when repeated they can be recognized as a ritual; however, these rituals are different every time that they are performed because the events happen at another time in space (Blommaert & Dong, 2010).

4.2 Research strategy

According to Matthew and Ross (2010) “effectively, ethnography follows case study design” (p.135). Following the advice of Matthew and Ross, I have chosen ethnography as a research strategy. Doing ethnographic research in the traditional sense would mean that the researcher has to immerse herself in the field to hear and see the data at first hand. This would then typically allow me to take a role in the setting to participate in one way or another in the research context not only as a researcher but also as a participant (Matthews & Roswell, 2010). However, due to the fact that I was not present in Suriname to conduct this research in the Parliament, I was not able to immerse myself in the field of research in the traditional sense. Instead, I watched the live streaming of the parliamentary meetings via the YouTube channel of the Surinamese Parliament named De Nationale Assemblee (DNA). The benefit of ethnography is that it can also be done remotely through technologies of the internet (Trochim, Donnelly & Arora (2016). Trochim et al. (2016) stated that the researcher does not have to immerse herself in the field of research as a participating observer in the traditional sense to conduct ethnographic research. Ethnographic research therefore can also be done remotely. Doing remote ethnography by watching the live streamed videos of the Parliament via YouTube did not make me feel less present or less emotionally involved as when I would have immersed myself in the field by being physically present in Suriname at the parliamentary meetings. Just like Postil (2017) – who followed a lecture that was given in London from his home in Melbourne via YouTube – mentioned, my experience of watching the live streamed videos of the Surinamese parliamentary meetings perhaps “did not feel exactly as if I had been there at the time, but no leap of the imagination was needed to feel a great sense of immediacy—even intimacy—with a recorded event that took place a world away” (p.62).

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4.3 Participants

The participants of this research consisted of the parliamentarians, support staff of the Parliament (registry team, facility team) and the people in the audience (journalists, support staff, etc.). The focus of my research however was observing the discourse of the parliamentarians, who were divided in two participating groups and one independent participant. The two groups consisted of the opposition which are the members of Parliament (MP’s) and on the other side of the members of the government (MG) with the following roles; the president, the vice president, the ministers that form the cabinet and other members of the government without ministerial roles. As in most parliaments around the globe, the meetings in the Surinamese Parliament are regulated by a chairperson. In the case of Suriname there are two participants who regulate the meetings; the chairman (in this case a female) and the designated vice chairman. The chairman is a member of one of the political parties but does not have a seat in the Parliament. However, this person has an autonomous staff function. The designated vice chairman has a double role in the Parliament as MG and as chairman. Since the designated vice chairman in this case was also a member of the government, he would participate in the debates in his role as MG and in the absence of the chairman he would take on the impartial role of vice chairman to regulate the meetings. There was a total number of 51 participants at most in some of the parliamentary meetings, which is all the MG’s and most of MP’s combined including the chairman. I write 51, normally speaking it should have been 52 if all the MG, MP’s and the chairperson are present. However, one of the MP’s was not present during one of the meetings with all parliamentarians. The gender division between the MG’s and MP’s combined was 15 females and 36 males.

4.4 Data collection

The material of this research was not collected firsthand since I watched the live streamed meetings via YouTube, instead they were “mediated through digital data” (Paay, Kjeldskov, Skov & O’Hara, 2013). A benefit from using technologies such as the Internet to gather data is that it can serve as an unobtrusive method in gathering data. The members of Parliament were therefore not aware of the fact that a researcher was observing their meetings. Since the parliamentary meetings are live streamed on YouTube, they are publicly available and

39 therefore informed consent was not needed from the participants to collect my data for this research. However, I did need the transcripts of the meetings for my data analysis. I therefore contacted Ms. de Windt (Chief Registrar of the Surinamese Parliament) to ask her if she wanted to help me with my research. As agreed Ms. de Windt sent me the transcripts of the meetings including the audio recordings from the table1 that I had emailed her with live streamed videos that I was going to analyze, via Mr. Sharman (Head of the Legal Department of the National Assembly in Suriname), who had to be in the Netherlands during the period that I was conducting my research. Due to a miscommunication I received audio-recordings of the parliamentary meetings instead of the video recording. The transcripts and audio recordings also function as my backup material in case the live streamed videos would be removed from the YouTube DNA site for whatever reason. The transcripts that I received from Ms. de Windt were divided over several documents due to the length of the meetings. The first page of the opening document of each meeting consists of the title of the transcripts indicating the type of meeting it was “openbare vergadering” (public meeting) or “plenaire vergadering” (plenary meeting), the date the meeting was held, the name of the chairman or vice chairman of that specific meeting, the names of the present members and the absent members. At the end of each transcript it is mentioned whether the transcripts proceeds in another document in the words “end part one continuation in part x”, or whether it was the closing document of a particular meeting. Each subsequent document of a particular meeting has the title of the type of meeting the topic, the date and the sequel number on top of the first page of the document. The documents also mention whether there were interruptions. The fragments that were used in the findings chapter were taken from the transcript after analysis of the live streamed videos. Ms. de Windt and Mr. Sharman also functioned as my contact persons for questions and for clarification on the data and rules and regulations of the Parliament. Ms. de Windt was interviewed through a semi-structured interview by phone. She also gave me the liberty to contact her on her workdays between 07:00 and 08:00 AM local time for any follow up questions and other topics related to my research. The interview guide2 of Ms. de Windt consisted of the following five topics: language use in transcribing, general language use in Parliament, language conversation strategies, language codes of conduct in indexing regional and district affiliation, and linguistic codes of conduct using ethnic backgrounds. Mr. Sharman

1 See Appendix 1: Table with live streamed meetings from 10 January 2019 to 7 March 2019. 2 See Appendix 2: Interview guide Ms. De Windt.

40 was interviewed through a structured interview by emailing the interview guide to him which he answered via email. The follow up questions were also answered via email. The interview guide3 of Mr. Sharman included the topic of the Suriname National Training Authority law.

4.5 Data analysis

The corpus for the analysis of this research consisted of 55 live streamed videos, comprising a total of 55 hours of meetings of the Surinamese Parliament. The analyzed meetings took place on 15 different days between the 10th January 2019 and 7th of March 2019. Twenty different topics were discussed in two types of meetings respectively: the public commission meetings and the plenary public meetings. The corpus also consisted of transcripts of the meetings documented in 52 word files. The transcripts were used in the abstracts of the findings chapters. After having watched all the live streamed videos I used the framework of Wortham and Reyes (2015) and a combination of general discourse and parliamentary discourse elements that fall under discourse with a small d and with a big D, which I have discussed in chapter 2, to conduct my analysis. The theory behind the framework of Wortham and Reyes (2015) is that discourse is analyzed from a narrating event in which several narrated events occur. The narrating event is the overall context of the discourse consisting of the location and “the discursive interaction among the participants” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 3). The narrated events are the actual speech event in which the participants discuss specific topics. The discourse analysis was conducted within and across speech events, each respectfully executed in two sequential steps. Speech events are instances of communication according to specific rules as explained in chapter 2, including “participants – a speaker, an addressee and often an audience or overhearers” (Wortham & Reyes, 2015, p. 10). In step 1 of the discourse analysis within speech events I mapped discrete narrated events from the 55 live streamed videos by making a provisional sketch of the positioning in the narrating event, which I revised further down the analysis. In step 2 I made a selection of explicit and implicit indexicals through an iterative non sequential process of selecting indexicals and identifying relevant context, configuring indexicals, and construing indexicals. From the process in step 2, I was able to make inferences through plausible interpretations of the positioning and social actions of the narrated events. The discursive events that were established in the narrated within-speech-event analysis were used for mapping cross-event

3 See Appendix 3: Interview guide mr. Fayaz Sharman.

41 speech events in the first step of the across-speech-event analysis by identifying the events that are linked in a pathway. As in the second step of the within-event analysis, the second step of the cross-event analysis consisted of an iterative non sequential process in which I selected indexicals and identified the relevant cross-events, defined the cross-event configurations of the indexicals, and construed indexicals to trace the shape of the pathways to understand how those indexicals presuppose each other to establish ridged pathways. To answer the language-related sub questions, I also kept a tally throughout the mapping of the narrating and narrated events of which languages were spoken and by whom and used the fragment in which the most languages were spoken for further analysis. Simultaneously, I monitored whether the respective participants used multiple languages in their speech act and how multilingual conversation strategies are used based on the explanations from chapter 2 and chapter 3. From the individual level, I then went back to the global view to compare and see if there were more members with the same language characteristics. To answer the ethno-diverse sub questions I looked for explicit evaluative indexicals, such as religious, regional, town or ethnic evaluative indexical in combination with the person and temporal deictics that signal personal identity, group affiliation, ingroup/inclusion or outgroup/exclusion and any words that imply information about a place or location. In parallel. I also looked for implicit indexicals such as gestures and tone of voice of the participants during their speech act to interpret the connection to the explicit indexicals. The entire analysis process resulted in 4 narrating events, 7 narrated within speech events and 2 narrated across speech events.4

4.6 Research quality indicators

A general issue on reliability in case studies is the risk of influencing the direction of the findings and conclusion through biased views (Yin, 1994). Since the research is conducted in the Surinamese Parliament it is important to mention that I am of Surinamese origin myself. Even though I was born in Paramaribo (the capital city of Suriname), I am Aucan from heritage, thus member of one the ethnicities in the Surinamese Parliament in this research. My family and I immigrated to the Netherlands when I was 5 due to the inland war in Suriname. Being an insider due to my heritage, there might be an expectation of a probable risk of me being biased,

4 See appendix 4: Analysis of Narrating and Narrated events.

42 leading to influencing the outcome of my research. However, this was not the case as I have been able to distance myself from the ethnic groups who represent the parties to take on an etic perspective from a political point of view for the sake of the research. I have also been able to take on an etic perspective since the field of politics is a new playground for me that was not been handled to this level in my studies. However, I did use the emic perspective of my origin to make sense of my research topic and in order to give explanations and translations into English where necessary. According to Lund (2014) to show credibility there should be at least a basis of patterns in the case study provided through the information collected from a reasonable number of informants, in this case the members of Parliament. I believe that I have been able to cover this part based on the fact that the Surinamese Parliament consists of 51 members who represent the majority of ethnic groups of the country. In the live streamings that I have watched I have had the opportunity to observe the majority of the members of Parliament, in that sense it can be substantiated that I have collected information from a reasonable number of informants.

43 5. FINDINGS

The results from watching and analyzing the 55 live streamed video’s with a total duration of 55 hours, from the parliamentary meetings of the Surinamese National Assembly channel from the period 10 January 2019 to 7 March 2019, will be discussed in this chapter. Each fragment of the live streamed meetings is formatted in two paragraphs. The first fragment is the original text, which has been formatted as follows in cases where one of the following languages is used: the Dutch texts are left in the same format as the rest of the thesis and other languages such as Sranan and English are underlined and in italics. The second paragraph of each fragment is the English translation of the original text between square brackets. Each fragment of a narrated event starts with the role of the member that is speaking: MP (member of Parliament), MG (member of the government), minister, chairman or vice chairman followed by their name and the abbreviation of the name of their party between parentheses. A narrated within speech event of MP Somohardjo (PL) is used to give an impression of language practices during the parliamentary debates in section 5.1. The perceived language issues of some of the members of the National Assembly are discussed in section 5.2 through narrated across speech events. Section 5.3 demonstrates through two across narrated speech events how members of the National Assembly use their group and demographic affiliation to get their voices heard. The results of the interviews with Ms. de Windt (Chief Registrar of the Surinamese Parliament) and Mr. Sharman (Head of the Legal Department of the National Assembly in Suriname) are also integrated in this chapter for clarification on the rules and regulations behind respective practices observed in the narrated fragments.

5.1 MP Somohardjo’s (PL) language; an example of language practices in the parliamentary meetings

The narrating event of this section took place on January 17th 2019. The subject of the narrating event are the responses to the annual address of October 2018, which the president gave on behalf of the government concerning the principle policies of Suriname and other matters concerning the country. The leaders or acting leaders of the political parties of the National Assembly had an opportunity to respond to the annual address of the president during this meeting. The fragments of this section were taken from the speech round of MP Somohardjo,

44 the party leader of PL demonstrating what languages are used and how the languages are used in the parliamentary meetings.

(1) MP Somohardjo (PL): (…) Ter voorkoming van elk misverstand, ik ben niet tegen vernieuwing of modernisering, maar ik ben wel tegen corruptie en nyan maken. Wat was er mis met die houten palen. Die houten palen staan er al 100 jaren. Als ze nog 1000 jaren kunnen meegaan, wat waren de redenen om de houten palen te vervangen? Om hoeveel palen gaat het? Wat kost zo een betonmast? Wie levert die betonpaal? Zeker niet de leden van de PL. Zeker niet. Is er een openbare ingreep geweest, zegt de heer Bouva. Ik hoorde dat het gaat om miljoenen. Dit is toch duidelijk een vorm van nyan maken. Ik weet zeker, dat wanneer deze regering alle bomen, alle boomstammen van de bomen kon vervangen voor beton stam, dan hadden ze gedaan, enkel en alleen om nyan te maken. Gelukkig zijn er te veel bomen in Suriname die niet te vervangen zijn door betonpalen. Deze regering is zo creatief om nyan te maken. Ik ga een paar voorbeelden voor u aanhalen. Met andere woorden, corruptie is een synoniem van deze regering, zoals bij ons sociaal synoniem is van PL. Ik herhaal: corruptie is een synoniem van deze regering en bij PL is sociaal synoniem. Zie je het verschil? Ik moet constateren, dat deze regering, elk project wat ze uitvoeren. Doen ze niet voor het volk, maar alleen om hun zakken te vullen. Voorbeeld daarvan is de Bosje brug. Zij hebben dat niet gedaan voor de mensen van Commewijne, nee, maar alleen maar om die 34 miljoen dollar nyan te kunnen maken. Dat heb ik niet gezegd. Dat heeft Ballast Nedam gezegd. En de naschoolse opvang hebben zij niet gedaan voor de schoolkinderen, maar enkel en alleen om miljoenen nyan te kunnen maken. Op alles moet de regerende partij een nyan maken, zelfs als het aankomt op het kopen van vlaggen, Surinaamse vlaggen. Ik moet constateren dat deze regering er inderdaad door het volk, maar jammer genoeg niet voor het volk, maar meer nog voor het vullen van hun eigen zakken, ook een vorm van nyan wil maken door het uitbreiden van de luchthaven.

[MP Somohardjo (PL): (…) To avoid any misunderstanding, I am not against innovation or modernization, but I am against corruption and making a profit. What was wrong with those wooden posts. Those wooden posts have been there for 100 years. If they can last 1,000 more years, what were the reasons for replacing the wooden posts? How many posts are there? What does such a concrete post cost? Who supplies that concrete post? Certainly not the members of the PL. Certainly not. Has there been a public intervention, says Mr Bouva. I heard it's about millions. Surely this is a form of making a profit. I'm sure if this government could replace all the trees, all the trunks of the trees with concrete logs, they would have done it just to make a profit. Fortunately, there are too many trees in Suriname that cannot be replaced by concrete posts. This government is so creative to make a profit. I am going to give you some examples. In other words, corruption is synonymous with this government, as social is synonymous with PL for us. I repeat: corruption is synonymous with this government and for PL social is synonymous. Do you see the difference? I have to conclude that this government, every project they carry out. They don't do them for the people, but only to fill their pockets. An example of this is the Bosje bridge. They did not do that for the people of Commewijne, no, but only to make that 34 million dollars profit. I did not say that. Ballast Nedam said that. And they did not do the after-school care for the schoolchildren, but just to make millions of profit. This governmental party must make a profit on everything, even when it comes to buying flags, Surinamese flags. I have to

45 conclude that this government is indeed there by the people, but unfortunately not for the people, but even more so for filling their own pockets, expanding the airport is also a form of making a profit.]

MP Somohardjo (PL) used the word nyan 8 times in (1). Nyan means food or to eat in Sranan. In the slang version of Sranan it means to make a profit. In the context of (1) in combination with money making the words nyan maken can be understood as to make a profit. The fact that MP Somohardjo (PL) used this word 8 times in (1), means that this is not an incidental word choice but a common practice. For this reason it can be concluded that Somohardjo is practicing the borrowing strategy that falls under the multilingual languaging strategy as discussed in section 3.2. Other parliamentarians also used this word however, not as frequently as MP Somohardjo (PL) did in (1) and in the traditional meaning for food. MP Somohardjo (PL) substantiated his insults in (1) by using strategic legitimization, by mentioning that he has his information from Ballast Nedam, the company who was responsible for building the Bosje bridge. In actual fact, PM Somohardjo [PL] is calling the government corrupt in an implicit and creative manner. At the same time MP Somohardjo (PL) is cleverly challenging and competing for political power by making propaganda for his own party by saying “corruption is synonymous with this government, as social is synonymous with PL for us”, probably with the upcoming elections of 2020 in mind.

(2) MP Somohardjo (PL): Moet het niet zo zijn dat na 20 jaren de slogan van de president een partij moet zijn die zegt, we can do the job. Nee. Hij moet zeggen, we did the job, un du a wroko. A no tak un kan du a wroko, nee, un du a wroko. Twintig jarenlang, dan un tak now pas, ai un kan du a wroko. Sa na a san dati. Ik had verwacht, ja, wij hebben het wel gedaan, it is done, wij hebben het werk af, in plaats van we can do the job. Als je na 20 jaren nog steeds niet the job af hebt, betekent het niet gewoon dat je ongeschikt bent voor the job. Die vraag geldt trouwens ook voor u en uw partij. President, ik ben blij. Goed uitgerust? Ik adviseer hem, alhoewel wij misschien van mening verschillen, maar als mens. Ik ben niet iemand die mijn gelukt bouwt op andermans ongeluk. Ik ben blij dat u hier aanwezig kan zijn. President, nogmaals, uw gezondheid heeft prioriteit boven alles, laat niemand u opjutten dat u moet komen. Nee. Uw gezondheid heeft voorrang. Mijn mening, want me tak lek moro owru wan, want mi owru moro yu. Yu si fa mi fit ete. [MP Somohardjo (PL): Shouldn’t it be that after 20 years, the president’s slogan should be a party that says, we can do the job.No. He must say, we did the job, we did the job. It is not that we can do the job, no, we did the job.For 20 years long, then now you are saying, yes we can do the job. What is that? I expected, yes, we did it, it is done, we finished the job, instead of we can do the job. If you still haven’t finished the job after 20 years, doesn’t it just mean that you are unfit for the job? That question also applies to you and your party. President, I am happy. Well rested? I advise him, although we may disagree, but as human beings. I am not a person who builds my success on

46 someone else’s misfortune. I am happy that you are present here again. President, again, your health has priority above anything else, don't let anyone urge you to come. No. Your health takes precedence. My opinion, because I am speaking as a senior, because I am older than you. Do you see how fit I still am?]

PM Somohardjo (PL), also uses the multilingual conversation strategies code-switching and translanguaging in (2) with the slogan of the NDP party ‘we can do the job’. First, he starts with the translation of the sentence ‘we did the job’ to Sranan in ‘un do a wroko’. PM Somohardjo afterward proceeds with his speech by using the multilingual languaging strategy code-switching by alternating sentences from Dutch to English and Sranan. The alternating between those languages is a display of the main three languages that are used during the parliamentary meetings. As explained by Ms. de Windt (Chief Registrar of the Surinamese Parliament), Dutch is the institutional language of the National Assembly therefore it was not surprising that it was the main language used in the debates. Other languages are also allowed during the parliamentary debates. This is also reflected in the transcripts that I had received from Ms. de Windt in which languages other than Dutch were printed in italics. A tally however revealed that Sranan was used frequently by the parliamentarians followed by English. According to Ms. de Windt frequent use of English is usually used for citations. The use of spontaneous utterances in both Sranan and English sometimes occurred in complete sentences and in other instances only single words were used. German and Spanish words were also used sporadically. Ms. de Windt explained during our interview that it is habitual of the parliamentarians to also use other indigenous Surinamese languages next to Sranan during parliamentary debates such as Sarnami, Aucan, Saramaccan etc. The president was absent when MP Somohardjo (PL) started his speech and when he started his speech one of the other parliamentarians remarks jocosely that the president was absent because he was resting. At the middle of (2) the president returns to the room and MP Somohardjo (PL) jocosely starts ridiculing the president by giving the president unsolicited health advice ending (2) justifying it in Sranan with his own seniority and vitality as an example. The creative insult strategy of MP Somohardjo (PL) is well received by the other parliamentarians who start laughing with him. Ms. de Windt confirmed through her explanation that the practice of using Sranan to jokes like MP Somohardjo (PL) did is indeed common practice. Sranan or other languages are used with the purpose to amplify and emphasize for example jokes or insults. Also, uttering insults in a jocular or serious manner may have a greater emotional impact that exceeds the emotional impact of uttering certain expressions in the Dutch

47 language. An example that Ms. de Windt gave was a most recent event wherein one of the parliamentarians scolded another parliamentarian for jap japi which means monkey in Sranan. Ms. de Windt explained that the concerning parliamentarian who scolded another parliamentarian for monkey was forced by the chairman to take back his words.

(3) MP Somohardjo (PL): Dan mo tapu. You can fool some of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time. Dat wan taki, yu kan belaser a deel fu a volk, a deel pe a groep dya de, wan pis ting tot 2020, maar yu no kan belaser a volk, en houden a volk voor de gek, ala ten, ala volk. A mus kba now. Het moet kba zijn met het voor de gek houden van het volk. A volk mus yere, a mus kba met het voor de gek houden van dit arme volk. (MP Somohardjo, PL) [MP Somohardjo (PL): Then I will stop here. You can fool some of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time. That means, you can deceive a part of the people, the part of the people where this group is, for some time until 2020, but you cannot deceive the people all the time. It has to stop right now. It has to be over with fooling the nation. The people have to hear, it has to be over with fooling these poor people.]

MP Somohardjo (PL) used translanguaging for explaining the quote from Abraham Lincoln, the 16th president of the United States “You can fool some of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time” in Sranan. MP Somohardjo’s (PL) translation practices might be related to what Ms. de Windt explained to me, that according to the general language rules of the Surinamese Parliament all languages other than Dutch and Sranan have to be explained or translated to Dutch or Sranan, after they have been uttered. The reason for the translation or explanation is that all parliamentarians and the audience have to be able to understand what is being said during the parliamentary meetings in order to follow the meetings. MP Somohardjo’s (PL) speech style reveals his fluency in all three languages and his comfort in switching from one language to another without effort. Other parliamentarians have also revealed the same linguistic characteristics as MP Somohardjo (PL) in which they easily switched from language to language. Some of the female members use several languages too, but it seems to be more common practice for the male parliamentarians.

5.2 Issues with the English language

The across speech narrated events of this section are from the plenary public meetings of 10 January 2019, 29 January 2019, and 7 March 2019. The subject of the narrated event that is discussed during the meetings of 10 and 29 January is concerning the governmental institution Suriname National Training Authority (SNTA). The narrated event of 7 March is related to the

48 Kimberley Process Certification Sign. Both subjects concern laws derived from international conventions. The SNTA that falls under the ministry of Education came into existence as part of the Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) project under the Caribbean Association of National Training Authorities (CANTA), which was set up in 2003 by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) of which Suriname is a member. TVET was set up with the objective to promote the improvement of technical education and training through joint and concerted effort of the CARICOM states. Suriname has joined the TVET of CANTA with the objective of reforming the Surinamese educational qualification structure for technical vocational studies in line with international standards, however a law needed to be installed for the SNTA to safeguard its proper implementation. In the narrating event of January 10th the use of English terms in the SNTA law document were discussed by MP Etnel (NPS) the vice chairman Bouva and minister Ferrier the minister of Education, Science and Culture (NDP).

(4) MP Etnel (NPS): Maar terugkomend op de wet; ik zie in artikel 1 dat er een aantal zaken zijn vertaald in het engels. Ik wil toch weten als het niet goed is dat wij ook kijken of wij de zaken ook in Nederlands kunnen vertalen. Ik denk dat dat soms ook goed is zodat wij heel duidelijk zijn wat wij bedoelen. Wij moeten er niet van uitgaan. Die wet moet voor iedereen leesbaar en verstaanbaar zijn. Iedere burger moet het kunnen lezen. Dus is dat mijn vraag.

[MP Etnel (NPS): (…) Returning to the law; I see in article 1 that a number of things have been translated into English. I also want to know if we can look whether it is possible to translate those things into Dutch. I think that sometimes it’s a good thing that we are very clear with what we mean. We should not assume. That law must be readable and understandable for everyone. Every citizen should be able to read it. So that is my question.]

(5) Vice voorzitter Bouva (NDP: Een moment. Wat wil u concreet bij artikel 1 voorstellen? U hebt het over Engels toch?

[Vice Chairman Bouva: One moment. What do you want to propose in concrete terms for article 1? You're talking about English right?]

(6) MG Etnel (NPS): Ik zie dat begrippen als CVQ, NVQ, Tvet, Cbet, Kanta misschien niet maar wij moeten even kijken als wij ze misschien tussen haakjes in het Nederland plaatsen. Voor de duidelijkheid. Die wet moet voor iedereen te begrijpen zijn. Ik geef dat gewoon als suggestie. Als de regering daar anders over denkt, dan horen wij dat graag. Dus is dat mijn vraag. Wanneer ik kijk naar de doelstelling dat is in artikel 3 van die wet.

[MG Etnel (NPS: I see that terms such as CVQ, NVQ, Tvet, Cbet, Kanta, maybe not, but we should have a look if we can put them between brackets in Dutch. For clarity. That law must be understandable for everyone. I'm just offering that as a suggestion. If

49 the government thinks otherwise, we would like to hear about it. So that is my question. When I look at the objective that is in Article 3 of that law.]

(7) Vice Voorzitter Bouva: Goed. Aansluitend onder B, ik had ook die aantekening dus ik maak gebruik van de gelegenheid. Suriname National Training Authority oftewel Suriname Nationale Trainingsauthoriteit. Omdat ook ergens wordt verwezen naar authoriteit. Dus ik zou voorstellen om dat direct mee te nemen.

[Vice Chairman Bouva: Good. Subsequently under B, I also had that note, so I am using this opportunity. Suriname National Training Authority alias Suriname Nationale Trainingsauthoriteit. Because there is also some reference to authority. So I would suggest including that immediately.]

(8) Minister Ferrier minister van Onderwijs, Wetenschap en Cultuur (NDP): Mijnheer de voorzitter! Ik wilde eigenlijk gelijk beginnen met het werkdocument dat ik daar van uit ben gegaan. Ten aanzien van het voorstel om te komen met vertalingen, dat is artikel 1 algemene bepalingen, van de Engelse termen die hier staan, zou ik toch aanraden om de Engelse benamingen te behouden, omdat het namen zijn. Ons project heet ook TVET. Nogmaals, dat is de gangbare benaming, dus ik zou daar geen vertaling achter zetten, omdat het gewoon benamingen zijn.

[Minister Ferrier minister of Education, Science and Culture (NPS): Mr Chairman! I actually wanted to start right away with the working document that I started from. Regarding the proposal to use translations, that is article 1 general provisions, of the English terms listed here, I would still recommend keeping the English names, because they are names. Our project is also named TVET. Again, that's the common denomination, so I wouldn't put a translation after that, because they're just names.]

In (4) MP Etnel (NPS) utters her concerns on the use of English language in the SNTA law document, as she believes that all citizens should be able to understand and read the document. MP Etnel (NPS) emphasized the word Dutch by stretching it when she made her remark in (4) to show the seriousness of her request. Her suggestion in (6) to add Dutch translations behind the English terms between parentheses in the SNTA law document was supported by vice Chairman Bouva who agreed with her in (7). However, Vice Chairman Bouva suggested in addition to changing the title of the law to Dutch also. Minister Ferrier of Education, Science and Culture (NDP), in her reply in (8) did not comment to the suggestion of vice chairman Bouva, but she did reply to the suggestion of placing the English terms in parentheses by arguing her suggestion to keep the terms in English since the terms are common designations. Since minister Ferrier of Education, Science and Culture (NDP) did not reply to the remark of vice chairman Bouva in (7) on 10 January to change the title of the SNTA law to a Dutch title, the suggestion was made again on 29 January. This time by MG Cotino in (9) with the argument that it is a common Surinamese custom of giving laws Dutch titles.

50

(9) MG Cotino (NPS): (...) Het gaat om de tekst die ook in het rood is bijgewerkt. Als u kijkt naar de intitule Wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Authority, dan is er in de openbare commissie vergadering door een lid van de Commissie van Rapporteurs eerder opgemerkt waarom wij niet kiezen voor een Nederlandse benaming van de wet. Bijvoorbeeld Nationale Trainingsautoriteit Suriname. Ik hoor graag van de minister wat de minister haar zienswijze is hierop of moeten wij blijven aan de Engelse benaming. Natuurlijk in artikel 1 algemene bepalingen, daar zijn er afkortingen die wij niet anders kunnen omschrijven dan de Engelse benaming daarvoor te gebruiken. Maar als het gaat om onze wet zelf zoals wij onze wet willen noemen, dan denk ik wel dat wij het best wel op zijn Surinaams kunnen doen zoals wij doen bij alle andere wetten.

[MG Cotino (NPS): (...) It concerns the text that has also been updated in red. If you look at the initial Act establishing the Suriname National Training Authority, a member of the Committee of Rapporteurs previously commented in the public committee meeting why do we not opt for a Dutch title for the law, for example, Nationale Trainingsauthoriteit Suriname (National Training Authority Suriname). I would like to hear from the minister what the minister’s view is on this, or should we stick with the English title. Of course in Article 1 general provisions, there are abbreviations that we cannot describe other than to use the English name for that. But when it comes to our laws itself, as we like to name our laws, I believe that it would be best to do it the Surinamese way, like what we do with all laws.]

(10) Minister Ferrier minister van Onderwijs, Wetenschap en Cultuur (NPS): Ten aanzien van de benaming, wij hebben de benaming aangehouden die ook geldt voor het Caribisch gebied, maar als men per se in de Nederlandse taal een benaming zou willen hebben, dan moet het gewoon Nationaal Trainingsautoriteit zijn. What’s in the name?

[Minister Ferrier minister of Education, Science and Culture (NDP): Regarding the name, we have kept the name that also applies to the Caribbean, but if one wants to have a name in the Dutch language, then it simply has to be Nationaal Trainingsauthoriteit (National Training Authority). What’s in the name?]

(11) MP Nurmohamed (VHP): En wat de naam betreft ik ben er voorstander van de Nederlandse naam te gebruiken. Maar dat is mijn persoonlijk mening.

[MP Nurmohamed (VHP): And as for the name, I am in favor of using the Dutch name. But that is my personal opinion. Thank you.]

The verbal and physical nonchalant reaction of minister Ferrier of Education, Science and Culture (NDP) “whats in the name” in (10), – with a shrug of her shoulder and a smile on her face – to the request of MG Cotino (NDP) in (9) reveals that this request is not of importance to the minister. Probably it does not matter to her whether the title of the SNTA is in English or Dutch, and that there was no initial intention to change the title, since this is the second time the request was done to change the title of the SNTA law to Dutch. The nonchalant reply of

51 minister Ferrier of Education, Science and Culture in (10) triggered MP Nurmohamed (VHP) to utter his support in (11) to the request of MG Cotino (NDP) in (9). In the narrated event of 7 March something similar happens as in the narrated events of 10 and 29 January. However this time it is concerning the English terms used in the law of the Kimberley Process Certification Sign, which is also a law derived from an international convention.

(12) MP Karta-Bink (PL): Voorzitter heel interessant. Bij het behandelen van deze wet. Voorzitter de wet die we voor ons ogen hebben bestaat uit twee artikelen. Artikel 1 en 2, en bestaande uit negen zinnen voorzitter. Maar als we verder kijken, dan zien we, en dat heb ik hier als vraag hoor. Why, (por que), waarom voorzitter, is Kimberley Process Certification Sign, alles wat we hier hebben same, alles wat we hier hebben is in het Engels geschreven? Waarom is het niet vertaald voor ons? Want elk lidwoord elk woord die we anders interpreteren, kan ook anders zijn.

[MP Karta-Bink (PL): Chairman, very interesting. When dealing with this law. Chairman The law we have before us consists of two articles. Articles 1 and 2, and consisting of nine sentences chairman. But if we look further, we see, and that is my question here. Why, (por que), why Chairman, is Kimberley Process Certification Sign, everything we have here is the same, everything we have here is written in English? Why isn't it translated for us? Because every article, every word that we interpret differently, can also be different.]

(13) MP Karta-Bink (PL): mevrouw de voorzitter! (...) Hoe gaan we de mensen die straks diamanten zoeken controleren? Dat is ook mijn zorgpunt voorzitter. Wanneer we nu ook niet weten wat er precies hier aan ons meegedeeld is in het Engels. Ik zeg nogmaals, in het Engels (nadruk op Engels)! Mijn voertaal is Nederlands en ik wil echt wel alles verstaan wat hierzo staat. Het is nog steeds onbekend het ontginnen van diamant en we willen zeker eruit verdienen. Diamonds are forever en heel kostbaar, en laten we het heel richtig doen. Ik wil ook in herinnering brengen, we hadden ook bij commissievergadering bescherming wet kustgebieden. We hebben dat on hold gezet omdat de milieu raamwet nog niet in place was. Dus ik vraag me af waarom een haast bij het goedkeuren van dit verdrag terwijl velen nog niet in place zijn.

[MP Karta-Bink (PL): Madam Chairman! (...) How are we going to inspect the people who will be looking for diamonds? That is also my concern chairman. When we do not know exactly what has been communicated to us here in English. I repeat, in English! My main language is Dutch and I really want to understand everything that is written here. Diamond mining is still unknown and we certainly want to make money from it. Diamonds are forever and very precious, and let's do it very carefully. I would also like to remind you that we also had a committee meeting on the law protection of the coastal areas. We put that unhold because the environmental framework law was not yet in place. So I wonder why we are in a hurry to approve this treaty when many others are not yet in place.]

52 (14) MG Asadang (NDP): mevrouw de voorzitter! Ik wil collega Karta-Bink bedanken voor de ondersteuning. Ik denk dat ten aanzien van de mijnbouwwet de aanpassing, ik denk dat de minister daarop zal ingaan qua rehabilitatie. Ik blijf erbij dat wat collega Karta- Bink zeg KPS in het Engels, ik denk dat het duidelijk is aangegeven wat de regering beoogd en ik denk dat wij allemaal daar onze speeches zo eruit hebben gehaald. Niet denigrerend naar haar toe hoor (...).

[MG Asadang (NDP): Madam Chairman! I want to thank colleague Karta -Bink for her support. I think that with regard to the mining law amendment, I think that the minister will go into it in terms of rehabilitation. I maintain that what colleague Karta-Bink says about KPS in English, I think it is clearly stated what the government intends and I think that we all got our speeches from it. Not denigrating to her though (...).]

In (13) MP Karta-Bink (PL) makes the same remark as MP Etnel (NPS) did in (4). However contrary to MP Etnel (NPS) MP Karta-Bink (PL) is making a request on an individual and personal basis arguing that her main language is Dutch, while MP Etnel’s (NPS) suggestions was for the collective, the citizens. Noteworthy though is that MP Karta-Bink (PL) is translating the English word “why” to Spanish “por que” in (12) and in (13) MP Karta-Bink (PL) utters the sentence in English “Diamonds are forever” and is borrowing words from English instead of using Dutch. The language practices of MP Karta-Bink (PL) give the impression that she can speak and understand English at least to a certain extent. The ironic reply from MG Asadang (NDP) to MP Karta-Bink (PL) reveals that all the other members do understand English to the extent to understand what is written in the draft law of the Kimberley Process Certification Sign. Returning to the SNTA Law. What stood out from the debates about the SNTA draft law is the pronunciation of the name Suriname in the title of the SNTA law. The name Suriname is not always pronounced in the English way but in the Dutch way by several of the parliamentarians (Bouva (NDP), Cotino (NDP), Linga (NDP), Pokie (ABOP), Etnel (NPS), Samidin), which reveals that they are not native speakers of the English languages. The Dutch pronunciation is Su-ri-naa-me and the English pronunciation is either Sur-i-naam or Sur-i-nam. The main difference in pronunciation of the name Suriname between Dutch and English is that the vowel e at the end of the name Suriname, is not pronounced in English. The reason behind this is because the e at the end of the name Suriname is a silent letter in English, which is a diacritic letter that changes the pronunciation of the name Suriname to Sur-i-naam or Sur-i- nam in English. The Dutch pronunciation of the name Suriname therefore gives the impression that the first part in the title of the law SNTA is Dutch and therefore that the name of the proposed law is a mix of Dutch and English. However, this is not the case. The reason why the

53 parliamentarians are struggling to pronounce Suriname in English is because the name Suriname is written exactly the same in English and Dutch, the pronunciation is just different. Triggered by the argumentation of MG Cotino (NDP) that it is common Surinamese practice to title the laws in Dutch I searched for some laws derived from international conventions to corroborate what MG Cotino (NDP) said. A search through the website of the National Assembly of Suriname concerning the international conventional law proposal and enacted laws did not lead to finding any laws drafted from international conventions to corroborate MG Cotino’s (NDP) argument for changing the naming of the SNTA from English to Dutch. However, Mr. Sharman – the head of the Legal Department of the National Assembly in Suriname – confirmed the argument of MG Cotino (NDP) concerning the common practice of using Dutch (citation) titles in naming Surinamese laws. The rules of naming laws in the Directions for Regulatory Techniques 1992 No.75 concerning terminology under article 30 stipulates that “foreign words or words derived from foreign languages are avoided, except when these convey the meaning more clearly than Dutch words and they have found acceptance in the Dutch language and Surinamese usage” (Staatsblad van de Republiek Suriname, 1992, p.12). Based on the previously mentioned rule it therefore seems that MG Cotino (NDP) has a valid reason for requesting to change the SNTA title from English to Dutch. The confirmation of Mr. Sharman concerning the argument of minister Ferrier, for using the original language of the international conventions in the title of Surinamese laws that derive from those conventions, refutes the legal and personal argument of MG Cotino (NDP) to change the title of the SNT law from English to Dutch. The argument of minister Ferrier for keeping the English title for the SNTA law can be understood from the Directions for Regulatory Techniques 1992 No.75 concerning terminology in which it is stipulated under article 33 that “the terminology of an implementation regulation is linked to that of the regulation from which it derives” (Staatsblad van de Republiek Suriname, 1992, p.12). The previously mentioned rule concerning terminology of law naming therefore also applies to the SNTA, which explains the reaction and nonchalant air of minister Ferrier to the request of MG Cotino (NDP) to change the name of the SNTA to Dutch and why the law was eventually enacted under the English title.

5.3 Using group demographic affiliation for the interest of the people and making your voice heard

54 The fragments of the live streamed meetings of the National Assembly revealed three narrated across speech events of examples of how parliamentarians use their voices to deliver their messages. In relation to the draft law of the SNTA on 29 January several MG’s from the inlands uttered their concerns in relation to perceived obstacles, opportunities and concerns for people in the inlands through the use of their demographic affiliation with the inlands.

(15) MG Linga (NDP): Wat mij nog dwars zit voorzitter is ten aanzien van de kwaliteit en niveau van deze opleiding in deze verre gebieden. Want als wij nu kijken naar de situatie van het onderwijs in het binnenland, die kampen met verschillende problemen. Ja voorzitter. Maar mij is nog niet duidelijk hoe wij met deze nieuwe opleiding instituut deze problemen gaan minimaliseren zodat die kinderen daaraan kunnen sluiten bij dit beroepsonderwijs. Dit is nog niet het geval daar in het binnenland het aansluiten van onderwijs in die gebieden in vergelijking met groot Paramaribo, dan zien we dat we ver achteruit zijn gegaan. En er is ook probleem voorzitter met leerkrachten. Iedereen weet dat mensen niet naar het binnenland graag willen gaan om daar te blijven werken. Er zijn wel door de SNTA mensen getraind om werk te verrichten. Ik wil weten hoe de regering deze mensen toch kunnen krijgen om daar te gaan naar die gebieden zodat ze daar kunnen blijven om dan beroepsgerichte onderwijs te geven in het binnenland.Voorzitter er is nog niet specifiek aangegeven in welke gebieden er lesgegeven zal worden. Ik wil graag van de minister weten in welke specifieke gebieden En verder nog wanneer die kinderen daar in het achterland afgestudeerd zijn waar kunnen ze geholpen worden aan werk? Want daar in het binnenland zijn er nog geen fabrieken en bedrijven waar je die kinderen kan inzetten. Gaat het zo zijn dat wanneer ze klaar zijn met studie dat ze naar de stad moeten komen voor werk? Of gaan er daar mogelijkheden gecreëerd worden zodat die kinderen daar blijven studeren en werken.

[MG Linga, (NDP): What bothers me, chairman, is concerning the quality and level of this training in these distant areas. Because if we now look at the situation of education in the inland, they are faced with various problems. Yes chairman. But it is not yet clear to me how we will minimize these problems with this new training institution so that those children can join this vocational education. This is not yet the case, as in the inland the alignment of education in those areas compared to greater Paramaribo, then we see that we have deteriorated considerably. And there is also a problem concerning teachers. Everyone knows that people do not want to go to the inlands or to continue working there. However, people have been trained by the SNTA to do work. I want to know how the government is going to attract people to stay in the inland to give vocational education in the inland. Chairman it has not yet been indicated specifically in which areas on the inland the lessons will be taught. I would like to know from the minister in which specific areas. Also, when those children have graduated in the hinterland where can they be helped to find work? Because there in the inland there are no factories and companies where those children can be employed. Is it going to be that when they finish their studies they have to come to town for work? Or will opportunities be created there so that those children continue to study and work there.]

55 (16) MG Asadang (NDP): Voorzitter ik wil de collega ondersteunen.We komen allebei uit het binnenlanden het past echt in mijn straatje wat hij daar aangeeft omdat ik ervan uitga dat wanneer je als we kijken naar het binnenland als we het binnenland willen ontwikkelen en eigenlijk over het algemeen Suriname dan zien we dat veel meer mensen meer opgeleid worden voor een kantoorbaan, maar ik kan me geen land bedenken die je kan ontwikkelen zonder de techniek. Ja toch, als we over de hele wereld kijken dan zien we dat heel veel sophisticated ontwikkelingen worden toegepast die wij kopiëren. Dus het is heel belangrijk dat wij ook, niet alleen Paramaribo en omgeving, wanneer we deze wetsontwerp goedgekeurd dat die ondersteuning of die instituten of alles wat daarmee samenhangt dat hier in Paramaribo zijn beslag zal vinden, maar dat wij ook in het binnenland wat wij nu ontberen, de technische onderwijs. Er zijn heel veel legio mogelijkheden als de mensen die technische skills daar hebben zullen ze opportunity zien. Daarmee verschil ik wel een beetje van mening met mijn collega, dan zullen de mensen sowieso de mogelijkheden zien om de opgedane kennis in de praktijk te zetten. Dus dat is heel belangrijk dat de mensen, punt een dat de mensen daadwerkelijk de technische skills worden bijgebracht, omdat er hout komt daar voor allerlei dingen. Die multinationals komen in de districten in de omgevingen. Waar komen de werkers vandaan? Allemaal komen uit de kust gebied om daar te werk te worden gesteld bij die bedrijven waar de mensen die in de directe omgeving wonen de eigenlijk primair, die belangrijke functies laat me zo stellen, eigenlijk in zo een bedrijf zouden moeten bemachtigen. Dus gaarne daarmee rekening houden.

[MG Asadang (NDP): Chairman, I want to support my colleague. We both are both from the inland and what he said really appeals to me because I assume that when we look at the inland, if we want to develop the inland and Suriname in general, then we see that many people are educated for an office job. I can't think of any country that can be developed without technology. Yes, if we look all over the world, we see that many sophisticated developments are applied that we copy. So, it is very important that we, not only Paramaribo and its surrounding areas, when we approve this bill, discover that those institutes and everything related to it have been struck here in Paramaribo. What is lacking in the inland is technical education. There are a lot of possibilities for people who have technical skills. They will see the opportunities. When it comes to that, I differ in opinion with my colleague. People will in any case see the possibilities to put the acquired knowledge into practice. So, it is very important, first of all that the people are actually taught technical skills, because there is wood there for all kinds of things. Those multinationals come into the areas in the districts. Where do the workers come from? All of them come from the coastal area to work there at those companies. The people who live in the immediate vicinity should actually get hold of the primary, those important functions, let’s say, in such a company. So please take that into account.]

(17) MG Maabo (NDP): Voorzitter ik ondersteun mijn collega.Ik kom ook uit het binnenland en ook uit het onderwijsveld.Voorzitter in het binnenland heb je ook nog leerkrachten die in het bezit zijn van een bosland achtergrond.Voorzitter ik vraag u om via u aan de regering om deze mensen te helpen zodat ze verdere opleiding kunnen volgen om het werk voort te zetten. Want ik heb vernomen voorzitter van bepaalde van deze leerkrachten en ik heb ook een brief gezien waarin ze aandacht vragen, omdat ze brieven hebben gehad dat ze ontslagen gaan worden.

[MG Maabo (NDP): Chairman, I support my colleague. I also come from the inland and also from the educational field. Chairman in the inland you also have teachers

56 whose heritage are from the inlands. I ask via you, of the government to help those people so that they can receive further training to continue the work. Because I have heard from some of those teachers chairman and I have also seen a letter in which they are asking for attention, because they have received letters that they are going to get fired.]

The concerns start with fragment (15) in which MG Linga (NDP) wants to know what the SNTA could really achieve for the people of the inlands through his concerns on the current problematic educational situation. Even though MG Linga (NDP) did not mention that he is from the inlands, he does get support from other parliamentarians based on the fact that they know that MG Linga (NDP) is from the inlands. MG Asadang’s (NDP) support for MG Linga (NDP) in (16) starts off by uttering the fact that they are both from the inlands and therefore he recognizes MG Linga’s (NDP) concerns. However, in the sentence “Yes, if we look all over the world we see that many sophisticated developments are applied that we copy”, MG Asadang (NDP) is referring to himself no longer as a member of the inlands, but as a being part of Suriname as a whole. The following sentence reveals MG Asadangs (NDP) membership in the Parliament when he says “when we approve this bill”. Just like MG Asadang (NDP), MG Maabo (NDP) also utters her support to her colleague MG Linga (NDP) in fragment (17), by mentioning that she is also from the inlands. However, she also includes her affiliation to the educational field in the same sentence. By doing so, she is showing that she knows the situation from the inlands and the educational field from first hand. At the same time, she is using her affiliation with the educational field as an opening for another topic that has her concern. Where MG Linga (NDP) was concerned about attracting and retaining teachers in the inlands in (15), MG Maabo (NDP) was concerned with teachers who had informed her about a letter informing the teachers about possible layoffs in (17). MG Linga’s (NDP) speech in (15) concerned teachers and students. Through MG Mabo’s (NDP) utterance of affiliation with the inlands and the educational field she is in particular signaling that she is trying to protect the interests of the teachers in the inlands. The pattern of using demographic affiliations re-occurs in the narrated event of MG Asadang (NDP) and MP Pokie (ABOP) on March 7 On the topic of providing healthy drinking water to the town Brownsberg.

(18) MG Asadang (NDP): Ten aanzien van Bronsweg voorzitter. Voorzitter als er werkelijk problemen zijn met het water dan wil ik via de minister van NH NSW vragen, laten we die dingen op tafel leggen als er problemen zijn. (...) Dus via u voorzitter aan de regering als men niks te verbergen heeft, laat men duidelijk de zaken die op tafel moeten

57 komen behandelen. Zodat dit deel waarmee men politiek speelt, want het is een beetje gevaarlijk. U weet dat men dagelijks gebruik van moet maken. Als men daarover gaat praten we moeten geen politiek daarmee gaan bedrijven want de mensen hebben daadwerkelijk water nodig. En het is niet iets van vandaag voorzitter. Voorzitter ik kom uit het district Brokopondo, ja toch? Ik heb op Tapu Liba gewoond, Companie kreek, Lebie Dotie noem maar op gewoond. En die mensen hebben altijd problemen gehad met schoon drinkwater. De regering doet haar best, maar niet op het niveau en snelheid zoals wij dat wensen, maar het komt wel van de grond. Want ik kan u zeggen dat Lebie Dotie nu water heeft.

[MG Asadang (NDP): With regard to Bronsweg chairman. Chairman if there are really problems with the water then I would like to ask via the Minister of NH NSW, to address those problems. (...) So via you chairman, to the government, if they have nothing to hide, let them deal with the matters that need to be addressed. So, this part with which one is playing politically, because it is a little bit dangerous. You know water is used daily. If people are going to talk about this, we should not play politics with this because people actually need water. And it is not a recent thing chairman. Chairman, I am from Brokopondo district, right? I have lived at Tapu Liba, Companie creek, Lebie Dotie, you name it. Those people have always had problems with clean drinking water. The government is doing its best, but not at the level and speed that we want, but it is getting off the ground. Because I can tell you that Lebie Dotie now has water.]

(19) MP Pokie (ABOP): Voorzitter ik ben zelf van Bronsweg en men moet hier het accent niet verleggen van gezond drinkwater. Wat wel een feit is voorzitter is dat het water van Bronsweg geen drinkwater is. Mensen gebruiken dat water niet om te drinken. Mensen die geen andere optie hebben, ze kunnen geen durotanks aanschaffen die gebruiken het. Maar kinderen, ouderen, ouders, mensen worden ziek als ze dat water van Bronsweg drinken.

[MP Pokie (ABOP): Chairman, I am from Bronsweg myself and we should not shift the emphasis here from healthy drinking water. What is a fact, chairman, is that the water from Bronsweg is not drinking water. People don't use that water for drinking. People who have no other options, they cannot purchase duro tanks, they use it. But children, the elderly, parents, people, the people get sick when they drink that water from Bronsweg.]

Both parliamentarians utter their worries about the problems with healthy drinking water that the people in Bronsweg have been having for generations. However, there is a clear difference here. While MG Asadang (NDP) explains in (18) that he has lived in several regions in the same district (Brokopondo) as MP Pokie (ABOP) except in Bronsweg itself where the problem is. MP Pokie seems to do a better job in delivering the urgency of the matter in (19) by stating that she is from Bronsweg herself. By mentioning the fact that she is from Bronsweg herself, and that people can get sick from drinking the water helps MP Pokie with her demographic affiliation in delivering the urgency of the matter much better than MP Asadan.

58 MP Belfort (ABPO) also use demographic affiliation on the topic on border control in the inlands between French Guyana and Suriname during the narrated event of 7 March.

(20) MP Belfort (ABOP): Bedankt voorzitter, naar aanleiding van 19412, begrijp ik niet waarom de gezamenlijke patrouille wordt opgeschort. Terwijl wij hier hebben gezegd die wet is niet goed. Wat er gaat gebeuren is dat ondernemers hun ondernemingen zullen verliezen. En die wet wordt hier goed gekeurd terwijl wij van de Abop hebben fel geprotesteerd. En wat gebeurt nu voorzitter? Die samenwerking wordt opgeschort, althans de gezamenlijke patrouille maar die wet blijft standhouden. De Fransen zullen alleen de patrouilles uitvoeren en de ondernemers zullen hun zaken verliezen daar. Wie moet opdraaien voor de kosten? Het lijkt alsof wij binnenland bewoners geen recht hebben in dit land voorzitter. Want het gaat nu de spuigaten uit. De mensen zijn ondernemers die daar jaren hun zaken realiseren. Plotseling onder toeziend oog van Surinaamse militairen en politieambtenaren vernietigen Fransen Surinamers hun bezittingen maar niemand treedt op. En we komen hier mooi weer spelen voorzitter.

[MP Belfort (ABOP): Thank you Chairman, on the occasion of 19412, I do not understand why the joint patrol is suspended. While we have said here that that law is not good. What will happen is that entrepreneurs will lose their businesses. That law is being approved while we of Abop have vehemently protested against it. What is happening now chairman? The cooperation will be suspended, at least the joint patrol, but that law will remain. The French will conduct the patrols alone and the entrepreneurs will lose their businesses there. Who is going to pay for the costs? It seems as if we residents of the inlands have no rights in this country. Because it has reached intolerable levels. The people are entrepreneurs who realize their business there for years. Suddenly, the French are destroying the belongings of Surinamese people under the watchful eye of Surinamese soldiers and police officials, but no one intervenes, and then we come here fawning sweet talk again chairman.]

Contrary to the other parliamentarians in this section MP Belfort (ABOP) in uses another strategy (20). By uttering “it seems as if we residents of the inlands have no rights in this country”, MP Belfort is uttering his group affiliation to the people of the inlands with the inclusive deictic we, and with no rights he is indirectly indicating marginalization of this group. By using the deictic we, MP Belfort is also implicitly stating that there is another group, who is not from the inlands that seems to have rights in the country. Aside from uttering his affiliation with the people of the inlands, MP Belfort uses the deictic on two other occasions in (20). His first utterance reveals his affiliation as a member of Abop by stating “we of Abop have vehemently protested against it”. In his closing remark MP Belfort utters “and then we come here fawning sweet talk again chairman”. With “here” indicates the location of the context in which Belfort is making his utterance, which is the debate in the Parliament. “We” indicates to the people who are present during the debate in the Parliament and that Belfort has a position in that he also belongs to that group.

59 According to Ms. de Windt using demographic affiliation is a common practice used by parliamentarians of the National Assembly for creating co-identity to get their voices heard. The creation of co-identity through demographics is a practice used by all parliamentarians as a form of strategic legitimization, to demonstrate that since they come from a specific region, they know first-hand what is going on in that particular region. The parliamentarians do not have to be from the same political party as you see in (18) and (19) to support each other.

60 6. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION

In this chapter I will answer the main research question in the conclusion section after which the sub questions will be answered in the discussion section. Subsequently the limitations of my study and some recommendation for further research will be discussed.

6.1 Conclusion

In answer to the main research question: “How is the ethno-linguistic diversity of Suriname reflected by and influencing the discourse in the National Assembly of the Surinamese Parliament?” it can be concluded that the linguistic capital of the languages Dutch, Sranan and English are the most represented in the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament. The use of multilingual conversation strategies in the Surinamese Parliament reflects that of the Surinamese society in the sense that code-switching is used. However, I also found that a form of translanguaging is used. The linguistic practices in the parliamentary meetings of the National Assembly of Suriname demonstrated that although people in Surinamese society might deny speaking Sranan for whatever reason as mentioned by Yakpo (2015), the use of Sranan in the Surinamese Parliament demonstrates that Sranan as a non-officially recognized lingua franca it is undeniably a language of prestige that does not have to be rejected by the Surinamese society with the notion as explained by Carlin et al. (2015) that Sranan might not be conductive for upward social mobility. Most of the parliamentarians also use the English language during their speech acts. However, even though English is a popular language with high linguistic capital on the international level, based on the arguments of some of the parliamentarians against the use of the English language in the documentations of Surinamese laws derived from international conventions it can be concluded that if parliamentarians and Surinamese citizens are not able to read and understand whatever is written in English in those documents, then the language rights of parliamentarians, but most specifically Surinamese citizens are being violated.

61 6.2 Discussion

Based on elements from the conceptual and empirical literature in chapters 2 and 3 of I have been able to formulate the following sub question which will be answered in this section:

Small d discourse questions: 1. How does the linguistic capital of the Surinamese society reflect during the debates of the Surinamese Parliament? 2. How is symbolic power of linguistic capital played out during the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament?

Big D discourse question: 3. What are the discourse features that the parliamentarians of the National Assembly of Suriname use to get their voices heard from an ethno-diverse perspective?

6.2.1 A reflection of the linguistic capital of the Surinamese society during parliamentary meetings of the Surinamese National Assembly

As explained in chapter 2, linguistic capital can be measured by the number of languages that persons can speak, and the fluency in and comfort in using those languages. In chapter 3, I explained based on results of the research of Kroon and Yagmur (2014) that most of the people in Suriname are endowed with linguistic capital by speaking at least two different languages and sometimes even three or more. From the debates of the Surinamese Parliament it could be perceived that multilingualism is also a naturally occurring phenomenon in institutional settings. However, the multilingual character of Suriname only reflected through the most commonly spoken languages of the Surinamese society. From the list that was mentioned in chapter 3 with over 20 languages that are present in the linguistic landscape of Suriname based on the research of Kroon and Yagmur (2014) and Léglise and Migge (2014), only five languages were heard during the parliamentary meetings of the National Assembly of Suriname. These languages were Dutch, Sranan, English, Spanish and German. Some languages in full sentence others only through the uses of a single word. The languages that were used in a spontaneous manner during the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament on subsequent order from most spoken to less spoken were Dutch, Sranan and English. I used ‘spontaneous’ in the previous sentence, as English was used more often than Sranan, however,

62 it was most often used by reading citations from text originally from English documents. The previously mentioned practice in actual sense also shows linguistic capital of reading proficiency in English. The languages Spanish and German were only heard on a few occasions in a small sentence or only in one word. The fact that Sranan is the second language used in a spontaneous manner during the parliamentary meetings shows that the high covert prestige of Sranan as an ethnically neutral national lingua franca as was explained by Yakpo (2012), depicts its presence from the Surinamese society as a whole to parliamentary meetings of the national institution of Suriname, the National Assembly of Suriname, as was mentioned by Eersel (2012). This research also showed that as in Surinamese society as a whole the ethnicity of the parliamentarians in the National Assembly of Suriname does not have to be a reference for a person’s main language by default. A person with a Javanese background for example can have Dutch as primary language instead of Javanese. The multilingual conversation strategy code-switching of which Yakpo (2015) and Eersel (2012) mentioned that they are used in the linguistic landscape of the Surinamese society were also perceived during the parliamentary meetings of the National Assembly of Suriname. Borrowing single and sometimes two words from Sranan was the most occurring from of code- switching, as perceived in section 5.1 (1) with the word nyan in the context of making profit in Sranan slang. Code-switching in the Surinamese Parliament also occurred on inter-sentential and intra-sentential level often between two and sometimes even three languages. The use of inter-sentential code-switching with three languages sometimes occurred in one single discourse where a parliamentarian would switch from a full Dutch sentence to a full Sranan sentence from one moment to another, and in the next moment sometimes to a full English sentence. Parliamentarians also used translation practices in line with the rules of the National Assembly that whenever another language than Dutch and English is used during the meetings it has to be explained or translated either in Dutch or Sranan. The practices of the parliamentarians showed that when they have a choice in using Dutch or English for explanation or translation for example of something that they said in English some parliamentarians will opt for a combination of both Dutch and Sranan. What MP Shomohardjo (PL) did after he used a citation of Abraham Lincoln to my perception could be recognized as a form of translanguaging. Not in the sense that Somohardjo had deployed his full linguistic repertoire to make himself understood, as in the common practice of translanguaging explained

63 by Park (2013). However, it was in the sense that he translated and explained the language from English to Dutch and Sranan in an alternating mode as if he was translating for someone who did not understand any English whatsoever.

6.2.2 Symbolic power of linguistic capital in the Parliament of the National Assembly of Suriname

Symbolic power as explained in chapter 2, is the value that is attributed to a specific language and the ability of a person to impose visions upon others concerning the value that is attributed to language by means of which language is to be deployed in what situation and in what context (Bourdieu, 1989; Grenfell, 2011). English is one of the most popular international languages (Noack & Gamio, 2015), and languages such as English hold a lot of symbolic power as it dominates the international linguistic field because it possesses either economic, social, cultural and or “political power and status in local and global society” (Morrison & Lui, 2000, p. 473). The use of symbolic power, in particular of the English language was also perceived during the meetings of the Surinamese Parliament. As explained in subchapter 6.1 the parliamentarians of the Surinamese National Assembly are endowed with linguistic capital, which reflects the multilingual characteristic of Suriname. The positive value that is attributed to the English language shifts when the context in which it is used changes from spoken to written English when it comes to laws derived from international conventions. Using the English language for titles and terms of Surinamese laws derived from international conventions is problematic for some parliamentarians based on the arguments that the laws derived from international conventions should be readable and understandable not only for the Surinamese citizens, but also for the parliamentarians of the National Assembly of Suriname themselves. The latter can be explained as the possibility that the linguistic capital in English of those parliamentarians is not at a level in which they feel comfortable in reading and understanding technical terms in documentations of the law. The parliamentarians on the other hand who were in favor of using the English language in the titles and technical terms in documentations of Surinamese laws were able to refute the arguments of their colleagues, supported by a Surinamese law in favor of applying the language that is used for terminology in international conventions to Surinamese laws derived from those international conventions. For the previously mentioned reason the title and terms of those laws

64 remained in English. The previously explained practice shows that the English language holds more power than all the other languages in Suriname for the documentations of laws derived from international conventions. The multilingual language practices of the parliamentarians during the parliamentary meetings of the National Assembly of Suriname shows a support for all languages.

6.2.3 The use of discourse features to make a point from an ethno-diverse perspective

As explained in chapter 3 most of the political parties in Suriname are composed along ethnic lines and even the parties that have a multi-ethnic member composition are not free of ethnic politics as explained by Menke et al. (2012). Politics is however not played out by naming ethnicity, but by using regional or town affiliation. These practices take place when parliamentarians from specific regions support each other through the utterance of evaluative indexicals linked to the region or town where they are from. Even though this research showed more specifically that the use of evaluative indexicality through the use of demographic affiliation was done by one specific group, it is however a common practice used by almost all the parliamentarians of the National Assembly of Suriname. Using regional affiliation is done by parliamentarians either to co-construct identity or as a form of strategic legitimization to show that they know first-hand about the problematic of the specific region or town that is discussed contrary to a parliamentarian coming from a different region. The pattern of using evaluative indexicality through demographic affiliations is a frequently re-occurring practice in the Surinamese Parliament for various subjects on the agenda of the meetings in the Parliament. Where certain parliamentarians are not able to get the message through, others step in to support their colleagues from the same region or town through the emotional strategy of legitimization. For example by enacting arguments that justify their course of action, through the appeal of emotions parliamentarians of specific regions or towns then try to use their personal experience to receive support not only from colleagues of the same region or town to help improve the situation of their own communities, but also from parliamentarians with a different demographic background. Some parliamentarians also evaluative indexicality of demographic affiliation through strategic legitimization of altruism in which they package that what is good for their own community is good for the entire country. Parliamentarians also use demographic evaluative indexicals to signal in-group and out-group attachment in illustrating practices of marginalization against

65 people of their own region or town. A repetitive pattern of using evaluative indexicality can eventually help parliamentarians in getting their voices heard. This is particularly the case when parliamentarians of the same region or town are present in the various political parties of Suriname.

6.3 Limitations

As mentioned in chapter 4, I have used the case study design for my research. However, a challenging aspect in case study design - especially with limited case studies - is validity and generalizability (Yin, 2013, p. 321). This according to Yin (1997) is linked to reliability and the notion that “it is difficult to generalize from one case to another”, which can be solved not by attempting “to select representative experiments”, but by trying to “generalize findings to theory, analogues to the way a scientist generalizes from experimental results to theory” (Yin, 1994, p.37). For this reason, I have attempted to develop an as rich as possible conceptual framework. I have done this by using the work of others as a basis for generalization, but also as a form of triangulation following the explanation by Lund (2014). However, during my search for literature I discovered that there is a striking paucity of work specifically on the topic of the influence of language and ethnic diversity in the Surinamese Parliament, or any other parliament for that matter. In the case of Suriname, this might be linked to its unique historical background concerning the constitution of the Parliament, or simply because there has not been any interest to research it, till now. This being said there is thus little basis in this research for theoretical analytical generalization and triangulation from a close historical or geographical context on this topic. Therefore, I cannot claim probability, likelihood or the possibility of replication based on the work of others in another context than the Surinamese Parliament. However, I have stretched it to the overall use of certain concepts that are linked to linguistic practices that might be present in the Surinamese society as a whole that resonate with works of others to suggest likelihood and probability. Also, I have used literature about the main concept discourse in a general perspective and parliamentary discourse divided in a set of other concepts that according to me are salient and which made the most sense in attributing a proper foundation for this research. Concerning the sample size of my research, as mentioned in chapter 4 the participants of my research were at most 51 during parliamentary debates. However, there were two types of parliamentary meetings, the public plenary meetings and the public commission meetings.

66 Most of the parliamentarians were present during the public parliamentarian meetings. However, during the commission meetings there were at times only 8 participants. This is due to the fact that a commission is setup specifically to discuss and give advice in a particular law. Due to the fact that the sample size changed from meeting to meeting, I did not have a stable sample population for my research. I did consider changing my data collection by selecting only public plenary meetings. However, due to the fact that I was able to find narrated events across speech events from the initial list of live streamed meetings, I decided to keep the list as it was.

6.4 Recommendation for future research

While watching a more recent live streamed meeting of the Surinamese Parliament on YouTube I suddenly noticed to my surprise that one of the parliamentarians – Sharman of the VHP – used Sarnami for a proverb. This parliamentarian is from Hindustani descent and I had heard him speak several times during the analysis of my data, but he never used Sarnami and neither did any of the other parliamentarians with a Hindustani background. Sharman (VHP) was part of the opposition during the analysis phase of my data. By the time that I almost completed this thesis Sharman (VHP) had become one of the members of the government. I also noticed that after the Parliament got installed in 2015 all the VHP members had a Hindustani background and in 2018 they had a member of which I am not sure what his background is. However, after the installation of the new government in 2020 the VHP had become a multi-ethnic party. Also, some of the members of the various parties had also left the political stage by choice or were simply not re-elected to a seat in the Parliament of Suriname. What happened is that in the period that I was completing this research a few chronotopes had passed; that of the pre-election, the election itself and the period in which the new government got installed in the Surinamese Parliament. According to Blommeart (2017) – based on the analysis of Bakthin who designed the concept of a chronotope – “chronotopes invoke and enable a plot structure, characters or identities, and social and political worlds in which actions become dialogically meaningful, evaluated and understandable in specific ways” (p. 135). Chronotopes have the ability to change and produce specific types of “people, actions, meaning and value” (Blommaert, 2017, p.135). So the fact that I heard Sharman (VHP) speak Sarnami could be related to a change of government. The chronotopes that are created in a specific time frame can be used to make comparison to see how the changes affect the old, intermediate, and new situations. I would

67 therefore suggest as future research, that if the opportunity presents itself to conduct the same research during a chronotope, however in the sense of how chronotopes influence the ethno- linguistic diversity in the Surinamese Parliament.

68 7. REFERENCES

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69 De Fina, A. (2016). Linguistic practices and transnational identities. In Preece, S. (Ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Language and Identity (pp. 163-178). Abingdon, England: Routledge. Dunmire, P. L. (2012). Political discourse analysis: Exploring the language of politics and the politics of language. Language and Linguistics compass, 6(11), 735-751. Edwards, J. (2012) Multilingualism: Understanding Linguistic Diversity. London, England / New York NY: Continuum International Publishing Group Eersel, H. (2012). De Surinaamse taalsituatie in 2011 i. Academic Journal of Suriname, 3, 227- 234. Evans, N., & Levinson, S. (2009). The myth of language universals: Language diversity and its importance for cognitive science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 32(5), 429- 448. Gafaranga, J. (2008). Code-switching as a conversational strategy. In Auer, P., & Wei, L. (Eds.), Handbook of multilingualism and multilingual communication (pp. 279- 313). Berlin, Germany: De Gruyter. Gee, J. (2001). An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method. New York, NY: Taylor and Francis Group. Gee, J. (2015). Discourse, Small d. Big D. In Tracy, K., Ilie, C., & Sandel, T. (Eds.), The international encyclopedia of language and social interaction (pp. 418-422). Boston, MA: Wiley- Blackwell. Grenfell, M. J. (2011). Bourdieu, language and linguistics. In Grenfell, M., Blackledge, A., Hardy, C., May, S., & Vann, R. (Eds.), Bourdieu, language and linguistics (pp. 35- 64). London, England/ New York, NY: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. Guardado, M. (2018). Discourse, ideology and practice: Micro and macro perspectives in language development and maintenance. Retrieved from https://ebookcentral. proquest.com Harrison, G. (2009). Language politics, linguistic capital and bilingual practitioners in social work. British Journal of Social Work, 39(6), 1082-1100. Heryanto, A. (1990). ‘The making of language: developmentalism in Indonesia’. Prisma, the Indonesian Indicator, 50, 40–53. Hoefte, R. (1990). ‘The “Usual Barbarity” of the Asians?: Indenture and Resistence in Suriname’. In Brana-Shute, G. (ed.), Resistence and Rebellion in Suriname: Old and New (pp. 137–158). Williamsburg, VA: the College of William and Mary.

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71 Lippi-Green, R. (2011). English with an accent: Language, ideology and discrimination in the United States. Retrieved from https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uvtilburg- ebooks/detail.action?docID=958316# Lund, C. (2014). Of what is this a case?: analytical movements in qualitative social science research. Human Organization, 73(3), 224–234. Makoni, S., & Pennycook, A. (2012). Disinventing multilingualism. In Martin-Jones, M., Blackledge, A., & Creese, A. (Red.), The Routledge Handbook of Multilingualism (pp. 439–453). Abingdon, England: Routledge. Marchand, I. (2012). Dogla politics? Questioning ethnic consociationalism in Suriname's national elections of 25 May 2010. Ethnic And Racial Studies, 37(2), 342-362. Matthews, B., & Ross, L. (2010). Research Methods: A practical guide for the social sciences. Harlow, England: Pearson Education Limited. McAvoy, J. (2016). Discursive and the production of identity in language practice. In Preece, S. (Ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Language and Identity (pp. 98-112). Abingdon, England: Routledge. Menke, J. (2016). Bevolking en volkstelling in regionaal perspectief. In Menke, J. (Ed.), Mozaïek van het Surinaamse Volk: volkstellingen in demografisch, economisch en sociaal perspectief (pp.13-24). Paramaribo, Suriname: Institute of Graduate Studies and Research. Menke, J., & Sno, I. (2016). Ras en etniciteit in de volkstellingen van Suriname. In Menke, J. (Ed.), Mozaïek van het Surinaamse Volk: volkstellingen in demografisch, economisch en sociaal perspectief (pp.76-94). Paramaribo, Suriname: Institute of Graduate Studies and Research. Menke, J., Schalkwijk, J.M., Schalkwijk, J.R., & Seligson, M. (2012). Political Culture of Democracy in Suriname and in the Americas, 2012: Towards Equality of Opportunity. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press. Miles, W. F. (2000). The politics of language equilibrium in a multilingual society: Mauritius. Comparative politics, 32(2), 215-230. Morrison, K., & Lui, I. (2000). Ideology, linguistic capital and the medium of instruction in Hong Kong. Journal of multilingual and multicultural development, 21(6), 471- 486. Namyalo, S., & Nakayiza, J. (2015). Dilemmas in implementing language rights in multilingual Uganda. Current Issues in Language Planning, 16(4), 409-424.

72 Nettle, D. (1998). Explaining Global Patterns of Language Diversity. Journal Of Anthropological Archaeology, 17(4), 354-374. Noack, R., & Gamio, L. (2015). The world’s languages, in 7 maps and charts. The Washington Post, 4(23), 65-70. Paay, J., Kjeldskov, J., Skov, M., & O’hara, K. (2013). F-formations in cooking together: A digital ethnography using youtube. In Kotze, P., Marsden, G., Lindgaard, G., Wesson, J., & Winckler, M. (Eds.), IFIP Conference on Human-Computer Interaction (pp. 37-54). Heidelberg, Germany / New York, NY / Dordrecht, the Netherlands / London, England: Springer. Palonen, K. (2011). Making Sense of Parliamentary Jargon: The need for Parliamentary Literacy. In Palonen, K., & Malkopoulou, A. (Eds.) Rhetoric, Politics and Conceptual Change, (pp. 13-25). Athens, Greece: The Finnish Institute at Athens. Park, M.S. (2013). Code-switching and Translanguaging: Potential Functions in Multilingual Classrooms. Teachers College, Columbia University Working Papers in TESOL & Applied Linguistics, 13(2), 50-52. Postill, J. (2017). Remote Ethnography. In Hjorth, L., Horst, H., Galloway, A., & Bell, G. (Eds.), The Routledge companion to digital ethnography (pp. 61–69). Abingdon, England: Routledge. Rampton, B. (2012). Crossing. In Martin-Jones, M., Blackledge, A., Creese, A. (Red.), The Routledge Handbook of Multilingualism (pp. 482–498). Abingdon, England: Routledge. Reyes, A. (2011). Strategies of legitimization in political discourse: From words to actions. Discourse & Society, 22(6), 781-807. Reynold, S. (2016). Volkstellingen in Suriname 1921-2012: history, institutionale structuur, methode en conceptuele benaderingen. In Menke, J. (Ed.), Mozaïek van het Surinaamse Volk: volkstellingen in demografisch, economisch en sociaal perspectief (pp. 25-48). Paramaribo, Suriname: Institute of Graduate Studies and Research. Ricardo, O., García, O., & Wallis, R. (2015). Clarifying translanguaging and deconstructing named languages: a perspective from linguistics. Applied Linguistics Review, 6(3), 281–307. Rowley, J. (2002). Using case studies in research. Management research news, 25(1), 16-27.

73 Schwaller, R. C. (2018). Contested Conquests: African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620. The Americas, 75(4), 609-638. Shay, O. (2015). To switch or not to switch: Code-switching in a multilingual country. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 209, 462-469. Spotti M., & Kroon, S. (2017). Multilingual Classrooms at Times of Superdiversity. Encyclopedia of Language and Education, 3, 1-13. St-Hilaire, A. (2001). Ethnicity, assimilation and nation in plural Suriname. Ethnic And Racial Studies, 24(6), 998-1019. Taylor, S., & Berns, J. (2010). Country Studies Series: Suriname. Waltham, MA: Coexistence International at Brandeis University. The Douglas Fir Group., Atkinson, D., Byrnes, H., Doran, M., Duff, P., Ellis, N., … Tarone, E. (2016). A Transdisciplinary Framework for SLA in a Multilingual World. The Modern Language Journal, 100(1), 19-47. Trochim, W., Donnelly, J., & Arora, K. (2016). Research methods. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning. Van Dijk, T. A. (1997). ‘What is Political Discourse Analysis?’. In Blommaert, J., & Bulcaen, C. (Eds), Political Linguistics (pp. 11–52). Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Benjamins. Van Dijk, T. A. (2010) Political identities in parliamentary debates. In Ilie, C. (Ed.), European parliaments under scrutiny: Discourse strategies and interaction practices. Amsterdam, the Netherlands/ Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Van Kleij, N. (2018, July 20). Blok deed zijn omstreden uitspraken niet op een besloten bijeenkomst. Trouw. Retrieved from https://www.trouw.nl/opinie/blok-deed-zijn- omstreden-uitspraken-niet-op-een-besloten-bijeenkomst~a3fc7441/ Wei, L. (2011). Multilinguality, multimodality, and multicompetence: code- and modeswitching by minority ethnic children in complementary schools. The Modern Language Journal, 95(3), 370–383. Wortham, S., & Reyes, A. (2015). Discourse analysis beyond the speech event. London, England/ New York, NY: Routledge. Yakpo, K. (2015). “Code-Switching and Social Change: Convergent Language Mixing in a Multilingual Society”. In Stell, G., & Yakpo, K. (Eds), Code-switching between

74 Structural and Sociolinguistic Perspectives (pp. 259-287). Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. Yakpo, K., Van den Berg, M., & Borges, R. (2014). On the Linguistic Consequences of Language Contact in Suriname: The Case of Convergence. In Carlin, E., Léglise, I., Migge, B., & Tjon Sie Fat P. (Eds.), In and Out of Suriname: Language, Mobility and Identity (pp. 164-195). Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. Yin, R. K. (1994). Case study research: Design and Methods Second Edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Yin, R. K. (2013). Validity and generalization in future case study evaluations. Evaluation, 19(3), 321-332. Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Belonging and the politics of belonging. Patterns of Prejudice, 40(3), 197-214. Zembla. (2018, September 14). Minister Stef Blok: ‘Suriname is een mislukte staat, door etnische opdeling’. BNNVARA. Retrieved on 15/10/2018: https://www.bnnvara.nl/zembla/artikelen/minister-stef-blok-suriname-is-een- mislukte-staat-door-etnische-opdeling

75 8. APPENDICES

76 APPENDIX 1: TABLE WITH LIVE STREAMED MEETINGS FROM 10 JANUARY 2019 TO 7 MARCH 2019

Date Duration Type of meeting Topic 10-jan 01:03:16 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Commissie Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: R. Cotino (Vz), R. Nurmohamed, E. Linga, D. Pokie, R. Sapoen, P. Etnel en S. Samidin.

10-jan 01:08:35 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Commissie Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: R. Cotino (Vz), R. Nurmohamed, E. Linga, D. Pokie, R. Sapoen, P. Etnel en S. Samidin.

10-jan 43:45 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Commissie Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: R. Cotino (Vz), R. Nurmohamed, E. Linga, D. Pokie, R. Sapoen, P. Etnel en S. Samidin.

10-jan 30:57 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Commissie Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: R. Cotino (Vz), R. Nurmohamed, E. Linga, D. Pokie, R. Sapoen, P. Etnel en S. Samidin.

10-jan 17:34 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Commissie Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: R. Cotino (Vz), R. Nurmohamed, E. Linga, D. Pokie, R. Sapoen, P. Etnel en S. Samidin.

77 11-jan 02:25:45 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming Commissie van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: J. Vreedzaam (Vz), D. Sharman, S. Samidin, P. Etnel, R. Sapoen, D. Pokie en G. Watamaleo.

11-jan 45:26 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming Commissie van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap) Vergadering C.v.R. de leden: J. Vreedzaam (Vz), D. Sharman, S. Samidin, P. Etnel, R. Sapoen, D. Pokie en G. Watamaleo.

15-jan 03:00 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 17-jan 06:04:45 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 22-jan 01:13:39 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 22-jan 02:55:23 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 22-jan 18:49 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 22-jan 01:11 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 22-jan 19:20 Plenaire Openbare Algemene Politieke Beschouwingen Vergadering 23-jan 00:39 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

78 23-jan 01:28:40 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

23-jan 01:39:32 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

23-jan 02:03:10 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

24-jan 00:23 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

24-jan 32:19 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

79 25-jan 58:10 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en Commissie toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) (Initiatiefvoorstel ingediend dd Vergadering 17/08/17 door de leden: J. Simons, S. Tsang en C. Waterberg). C.v.R. leden van de Vaste Commissie voor Financiën in DNA: M. Abdoel (Vz), A. Gajadien, J. Vreedzaam, G. Rusland, R. Cotino, W. Waidoe en W. Asadang

25-jan 31:30 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en Commissie toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) (Initiatiefvoorstel ingediend dd Vergadering 17/08/17 door de leden: J. Simons, S. Tsang en C. Waterberg). C.v.R. leden van de Vaste Commissie voor Financiën in DNA: M. Abdoel (Vz), A. Gajadien, J. Vreedzaam, G. Rusland, R. Cotino, W. Waidoe en W. Asadang.

29-jan 01:20:20 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

29-jan 01:56:16 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

29-jan 54:31 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

80 31-jan 10:09 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

31-jan 01:44:03 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

31-jan 01:23:39 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

31-jan 03:25 Openbare Bespreking van de ontwerp-wet houdende nadere wijziging : Commissie -van de Grondwet van de Republiek Suriname Vergadering -van de Wet van 29 september 1987, houdende regels voor de verkiezing van leden voor de volks vertegenwoordigende lichamen in Suriname (Kiesregeling) -van het Decreet Politieke Organisaties

07-feb 01:15 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

81 07-feb 17:57 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

07-feb 45:46 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

07-feb 49:53 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

07-feb 22:50 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Vergadering Authority (Wet Suriname National Training Authority) -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap)

08-feb 0:41 Plenaire Openbare Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming Vergadering van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap) C.v.R. de leden: J. Vreedzaam (Vz), D. Sharman, S. Samidin, P. Etnel, R. Sapoen, D. Pokie en G. Watamaleo.

08-feb 04:38:03 Plenaire Openbare Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen met betrekking tot de bescherming Vergadering van het moederschap (Wet Bescherming Moederschap) C.v.R. de leden: J. Vreedzaam (Vz), D. Sharman, S. Samidin, P. Etnel, R. Sapoen, D. Pokie en G. Watamaleo.

82 19-feb 02:02:31 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) 19-feb 01:13 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) 21-feb 20:10 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) 21-feb 01:05:02 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

83 21-feb 06:23 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) 21-feb 01:33:07 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberly Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017) 21-feb 02:22:51 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

21-feb 42:27 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

84 21-feb 01:38 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

21-feb 04:42 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

21-feb 01:00:48 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

21-feb 00:19 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de "Overeenkomst tussen de Vergadering Regering van de Republiek Suriname en de Regering van de Russische Federatie inzake Vrijstelling van de Visumplicht voor Wederzijdse Bezoeken van hun Onderdanen” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende bepalingen inzake de wijze van het beheer van en toezicht op Staatsfinanciën (Comptabiliteitswet 2017)

07-mrt 00:07 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de “Vriendschap en Samen Vergadering werkingsovereenkomst tussen de Republiek Suriname en de Republiek Servië” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende Toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberley Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association”

85 07-mrt 00:34 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de “Vriendschap en Samen Vergadering werkingsovereenkomst tussen de Republiek Suriname en de Republiek Servië” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende Toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberley Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association”

07-mrt 02:38:04 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de “Vriendschap en Samen Vergadering werkingsovereenkomst tussen de Republiek Suriname en de Republiek Servië” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende Toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberley Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association”

07-mrt 01:22:09 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de “Vriendschap en Samen Vergadering werkingsovereenkomst tussen de Republiek Suriname en de Republiek Servië” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende Toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberley Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association”

07-mrt 02:04:02 Plenaire Openbare -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende goedkeuring van de “Vriendschap en Samen Vergadering werkingsovereenkomst tussen de Republiek Suriname en de Republiek Servië” -Behandeling van de ontwerp-wet houdende Toetreding van de Republiek Suriname tot de "Kimberley Process Certificate Scheme" van de "World Diamond Council Association”

86 APPENDIX 2: INTERVIEW GUIDE MS. RUTH DE WINDT

Taalkwesties tijdens het transcriberen (Wat is de invloed van de achtergronden van de griffiers op het taalgebruik in de transcripten)

1) Hoeveel griffiers werken er aan de transcripten? 2) Worden de griffiers specifiek geselecteerd op talige kwalificaties Nederlands, Engels, Sranantongo etc? 3) Zo ja, wat zijn deze talige kwalificaties? 4) Zijn er specifieke regels wat betreft het opnemen van meertalige taalgebruik in de transcripten? (Het viel me namelijk op dat sommige wel de code-switching transcriberen en anderen niet of minder.) 5) Zo ja, waarom zijn die regels opgesteld? 6) Zo ja, door wie zijn deze regels opgesteld? 7) Zo niet, waarom zijn er geen regels voor opgesteld? 8) Wat zijn de etnische achtergronden van de griffiers over het algemeen? 9) Wat zijn de etnische achtergronden van de griffiers die code-switching transcriberen? 10) Wat zijn de invloeden van deze etnische achtergronden op de manier van transcriberen van het gebruik van meerdere talen tijdens debatten? (Schrijven ze precies op wat er wordt gezegd of laten ze dat weg).

Algemene taalgebruik in parlement

11) Wat zijn de regels qua taalgebruik tijdens parlementaire debatten institutionele taal Nederlands, Sranantongo, Engels etc? 12) Door wie zijn deze regels opgesteld? 13) Staan deze regels ook in een reglement? Zou u mij dit reglement kunnen sturen? 14) Hoeveel verschillende talen hoort u voorbij komen tijdens de debatten binnen de microfoon? 15) Is het veel voorkomend dat deze talen worden gesproken binnen de microfoon? 16) Wanneer gebruiken de sprekers deze talen binnen de microfoon? (grapjes, punt maken, kwetsend) 17) Hoeveel verschillende talen hoort u voorbij komen tijdens de debatten buiten de microfoon? 18) Is het veel voorkomend dat deze talen worden gesproken buiten de microfoon? 19) Wanneer gebruiken de sprekers deze talen buiten de microfoon? (grapjes, punt maken, kwetsend etc) 20) Als iemand een andere taal spreekt, bijvoorbeeld Sarnami of een van de binnenlandse talen, hoe wordt er dan op gereageerd door mensen met een niet Hindoestaanse of binnenlandse achtergrond? (Wordt het aangemoedigd of wordt er gevraagd om de institutionele taal Nederlands te gebruiken) 21) Zijn het leden van een bepaalde gender of etnische achtergrond die het meest vragen om de institutionele taal te gebruiken? Er zijn meer mannen lid van het parlement.

Talige conversatie strategieën

22) Het valt me op dat er veel code switching voorkomt tijdens de debatten. Worden er ook andere meertalige conversatie strategieën gebruikt?

87 23) Wanneer worden deze meertalige conversatie strategie gebruik? (Is dit wanneer ze nadruk willen leggen op iets) 24) Zijn er bepaalde leden die dat het meest doen? (gebruiken van meertalige conversatie strategieën) 25) Wat is hun achtergrond? 26) Wat is hun gender? (Het viel mij namelijk op dat mannelijke leden van het parlement het frequenter doen dan vrouwelijke leden van het parlement)

Talige gedragsregels gebruik regionale en district achtergrond

27) Het viel mij op dat sprekers hun regionale of district achtergrond gebruiken om hun punt te maken? Is dit een veel voorkomende handeling? 28) In de fragmenten die ik heb gezien is het mij ook opgevallen dat sprekers elkaar ondersteunen met als reden dat ze dezelfde regionale achtergrond hebben (ik kom ook uit het binnenland). Komt dit vaker voor? 29) Bij welke regionale groepen komt dit het meest voor? 30) Hoe beïnvloedt het gebruik van regionale en district achtergronden over het algemeen de debatten?

Talige gedragsregels gebruik van etnische achtergronden

31) Zijn er gedragsregel over het benoemen van van etnische groepen tijdens de debatten? 32) Waarom wel? Waarom niet? 33) Zo ja, waarom zijn deze gedragsregels opgesteld? 34) Zo ja, door wie zijn deze gedragsregels opgesteld? 35) Zou u mij die regels kunnen sturen? 36) Hoe beïnvloedt het gebruik van etnische achtergronden de debatten? (Het was mij opgevallen dat de voorzitter erop reageerde, maar de andere sprekers niet.) (Om te voorkomen dat er wrijving ontstaat tussen etnische groepen. Als voorbeeld lid Etnel die praat over creolen die worden weggehaald op hun gronden waarbij de voorzitter er tussen komt om haar te onderbreken.)

88 APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW GUIDE MR. FAYAZ SHARMAN

Beste heer Sharman,

Zoals aangegeven via Whatsapp heb ik enkele vragen betreffende de benamingen van Surinaamse wetten inzake internationale samenwerkingen.

Een van de fragmenten die ik wil gebruiken voor mijn scriptie is van de plenaire vergadering van 29 januari 2019 op YouTube (duur 1:20:20) waarin mevrouw Cotino vraagt aan minister Ferrier om de benaming voor de wet van de Suriname National Training Authority te herformuleren naar een Nederlandse benaming. Dhr. Nurmohamed deelde trouwens dezelfde mening als mevrouw Cotino. Mevrouw Cotino zegt ook in het fragment dat wet benaming in Suriname normaliter altijd in de Nederlandse taal zijn. Ik heb naar aanleiding van hetgeen wat mevrouw Cotino heeft gezegd op de website van de DNA gekeken onder goedgekeurde ontwerpwetten. Daarin ben ik redelijk wat ontwerpwetten tegen gekomen betreffende internationale samenwerkingen. Alleen kan ik niet terugzien of de uiteindelijke aangenomen wetten ook een Nederlandse benaming hebben gekregen. Hieronder een lijst:

-Ontwerpwet (Equal Remuneration Convention), 1951 no. 100, Geneva, 01 juni 1951 -Ontwerpwet Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 no.111. Geneva, 25 juni 1958 -Ontwerpwet Minimum Age Convention no. 138, Geneva, 06 juni 1973 -Ontwerpwet houdende goedkeuring van de "Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities" -Ontwerpwet "Framework Agreement Establising the Caribbean Centre for Renewable Energy Efficiency" -Ontwerpwet houdende goedkeuring van de ‘Protocol to amend article 83 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas

Mijn vragen zijn:

1) Wat is uiteindelijk de officiële benaming geworden van de wet Suriname National Training Authority? 2) Waarom is er voor deze benaming gekozen? 3) Hoe zijn ze op deze benaming gekomen? 4) Klopt het wat mevrouw Cotino verteld, dat de benamingen van Surinaamse wetten normaliter in het Nederlands zijn? 5) Wat zijn de talige richtlijnen qua formulering van wetten (Nederlands, Engels, Sranang Tongo, andere taal)? 6) Als deze richtlijnen in een document staan, zou u die dan naar mij kunnen mailen of heeft u een linkje voor mij waarin ik het terug kan vinden? 7) Wat is gangbaar qua wet benaming, in het bijzonder wat betreft wetten gebaseerd op internationale verdragen? 8) Het is mij opgevallen dat in de wetsvoorstellen zoals ontwerpwet (Equal Remuneration Convention), 1951 no. 100, Geneva, 01 juni 1951, dat er geen Nederlandse vertaling staat van de artikelen van het Engelse verdrag dat is overgenomen in het wetsvoorstel. Hier een link met als voorbeeld van de Nederlandse vertaling van Nederland om te illustreren wat ik bedoel, https://wetten.overheid.nl/BWBV0004933/1972-06-16 . Als u naar beneden scrolt op

89 de page dan vindt u de vertaling waar ik het over heb. Wat zijn de gangbare zaken qua vertalingen van engelstalige artikelen naar Surinaamse ontwerp wetten? 9) Als er wel een Nederlandse vertaling is van de artikelen, zou u die dan naar mij kunnen mailen?

Alvast bedankt voor uw hulp.

Vriendelijke groeten,

Audry Bron

90 APPENDIX 4: ANALYSIS OF NARRATING AND NARRATED EVENTS

Small d discourse: -Selecting everything language related in made bold: Sranan = underlined / English = just bold / German = italics / (Spanish) = between parentheses. Big D discourse: -Selecting explicit indexicals indicated by color: Spatial deictics / Temporal deictics / Person deictics / Discourse deictics / Reported speech / Evaluative indexicals / Emblems -Selecting metapragmatic discourse: between square brackets

Narrating event 10 January 2019

1) Narrated event: English terms in the SNTA law 1) Narrated across speech event: Issue with the English language

Etnel (NPS): (…) Terugkomend op de wet; ik zie in artikel 1 dat er een aantal zaken zijn vertaald in het Engels. Ik wil toch weten als het niet goed is dat wij ook kijken of wij de zaken ook in Nederlands kunnen vertalen [Etnel rekt woorden ‘Nederlands’ en ‘vertalen’ uit, ter benadrukking]. Ik denk dat dat soms ook goed is zodat wij heel duidelijk zijn met wat wij bedoelen. Wij moeten er niet van uitgaan. Die wet moet voor iedereen leesbaar en verstaanbaar zijn. Iedere burger moet het kunnen lezen. Dus is dat mijn vraag. (…) [Etnel constateert en suggereert in dit fragment] YouTube: Openbare commissievergadering 10 januari 2019, 48:53 – 49:30 van 1:08:34

Vice voorzitter Bouva: Een moment. Wat wil u concreet bij artikel 1 voorstellen? U hebt het over Engels toch? [Bouva vraagt om opheldering in dit fragment] YouTube: Openbare commissievergadering 10 januari 2019, 49:41 – 49:45 van 1:08:34

Etnel (NPS): Ik zie dat begrippen als CVQ, NVQ, Tvet, Cbet, Kanta misschien niet, maar wij moeten even kijken als wij ze misschien tussen haakjes in het Nederland plaatsen [Etnel maakt handgebaren ter verduidelijking tussen haakjes]. Voor de duidelijkheid. Die wet moet voor iedereen te begrijpen zijn. Ik geef dat gewoon als suggestie. Als de regering daar anders over denkt, dan horen wij dat graag. [Etnel suggereert voorstel in dit fragment] YouTube: Openbare commissievergadering 10 januari 2019, 49:46 – 50:12 van 1:08:34

Vice Voorzitter Bouva: Goed. Aansluitend onder B, ik had ook die aantekening dus ik maak gebruik van de gelegenheid. Suriname National Training Authority oftewel Suriname Nationale Trainingsauthoriteit. Omdat ook ergens wordt verwezen naar authoriteit. Dus ik zou voorstellen om dat direct mee te nemen. [Bouva vestigd en suggereerd in dit fragment] Tube: Openbare commissievergadering 10 januari 2019, 50:09 – 50:25 van 1:08:34

Ferrier minister van Onderwijs, Wetenschap en Cultuur (NPS): Mijnheer de voorzitter! Ik wilde eigenlijk gelijk beginnen met het werkdocument dat ik daarvan uit ben gegaan. Ten aanzien van het voorstel om te komen met vertalingen, dat is artikel 1 algemene bepalingen, van de Engelse termen die hier staan, zou ik toch aanraden om de Engelse benamingen te behouden, omdat het namen zijn. Ons project heet ook TVET. Nogmaals, dat is de gangbare benaming, dus ik zou daar geen vertaling achter zetten, omdat het gewoon benamingen zijn. [Ferrier geeft beargumenteerd keuze in dit fragment] YouTube: Openbare commissievergadering 10 januari 2019, 1:16 – 2:04:33 van 30:56

91

Narrating event 17 January 2019

2) Narrated event / Somohardjo’s language use:

Somohardjo (PL): (…) Ter voorkoming van elk misverstand, ik ben niet tegen vernieuwing of modernisering, maar ik ben wel tegen corruptie en nyan maken. Wat was er mis met die houtenpalen. Die houtenpalen staan er al 100 jaren. Als ze nog 1000 jaren kunnen meegaan, wat waren de redenen om de houtenpalen te vervangen? Om hoeveel palen gaat het? Wat kost zo een betonmast? Wie levert die betonpaal? Zeker niet de leden van de PL [Somohardjo verheft stem, wijst met vinger]. Zeker niet. Is er een openbare ingrijp geweest, zegt de heer Bouva. Ik hoorde dat het gaat om miljoenen. Dit is toch duidelijk een vorm van nyan maken. Ik weet zeker, dat wanneer deze regering alle bomen, alle boomstammen van de bomen kon vervangen voor betonstam, dan hadden ze gedaan, enkel en alleen om nyan te maken. Gelukkig zijn er te veel bomen in Suriname die niet te vervangen zijn door betonpalen. Deze regering is zo creatief om nyan te maken [handgebaar ter benadrukking]. Ik ga een paar voorbeelden voor u aanhalen. Met andere woorden, corruptie is een synoniem van deze regering, zoals bij ons sociaal synoniem is van PL [Somohardjo knikt met hoofd ter benadrukking van synoniem PL]. Ik herhaal: Corruptie [verheft stem] is een synoniem van deze regering [Somohardjo verlaagt / verzacht stem] en bij PL is sociaal [Somohardjo verhoogd stem en wijst met vinger ter benadrukking] synoniem. Zie je het verschil? Ik moet constateren, dat deze regering, elk project wat ze uitvoeren. Doen ze niet voor het volk, maar alleen [Somohardjo rekt woord ‘alleen’ ter benadrukking] om hun zakken te vullen. Voorbeeld daarvan is de Bosje brug. Zij hebben dat niet gedaan voor de mensen van Commewijne, nee, maar alleen maar om die 34 miljoen dollar [Somohardjo strekt woorden ‘34 miljoen dollar’ en wijst met vinger ter benadrukking] nyan te kunnen maken. Dat heb ik niet gezegd. Dat heeft Balast Nedam gezegd [Somohardjo verlaagt/verzacht stem]. En de naschoolse opvang hebben zij niet gedaan voor de schoolkinderen, maar enkel en alleen om miljoenen nyan te kunnen maken [Somohardjo rekt ‘om miljoenen nyang te kunnen maken’ en maakt snelle wegwerpgebaar met hand]. Op alles moet ??? partij een nyan maken, zelfs [Somohardjo verhoogd stem bij het woord zelfs] als het aankomt op het kopen van vlaggen, Surinaamse vlaggen [kijkt en wijst met zijn hand naar de kant waar regeringspartij zit] [rumoer in de zaal, Somohardjo reageert op opmerkingen buiten de microfoon, voorzitter slaat met hamer op tafel, Somohardjo mag niet regeren op wat buiten de microfoon wordt gezegd]. Ik moet constateren dat deze regering er inderdaad door het volk [Somohardjo verheft stem en strekt woorden ‘door het volk’ uit], maar jammer genoeg niet voor het volk, maar meer nog voor het vullen van hun eigen zakken, [Somohardjo verlaagt verzacht stem], ook een vorm van nyan wil maken door het uitbreiden van de luchthaven [Somohardjo verheft stem]. [Somohardjo houdt sarcastische redevoering over regeringsbeleid dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 17 januari 2019, 3:30:05 – 3:33:27 van 6:04:45

Somohardjo (PL): (…) Moet het niet zo zijn dat na 20 jaren de slogan van de president, een partij moet zijn die zegt, we can do the job. Nee [Somohardjo verheft stem]. Hij moet zeggen, we did the job [Somohardjo verlaagt/verzacht stem], un du a wroko [benadrukt met verheven stem en wijst met vinger ferm naar beneden]. A no tak un kan du a wroko, nee, un du a wroko. 20 jarenlang, dan un tak now pas, ai un kan du a wroko [Somohardjo praat met verheven stem]. Sa na a san dati? Ik had verwacht, ja, wij hebben het wel gedaan, it is done. Wij hebben het werk af, in plaats van we can do the job. Als je na 20 jaren nog steeds niet the job af hebt, betekent het niet gewoon dat je ongeschikt bent voor the job. Die vraag geldt

92 trouwens ook voor u en uw partij. Want het enige wat wij al 20 jaren zien van deze president en zijn partij, is vernietiging van onze munt, vernietiging van onze staatskas, vernietiging van de middenklasse, vernietiging van de handel, vernietiging van de milieu en verder verarming, bedoeld de president, we can do the job, dan heeft hij gelijk als het om vernietiging gaat. President, ik ben blij. Goed uitgerust?[Somohardjo spreekt met weid open armen als ter verwelkoming] Ik adviseer hem, alhoewel wij misschien van mening verschillen, maar als mens. Ik ben niet iemand die mijn gelukt bouwt op andermans ongeluk. Ik ben blij [doet zijn hand omhoog richting de president] dat u hier aanwezig kan zijn. President, nogmaals, uw gezondheid heeft prioriteit boven alles, laat niemand u opjutten dat u moet komen [Somohardjo lach op gezicht wijst met hand richting president, leden lachten op de achtergrond]. Nee. Uw gezondheid heeft voorrang. Mijn mening [Somohardjo verheft stem, wijst vermanend met vinger], want me tak lek moro owru wan, want mi owru moro yu. Yu si fa mi fit ete [Somohardjo lacht, andere leden lachen ook op achtergrond]. [Somohardjo gebruikt Sarcasme en spot richting regering en president in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 17 januari 2019, 3:47:03 – 3:49:13 van 6:04:45

Somohardjo (PL): (…) Dan mo tapu. You can fool some of the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of the time [Somohardjo gebruikt hand gebaren]. Dat wan taki, yu kan belaser a deel fu a volk [Somohardjo gebruikt handgebaar ter benadrukking], a deel pe a groep dya de [Somohardjo wijst naar de richting waar de overheid zit], wan pis ting tot 2020. Maar yu no kan belaser a volk, en houden a volk voor de gek, ala ten, ala volk. A mus kba now. [Somohardjo verheft stem en gebruikt agressieve handgebaren] Het moet kba zijn met het voor de gek houden van het volk [Somohardjo verheft stem]. A volk mus yere, a mus kba [Somohardje verheft stem] met het voor de gek houden van dit arme volk. [Somohardjo houd agressief en sarcastisch betoog naar regering in dit fragment] Plenaire openbare vergadering 17 januari 2019, 4:03:09 – 4:04:38 van 6:04:45

Narrating event 29 January 2019

3) Narrated event: The English title of the SNTA law 1) Narrated across speech event: Issue with the English language

Cotino (NPS): (…) Het gaat om de tekst die ook in het rood is bijgewerkt. Als u kijkt naar de intitule Wet houdende instelling van de Suriname National Training Authority, dan is er in de openbare commissievergadering door een lid van de Commissie van Rapporteurs eerder opgemerkt waarom wij niet kiezen voor een Nederlandse benaming van de wet. Bijvoorbeeld Nationale Trainingsautoriteit Suriname. Ik hoor graag van de minister wat de minister haar zienswijze is hierop of moeten wij blijven aan de Engelse benaming. Natuurlijk in artikel 1 algemene bepalingen, daar zijn er afkortingen die wij niet anders kunnen omschrijven dan de Engelse benaming daarvoor te gebruiken. Maar als het gaat om onze wet zelf zoals wij onze wet willen noemen, dan denk ik wel dat wij het best wel op zijn Surinaams kunnen doen zoals wij doen bij alle andere wetten. [Cotino doet verzoek en suggesties in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 14:23 – 15:21 van 1:20:19

Ferrier minister van Onderwijs, Wetenschap en Cultuur (NPS): Ten aanzien van de benaming [Ferrier glimlacht] ; wij hebben de benaming aangehouden die ook geldt voor het Caribisch gebied, maar als men per se in de Nederlandse taal een benaming zou willen hebben, dan moet het gewoon Nationaal Trainingsautoriteit zijn [Ferrier haalt schouders lichtjes op en

93 glimlacht]. What’s in the name? [Ferrier haalt wenkbrauwen op en glimlacht] [Ferrier beargumenteerd met nonchalante houding in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 27:07 – 27:31 van 54:31

MP Nurmohamed (VHP): En wat de naam betreft ik ben er voorstaander van de Nederlandse naam te gebruiken. Maar dat is mijn persoonlijk mening. Dank u wel. [Nurmohamed geeft zijn mening in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 38:50 – 38:57 van 54:31.

4) Narrated event: SNTA law, obstactles, concerns and opportunities for the inlands 2) Narrated across speech event: using group / demographic affiliation for the interest of the people and making your voice heard

MG Linga, (NDP): Wat mij nog dwars zit voorzitter is ten aanzien van de kwaliteit en niveau van deze opleiding in deze verre gebieden. Want als wij nu kijken naar de situatie van het onderwijs in het binnenland, die kampen met verschillende problemen. Ja voorzitter. Maar mij is nog niet duidelijk hoe wij met deze nieuwe opleiding instituut deze problemen gaan minimaliseren zodat die kinderen daaraan kunnen sluiten bij dit beroepsonderwijs. Dit is nog niet het geval daar in het binnenland het aansluiten van onderwijs in die gebieden in vergelijking met groot Paramaribo, dan zien we dat we ver achteruit zijn gegaan. En er is ook probleem voorzitter met leerkrachten. Iedereen weet dat mensen niet naar het binnenland graag willen gaan om daar te blijven werken. Er zijn wel door de SNTA mensen getraind om werk te verrichten. Ik wil weten hoe de regering deze mensen toch kunnen krijgen om daar te gaan naar die gebieden zodat ze daar kunnen blijven om dan beroepsgerichte onderwijs te geven in het binnenland. Voorzitter er is nog niet specifiek aangegeven in welke gebieden er lesgegeven zal worden. Ik wil graag van de minister weten in welke specifieke gebieden En verder nog wanneer die kinderen daar in het achterland afgestudeerd zijn waar kunnen ze geholpen worden aan werk? Want daar in het binnenland is er nog geen fabrieken is er geen bedrijven waar je die kinderen kan inzetten[Je kunt horen dat Nederlands niet de eerste taal van Linga is door de plaatsing van enkelvoudige werkwoorden waar het meervoud moet zijn.]. Gaat het zo zijn dat wanneer ze klaar zijn met studie dat ze naar de stad moeten komen voor werk. Of gaan er daar mogelijkheden gecreëerd worden zodat die kinderen daar blijven studeren en werken. [Linga’s verzoek naar informatie in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 1:42 - 4:50 van 1:56:14

MG Asadang (NDP): Voorzitter ik wil de collega ondersteunen. We komen allebei uit het binnenland en het past echt in mijn straatje wat hij daar aangeeft omdat ik ervan uit ga dat wanneer je als we kijken naar het binnenland als we het binnenland willen ontwikkelen en eigenlijk over het algemeen [Asadang maakt klein gebaar met handen en vingers bij het woord algemeen] Suriname dan zien we dat veel meer mensen meer opgeleid worden voor een kantoorbaan, maar ik kan me geen land bedenken die je kan ontwikkelen zonder de techniek. Ja toch, als we over de hele wereld [Asadang maakt rond handgebaar bij hele wereld] kijken dan zien we dat heel veel sophisticated ontwikkelingen worden toegepast die wij kopiëren. Dus het is heel belangrijk dat wij ook, niet alleen Paramaribo en omgeving, wanneer we deze wetsontwerp goedkeuren dat die ondersteuning of die instituten of alles wat daar mee samen hangt dat hier in Paramaribo zijn beslag zal vinden, maar dat wij ook in het binnenland wat wij nu ontberen, het technische onderwijs. Er zijn heel veel legio mogelijkheden als de mensen die technische skills daar hebben zullen ze opportunity zien. Daarmee verschil ik wel een beetje

94 van mening met mijn collega, dan zullen de mensen sowieso de mogelijkheden zien om de opgedane kennis in de praktijk te zetten. Dus dat is heel belangrijk dat de mensen, punt een dat de mensen daadwerkelijk de technische skills worden bijgebracht, omdat er hout komt daar voor allerlei dingen. Die multinationals komen in de districten in de omgevingen. Waar komen de werkers vandaan? Allemaal komen uit de kust gebied om daar te werk te worden gesteld bij die bedrijven waar de mensen die in de directe omgeving wonen de eigenlijk primair, die belangrijke functies laat me zo stellen, eigenlijk in zo een bedrijf zouden moeten bemachtigen. Dus gaarne daarmee rekening houden. [Asadang beargumenteerd ondersteuning aan Linga en eigen beredenering op het onderwerp in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 5:58 - 7:50 van 1:56:14

MG Maabo, NDP: Voorzitter ik ondersteun mijn collega. Ik kom ook uit het binnenland en ook uit het onderwijsveld. Voorzitter in het binnenland heb je ook nog leerkrachten die in het bezit zijn van een bosland achtergrond. Voorzitter ik vraag u om via u aan de regering om deze mensen te helpen zodat verdere opleiding kunnen volgen om het werk voort te zetten. Want ik heb vernomen voorzitter van bepaalde van deze leerkrachten en ik heb ook een brief gezien waarin ze aandacht vragen, omdat ze brieven hebben gehad dat ze ontslagen gaan worden. [Maabo beargumenteerd ondersteuning aan Linga] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 29 januari 2019, 9:07 - 10:23 van 1:56:14

Narrating event 7 March 2019 : 5) Narrated event: border control between Suriname and French Guyana 2) Narrated across speech event: using group / demographic affiliation for the interest of the people and making your voice heard

MP Belfort (ABOP): Bedankt voorzitter, naar aanleiding van 19412, begrijp ik niet waarom de gezamenlijke patrouille wordt opgeschort [Belfort legt nadruk op woord niet]. Terwijl wij hier hebben gezegd die wet is niet goed [Belfort wijst met vinger naar de grond om woord het hier te benadrukken]. Wat er gaat gebeuren is dat ondernemers hun ondernemingen zullen verliezen. En die wet wordt hier goed gekeurd [Belfort wijs met vinger richting de regering] terwijl wij van de Abop hebben fel geprotesteerd [Belfort wijst naar de plek waar zijn partij zit legt bij uitspraak Abop en legt nadruk op woord fel door stem te verheffen]. En wat gebeurt nu voorzitter? Die samenwerking wordt opgeschort, althans de gezamenlijke patrouille maar die wet blijft standhouden [Belfort wuift met vinger richting de regering]. De Fransen zullen alleen de patrouilles uitvoeren en de ondernemers zullen hun zaken verliezen daar. Wie moet opdraaien voor de kosten? Het lijkt alsof wij binnenland bewoners geen recht hebben in dit land voorzitter. Want het gaat nu de spuigaten uit. De mensen zijn ondernemers die daar jaren hun zaken realiseren. Plotseling onder toeziend oog van Surinaamse militairen en politieambtenaren vernietigen Fransen Surinamers hun bezittingen maar niemand treedt op. En we komen hier mooi weer spelen voorzitter. [Belfort houdt uiteenzetting over betreffende onderwerp in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 39:54 - 41:12 van 2:38:03

6) Narrated event: Healthy drinking water for Bronsweg 2) Narrated across speech event: using group / demographic affiliation for the interest of the people and making your voice heard

95 MG Asadang (NDP): Voorzitter net wat de minister van NH heeft aangegeven. Nadat we hier aan de bel hebben getrokken zijn er na wat ik heb vernomen dat men bezig is met water aan te leggen voor Nieuw Koffiekamp. Het was bezig, we wisten het niet, maar goed dat we het hebben aangehaald. Ten aanzien van Bronsweg voorzitter. Voorzitter als er werkelijk problemen zijn met het water dan wil ik via de minister van NH NSW vragen, laten we die dingen op tafel leggen als er problemen zijn. Een verzoek zodat we dit uit de probleemsituatie die men nu creëert kunnen halen zodat het duidelijk is voor de gemeenschap en ook voor ons hier als parlementariërs omdat ik dagelijks wanneer er geen water is heb ik gebeld. Ik treed gelijk in contact met de directeur van SWM en die pakt het gelijk op. Vanochtend nog heb ik contact gehad met hem. Iemand belde mij vanuit Bronsweg en de directeur zelf belde de persoon op om te praten omdat er geen water uit de kraan kwam. Dus via u voorzitter aan de regering als men niks te verbergen heeft, laat men duidelijk de zaken die op tafel moeten komen behandelen. Zodat dit deel waarmee men politiek speelt, want het is een beetje gevaarlijk. U weet water men dagelijks gebruik van moet maken. Als men daarover gaat praten we moeten geen politiek daarmee gaan bedrijven want de mensen hebben daadwerkelijk water nodig [Asadang verheft stem en wijst naar de tafel bij woord politiek om nadruk te leggen. En het is niet iets van vandaag voorzitter. Voorzitter ik kom uit het district Brokopondo, ja toch? Ik heb op Tapu Liba gewoont, Companie kreek, Libie Dotie noem maar op gewoond. En die mensen hebben altijd problemen gehad met schoon drinkwater. De regering doet haar best, maar niet op het niveau en snelheid zoals wij dat wensen, maar het komt wel van de grond. Want ik kan u zeggen dat Lebie Dotie nu water heeft [Asadang geeft betoog over het onderwerp in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 2:02:20 – 2:04:23 van 2:38:03

MP Pokie (ABOP) Voorzitter ik ben zelf van Bronsweg en men moet hier het accent niet verleggen van gezond drinkwater. Wat wel een feit is voorzitter is dat het water van Bronsweg geen drinkwater is. Mensen gebruiken dat water niet om te drinken. Mensen die geen andere optie hebben, ze kunnen geen durotanks aanschaffen die gebruiken het. Maar kinderen, ouderen, ouders, mensen worden ziek als ze dat water van Bronsweg drinken. [Pokie gebruikt vingers om haar zinnen te benadrukken] [Pokie geeft korte verduidelijking over het onderwerp in dit fragment] TouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 2:06:42 – 2:07:10 van 2:38:03

Chairman Simons Dat is in het verlengde ook van wat gezegd is door lid Asadang. Ik ben natuurlijk ook al een hele tijd bezig met dit werk, en het water van Bronsweg, het water van soms plaatsen als Klaaskreek zijn generaties lang slecht geweest om te drinken. Daar gaat het over. Het is een oud probleem, en ik ben het eens met de leden dat ze het aankaarten. Alleen zeggen andere leden, ja we willen ook dat de regering het oplost, maar het is geen nieuw probleem. Het is iets wat al een hele tijd speelt. Dus ik stel voor dat de regering er hard aan gaat trekken. Leden van beide kanten hebben dat gevraagd. [Voorzitter Simons verdedigd wat eerder is gezegd door andere leden in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 2:07:13 – 2:07:50 van 2:38:03

7) Narrated event: English use in the document of the Kimberly Process Certification Sign law 1) Narrated across speech event: Issues with the English language

Karta-Bink (PL): Voorzitter heel interessant. Bij het behandelen van deze wet. Voorzitter de wet die we voor ons ogen hebben bestaat uit twee artikelen. Artikel 1 en 2, en bestaande uit

96 negen zinnen voorzitter [Karta-Bink benadrukt woord 9 uitdrukkelijk]. Maar als we verder kijken dan zien we, en dat heb ik hier als vraag hoor. Why, (por que), waarom voorzitter, is Kimberly Process Certification Sign, alles wat we hier hebben same, alles wat we hier hebben in het Engels gezet?[Karta-Bink spreekt met opgehaalde schouders en en armen wijd] Waarom is het niet vertaald voor ons? Want elk lidwoord elk woord die we anders interpreteren, kan ook anders zijn. [Karta-Bink vraagt om verduidelijking in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 39: 12 – 39: 57 van 2:04:01

Karta-Bink (PL): mevrouw de voorzitter! Ik ondersteun de spreker ten aanzien van zijn zorgpunten en daar wil ik ook naar toe gaan. Als wij zeggen dat de mijnbouwwet daarin ook aanpassingen gepleegd moeten worden voor het winnen van diamant dat er ook aanpakken van rehabilitatie van de ontginning van de gebieden nog niet bekend is. Hoe gaan we de mensen die straks diamanten zoeken, controleren? Dat is ook mijn zorgpunt voorzitter. Wanneer we nu ook niet weten wat er precies hier aan ons meegedeeld is in het Engels. Ik zeg nogmaals, in het Engels! [Karta-Bink benadrukt woord Engels] Mijn voertaal is Nederlands en ik wil echt wel alles verstaan wat hierzo staat. Het is nog steeds onbekend het ontginnen van diamant en we willen zeker eruit verdienen. Diamonds are forever en heel kostbaar, en laten we het heel richtig doen. Ik wil ook in herinnering brengen we hadden ook bij commissievergadering bescherming wet kustgebieden we hebben dat unhold gezet omdat de milieuraamwet nog niet in place was. Dus ik vraag me af waarom een haast bij het goedkeuren van dit verdrag terwijl velen nog niet in place zijn. [Karta-Bink vraagt om verduidelijking in dit fragment] YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 1:32:22 – 1:33:10 van 2:04:01

Asadang (NDP): Voorzitter, ik blijf erbij dat wat collega Karta/ Bink zeg KPS in het Engels. Ik denk dat het duidelijk is aangegeven wat de regering beoogd en ik denk dat wij allemaal daar onze speeches en so on en so on eruit hebben gehaald. Niet denigrerend naar haar toe hoor. Dus al datgene wil ik dan die vragen van haar de controle op de diamantzoekers wil ik aan de regering doorgeleiden. YouTube: Plenaire openbare vergadering 7 maart 2019, 1:37:09 – 1:37:37 van 2:04:01

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