ISSN : 2502 – 5465 / e-ISSN: 244 – 3859 Accredited by LIPI Number: 543/AU1/P2MI-LIPI/06/2013
JournalAnalisa of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016
Analisa is a peer-reviewed journal published by Office of Religious Research and Development Ministry of Religious Affairs Semarang Indonesia. It specializes in these three aspects; religious life, religious education, religious text and heritage. Analisa aims to provide information on social and religious issues through publication of research based articles and critical analysis articles. Analisa has been published twice a year in Indonesian since 1996 and started from 2016 Analisa is fully published in English as a preparation to be an international journal. Since 2015, Analisa has become Crossref member, therefore all articles published by Analisa will have unique DOI number.
Advisory Editorial Koeswinarno Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia
Editor in Chief Sulaiman Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia
International Editorial Board Florian Pohl, Emory University, United State of America Alberto Gomes, La Trobe University, Melbourne Australia Nico J. Kaptein, Leiden University, Leiden the Netherlands David Martin Jones, University of Queensland, Brisbane Australia Patrick Jory, University of Queensland, Brisbane Australia Dwi Purwoko, The Indonesian Institute of Science, Jakarta Indonesia Heidy Sri Ahimsa, Gajah Mada University, Yogyakarta Indonesia Irwan Abdullah, Gajah Mada University, Yogyakarta Indonesia Iwan Junaidi, Semarang State University, Semarang Indonesia Komarudin Hidayat, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta Bani Sudardi, Surakarta State University, Surakarta Indonesia Muslich Shabir, Walisongo State University, Semarang Indonesia Sutrisno, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, Yogyakarta Indonesia Zamroni, Yogyakarta State University, Yogyakarta Indonesia Editors A.M Wibowo Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia Samidi Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia Zakiyah Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia Siti Muawanah Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia Umi Mozayanah Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia Umi Masfiah Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia
Assistant to Editor Muhammad Purbaya Mustolehudin Musyafak Arda Arief Ridhaffa
Mailing Address Religious Research and Development, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang, Indonesia jl Untungsurapati Kav 70 bambankerep Ngaliyan semarang Central Java, Indonesia Email : [email protected]
Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
INTRODUCTION FROM THE EDITORIAL BOARDS
The advancement of information and technology in this era has encouraged the editorial boards of Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion to change some aspects of the journal for the better. The first changing is the name of the journal since 2015, from “Analisa Jurnal Pengkajian Masalah Sosial Keagamaan” to be “Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion”. As a consequnce, there is alteration on the ISSN 1410-4350 to be 2502-5465. Furthermore, at this time, it is a must that a journal is published electronically, as it is stated in the rule issued by PDII LIPI (the Indonesian Institute of Science). Tehrefore, in 2015, Analisa started the electronic journal with E-ISSN 24443-3853, while the printed edition has been published since 1996 and continued until now. Along with the changing of the name, Analisa began the publication in English started vol.1.no.1 2016 as part of the preparation for being an international journal. There are various articles submitted to Analisa in the beginning of 2016. These include Islamic fundamentalism, terrorism, culture, Islam and Islamic education in Turkey. An article written by Tauseef Ahmad Parray talking about Islamism is placed as the opening of this volume. He argues that the incidence of 9/11 2011 in World Trade Center USA became a turning point for Western country to stereotype Islam as terrorist. Furthermore, after that tragedy Islam is perceived as fundamentalist religion, extremist, conservative Islam, radicalisms, and other negative stereotypes. In this article, he suggests that it is necessary to evaluate the Western perspectives on Islam in which they labeled Islam as extremists. The next article is entitled “The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia” written by Zakiyah. This paper provides data and deep analysis on the series of bombing and terror happened in Indonesia from 2001 to 2012. After the fall of President Soeharto in 1998, there were a series of bombing and terror in some part of the country which caused hundreds casualties and great number of property damages. This year was also a time for some extremists coming back to Indonesia after a long period of exile abroad. These extremist figures then began their activities in Indonesia and they also disseminated the radical ideology, establishing network, recruiting new members and preparing for terror and violent action. Some of the terrorists and suspected of the bombing actions were indicated having connection with the Islamic radical group which means that there is an Islamic militancy in Indonesia The radical ideology was also spread at prominent university in Yogyakarta Indonesia. This theme is discussed by Arifudin Ismail. He mentions that this ideology is not only spread by jihadists but also by some activists in certain campuses. For instance, there are some discussions and discussion groups existed in Gadjah Mada University, Sunan Kalijaga Islamic State University, Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah University, and Indonesia Islam University. In such activity, there is an indication that there is discussion on “the radical ideology”. He focused his study on the exclusive students movement in Gadjah Mada University especially related to how the religious doctrine (Islam) disseminated and perceived by students. Besides the discussion of the Islamism, terrorism and radical movement as the phenomena happened in Indonesia and in the world, this volume also offers other insights of Indonesia. Betty Mauli Rosa Bustamn explores the Minangkabau tradition. She describes in her article how the local people (Minangkabau) adopted Islamic values into their tradition from generation to the next generation. In this paper, it can be seen that Islam and local culture are living in harmony. In addition, Asep N Musadad talks about the assimilation and acculturation process between local traditions of Sundanese community with Islam. He describes that the harmony between them can be seen on the literature; there is a cultural change as a picture of how Islam and local tradition met and assimilated. Besides, in the folklore as he mentions that some incantations used by shaman (panayangan) contain some symbols of Islam Besides being practiced in the local tradition as mentioned earlier, Islam in Indonesia is
i Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016 transformed and disseminated through electronic media such as television; this can be read at the next article. Siti Solihati wrote a paper about how Islamic symbols are used by a soap opera broadcasted in a national television. In this article, she found that there are some ideologies embedded in such program namely; (1) ideology of materialistic-capitalist, (2) ideology of patriarchy, and (3) violent domination. Napsiah and her colleagues wrote an article about how the people living in surrounding the Merapi Mountain cope with the disaster especially when the eruption occurred and its aftermath. Community living in Pangukrejo village near the mountain helps each other dealing with their disaster related problems. They are hand in hand in re-building their villages without looking at their religious background. All people participate in those activities since they feel that Merapi is their home and their source of convenience and safety, therefore this honorable symbol should be preserved at all cost. They argue that the eruption is the destiny from God, thus it is undeniable fact. At that time, they were at the bottom level condition, so that to wake up from that situation they need to help each other (gotong royong). The last article in this volume is about the transformation of Islamic education at Imam Hatip School in Turkey. This paper is written by Mahfud Junaidi. He describes that the curriculum in this school aims to transfer the traditional norms based on the Islamic values. It is expected that by implementing Islam, this will contribute to the development of society and nation-state in Turkey. Please enjoy reading articles in this volume.
Semarang, May 2016 Editorial boards
ii Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion would like to thank you to all international editorial boards for their support and their willingness to review articles for this volume. Analisa would also like to thank you to all authors who have submitted their articles to Analisa, so that this volume is successfully published. Analisa do hope that we would continue our cooperation for the next editions.
Semarang, May 2016 Editor in Chief
iii Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
iv Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
TABLE OF CONTENT
ISSN : 1410 - 4350/ e-ISSN: 2443 - 3859 Accredited by LIPI Number: 543/AU1/P2MI-LIPI/06/2013
JournalAnalisa of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016 Pages 1 - 138
Introduction from the Editorial Boards :: i Acknowledgments :: iii Table of Content :: v
RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON “ISLAMISM” DISCOURSE: AN EVALUATION AND ASSESMENT Tauseef Ahmad Parray :: 1-18
THE CHRONICLE OF TERRORISM AND ISLAMIC MILITANCY IN INDONESIA Zakiyah :: 19-40
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT ON CAMPUS: A ROLE OF CAMPUS’ MOSQUES IN RAISING EXCLUSIVITY (A Case at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta) Arifuddin Ismail :: 41-58
THE SOCIETY OF MINANGKABAU IN TULIS SUTAN SATI’S SENGSARA MEMBAWA NIKMAT: BETWEEN LOCAL TRADITIONS AND ISLAMIC TEACHINGS Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam :: 59-74
TRACING THE “CULTURAL CHANGES” IN SUNDANESE LOCAL INCANTATIONS Asep Nahrul Musadad :: 75-90
THE USES OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS TO REPRESENT ISLAM (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati, Heddy Shri Ahimsa-Putra, Heru Nugroho :: 91-104
VALUE RATIONALITY OF PEOPLE LIVING ON THE SLOPE OF MERAPI IN YOGYAKARTA Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, dan Munandar Sulaeman :: 105-120
IMAM HATIP SCHOOL (IMAM HATIP LISESI): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi:: 121-138
v Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
vi Analisa Journal of Social ScienceRecent and Religion Scholarship Vol 01 on No.01 “Islamism” June 2016Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaTauseef Ahmad Parray DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.263
RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON “ISLAMISM” DISCOURSE: AN EVALUATION AND ASSESMENT
TAUSEEF AHMAD PARRAY
Assistant Professor (Contractual), Abstract Department of Islamic Studies, Islamic University of Science and The events of 9/11 era had a number of dramatic results for ‘Islam’ and the Muslim Technology, Awantipora Kashmir India world; and one such result was a surplus of endeavors through various mediums Email: [email protected] to conceptualize, hypothesize, and posit an ostensible ‘divide’ between ‘Islam’ (as a religion, ideology, and political system) and Western culture and society. In post- Paper received: 25 January 2016 9/11 era, Islam was frequently used as a ‘violent’ and ‘terrorist’ religion and, on Paper revised: 27 February - 1 March 2016 the other, there has been a prodigious demand for information about Islam, and Paper approved: 16 May 2016 things related to Islam. It gave a momentum, in the years to come, to an issue (among a multiple of issues and discourses) referred as “Islamism”—a term/ label, in many senses, used collectively but commonly for “Islamic fundamentalism”, “Islamic extremism”, “Islamic conservatism”, “radicalism”, “political Islam”, etc. This paper, in this backdrop, presents an assessment of the recent scholarship on “Islamism” as a discourse. It highlights and presents a detailed evaluation and estimation, with some critical and comparative notes, on some important works dealing with various aspects and facets of Islamism (radicalism and political Islam), and puts forward some insights on the future prospects of ‘Islamism’ as a discourse. Key Words: Islamism, Islamists, Political Islam, Radicalism/Radical Islam, Islamic Fundamentalism
INTRODUCTION ‘Islamism’—a term/ label, in many senses, used It is a well-known fact that after the events of collectively, commonly, and interchangeably for 9/11, a number of dramatic changes took place in the ‘Islamic fundamentalism’, ‘Islamic extremism’, political landscape. At the same time, these events ‘Islamic conservatism’, ‘radicalism’, ‘political had a melodramatic effect for ‘Islam’ (as a religion, Islam’, and other related terms and labels. ideology, and political system), for Muslims This paper provides answer, through a (especially living in the non-Muslim countries), literature assessment, to the development and and for the Muslim world. One of these outcomes advancement, expansion and extension, of was a number of academic attempts to advance an Islamism as a discourse; looks into its various ostensible ‘divide’ between ‘Islam’ and Western dimensions, and focuses on its future prospects culture and society. In post-9/11 era, Islam was as well being theoretical and theoretic in nature repeatedly labeled, designated, and branded as a and analytical and comparative in methodology, ‘violent’ and ‘terrorist’ religion and there has been this paper focuses on some important works a prodigious demand for information about Islam, which discuss various dimensions of Islamism. It and things related to Islam, which, in turn, gave an presents a critical assessment and evaluation, with impetus, in the coming years, to an issue (among some comparative notes, on these works, which a multiple of issues and discourses) referred as deal with various aspects and facets of Islamism,
1 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18 and puts forward some insights on the future to recuperate the scriptural foundations of the prospects on this critical discourse. The framework Islamic community, excavating and reinterpreting of the paper is as follows: in the introductory them for application to the contemporary social section, it throws light on the definitions and and political world”.In Political Islam in the Age descriptions of ‘Islamism’ as a term as well as on of Democratization, Kamran Bokhari and Farid the alternative use of terms like ‘Islamism’ and Senzai (2013: 19) define Islamism as an “early ‘Political Islam’, and ‘Islamic Fundamentalism’. twentieth-century construct, a specific Muslim It is followed by a detailed assessment and religio-political response to an otherwise secular evaluation, critically, of three important works on modernity”; and a “specific ideology adhered to by ‘Islamism’, viz: Hillel Frisch and Efraim Inbar’s a distinct collection of non-state actors seeking the Radical Islam and International Security: geographical revival of Islam in the post-imperial Challenges and Responses (2008); Roxanne L. age”. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman’s Princeton Moreover, it is defined, by Sheri Berman(2003: Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts 257); as “the belief that Islam should guide social from al-Banna to Bin Laden (2009); and Anders and political as well as personal life” or “the building Strindberg and Mats Wärn, Islamism: Religion, of an Islamic state” (Roy, 2006: 2) or “the brand Radicalization, and Resistance (2012). This of modern political Islamic fundamentalism that evaluation is followed by a brief overview on the claims to recreate a true Islamic society, not simply ‘Moderate Islamism’, with an explicit concentration by imposing shari’ah, but by establishing first an on Kamran Bokhari and Farid Senza’s Political Islamic state through political action” (Ibid.: 58);as Islam in the Age of Democratization (2013). In the “a religious ideology that insists on the application conclusion, the focus is on the future of Islamism: of shari‘ah law [or Islamic revealed law] by the wherein it is argued that ‘Islamism’ is not only a state” (Benjamin and Simon, 2002:448-9); and complex and multi-faceted phenomenon, but is even as an “anti-modernist ideology of reform in a varyingly contested discourse, and one of the Muslim countries” (Ernest, 2004: 68); or simply, most significant, complex, and political ideologies as “a form of instrumentalization of Islam by st of the 21 century. It concludes that the more individuals, groups and organizations that pursue this discourse is discussed and debated, the more political objectives”, providing, in various means, complex and intricate it becomes to determine “political responses for today’s societal challenges precision and position of this discourse. by imagining a future, the foundations for which Defining ‘Islamism’ rest on re-appropriated, reinvented concepts Defining “Islamism”, a disparately debated and borrowed from Islamic tradition” (Guilain diversely deliberated discourse, is distressed and Denoeux, 2002: 61).“Islamism” is regarded, by fraught with difficulty and intricacy. Frequently Michael Laskier (2008: 115), “a virus that affects invoked with caution and caveats, vigilance Islam and is a destabilizing phenomenon”. and warning, Islamism, for instance, as defined Islamism, now-a-days, in simpler terms, describes by Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim a political or social movement, organization, or Zaman(2009: 4)refers to the “contemporary person that believes Islam or God’s will applies to movements that attempt to return to the all areas of life. scriptural foundations of the Muslim community, Using ‘political Islam’ and ‘Islamism’ excavating and interpreting them for application synonymously and extensively—throughout to the present-day social and political world”. his The Future of Political Islam—Graham A20th and 21stcentury phenomenon, Islamism Fuller(2003)is of the opinion that Islamism refers, in Roxanne Euben’s terminology (Euben, is not an ideology, but “a religious-cultural- in Bowering, 2015: 55),to those Muslim groups political framework for engagement on issues and thinkers of last and present century “that seek that most concern politically engaged Muslims”
2 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
(Fuller,2003: 193; Italics in original). In his view, Although the interchangeable use of terms “an Islamist is one who believes that Islam as like political Islam, Islamism, and Islamic a body of faith has something important to say fundamentalism is seen in most of the writings about how politics and society should be ordered on the subject, but Islamism’s description as in the contemporary Muslim World and who seeks “fundamentalism” is still the most commonly to implement this idea in some fashion” (Ibid.: xi; used English term that refers to “religio- Italics in original). He is of the opinion that “Islam political movements, Muslims or otherwise”, itself, of course, is not a political ideology but a although coined back in 1920s “Islamism” and religion. Yet Islamism is different: while it has “Islamic fundamentalism” are mostly used some aspects of political ideology, this ideology interchangeably(Euben and Zaman; 2009: 4, fn. takes various forms. Islamism is a broad term 2),and are defined by Mahmud A. Faksh (1997: embracing a body of quite variegated and even xv), Islamism refers to “Islamic movements or contradictory political, social, psychological, and groups that want to use Islam as a political force economic—even class—functions. It is represented to mobilize the public, gain control, and reform by differing types of movements that draw general society and state in accordance with their doctrinal inspiration from Islam”(Ibid.: 14). religious agenda.” Not only this, but Islamism Islamism encompasses and comprises a broad is equated with “terrorism” as well. Especially spectrum, not necessarily coherent or consistent in the post-9/11 era, “Islamism” has been more across movements, and is not at all ‘monolithic’; closely identified with “terrorism” so much so that Islamism is really “a variety of political the two “terms and the phenomena they name movements, principles, and philosophies that are often depicted as synonymous”(Euben and draw general inspiration from Islam but produce Zaman, 2009: 3). Thus, Islamism as a discourse different agendas and programs at different times, is not a “monolithic” but diverse; it is a “modern often quite contradictory”(Fuller, 2003: 45). phenomenon”, and an “instrument of political Similarly, in Bassam Tibi’s terminology Islamism mobilization” and change (Bokhari and Senzai, is “a concept of order in the global phenomenon 2013: 20-22). And given that Islamism continues of religious fundamentalism, aimed at remaking to evolve according to the circumstances and the world” based on God’s Sovereignty (Tibi, in events, it would be incorrect to think of Islamism Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 14). A “political ideology”, “as a fixed ideology to be accepted or rejected as a it is an outcome of the current form of political whole” (Fuller, 2003: xi). Islam—a process which leads to the “Shariatization Are ‘Political Islam’, ‘Islamism’, and and jihadization of faith pronounced as a return ‘Islamic Fundamentalism’ Same? to tradition”( Tibi, in Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 12). Although, the ideology of Islamism is different than Regarding the interchangeable use of terms the religion of Islam, but it is the Islamism which like political Islam, Islamism, and Islamic forms “the ideological foundation of political Islam, fundamentalism, Bassam Tibi is of the opinion an aspect of the overall phenomenon of religious that this use is highly “debated”, because fundamentalism” .In a summary fashion, for Tibi, Fundamentalism is an analytical term and the it can be stated that “Islamism is not a delinquency, rejection of it is misleading. … Scholars who use the term “Islamism” as an alternative to but stands as a political phenomenon within fundamentalism are unknowingly contributing to Islam as a social reality”. But, at the same time, the stereotyping of Islam by implicitly restricting he cautions that “Islamism is an Islamic variety of the general phenomenon of the politicization religious fundamentalism. Its emergence relates of religion to it. In contrast …“Islamism” is an element of the phenomenon of political religion to a structural phenomenon in world politics and known as a variety of religious fundamentalism. is not simply terrorism”(Tibi, in Frisch and Inbar, This phenomenon is not limited to Islam; it is 2008: 12, 30). also present in other religions. However, jihadism
3 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18
as the military dimension of this phenomenon is Glazier(2007: 2-3), are of the opinion that in the specific to Islamism as an interpretation of Islam. last quarter of the twentieth century, “Islamism This compels the inquiry of Islamism to be included emerged as a potent ideological force that in the field of security studies (Tibi, in Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 24). has challenged—and continues to challenge— Similarly, Bokhari and Senzai (2013: 19) are nationalist elites for power; one that has left of the opinion that ‘Political Islam’ refers to all academics struggling to explain why, in an era political manifestations of Islam from the Prophet characterized by ever-increasing secularism, such to present; ‘Islamism’, an ideology, refers to a an ideology has attracted the support of so many 20thcentury response to the Western secular nation- Muslims”. state based international system. Furthermore, Thus, “Islamism” has been defined differently what also becomes clear, in the terminology of and debated variedly, and, hence has been burdened Anders Strindberg and Mats Wärn(2012), is that and laden with difficulty. There are various ways, Islamism is a “multidimensional paradox”, and is, in which scholars try to address this. There have at the end, both “identity and ideology”, because, been many books on this issue and its multi- “Islamism is both an identity and ideology, it is fold aspects. Mention may be made of these few simultaneously process and objective, tactic and important works: A. Musallam, From Secularism strategy, reality and ideal. It is a totalizing ambition to Jihad: Sayyid Qutb and the Foundations grounded in the diffusion between the public and of the Islamic Radicalism (2005);Peter R. private spheres, between the present and the Demant, Islam vs. Islamism: The Dilemma of transcendent. At the same time, the multitude of the Muslim World (Praeger Publishers, 2006); local contexts, out of which Islamism has emerged, John J. Donohue and John L. Esposito, Islam have forced each individual group and movement in Transition: Muslim Perspectives(2007); to socially construct its own distinct emphases, John Calvert, Islamism: A Documentary and its own focus and priorities, its own level of socio- Reference Guide(2008); Hillel Frisch and Efraim political grounded-ness or abstraction.” But at the Inbar, Radical Islam and International Security: same time, they highlight the cautiousness that the Challenges and Responses (2008); Roxanne L. “modalities by which that new reality is sought, Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Princeton however, are diverse and divided”(Ibid. : 205-6). Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts “Islamism and Islamist denote”,in the from al-Banna to Bin Laden (2009); and Anders terminology of Peter R. Demant (2006: xxii, Strindberg and Mats Wärn, Islamism: Religion, xxv)“the radical religious movement of ‘political Radicalization, and Resistance (2012).And the Islam’”, and although “Islamic fundamentalism” list continues, with more aspects and dimensions is its popular synonym, “Islamism is no unified being debated and deliberated, highlighted and movement, and differs from country to country and stressed, explored and studied. An assessment and from one period to the next”(Italics in original). evaluation of some important works on Islamism For Demant, Islamism, “a politicized, anti- (especially of Frisch and Inbar, 2008; Euben and Western, and anti-modern reading” of Islam, is at Zaman, 2009; and Strindberg and Wärn, 2012)is is at once “an ideology and a social movement”— provided below. and it takes Islam “from religion to ideology” John J. Donohue and John L. Esposito’s Islam (Ibid.: 89, 177,180).As an ideology, Islamism in Transition: Muslim Perspectives (2007) is a is, for Demant, a “reaction against modernity collection of original writings by seminal thinkers produced by modernity, during modern times, of the modern Muslim world from Sayyid Qutb, using modern means, and irreversibly partaking al-Afghani, to Hamas and Khomeini. This book of modernity”(Ibid.: 181;Italics in original). presents a wide range of viewpoints from a cross- In “Contemporary Islamism: Trajectory of section of Muslim intellectuals and religious a Master Frame”, Matthew Cleary and Rebecca leaders—from secular to devout, traditionalist to
4 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray reformist, and moderate to extremist. It addresses challenge requires much more than writing articles crucial and critical key issues including Islam and books, but it is also true that intellectual clarity and nationalism, socialism, the secular state, is unquestionably a prerequisite for effective economics, modernization, democracy, women, strategic action. To “clarify the radical Islam jihad, violence, terrorism, suicide bombing, phenomenon and to discuss ways to combat the globalization, and civilizational dialogue. challenge” is the “modest” goal of this collection John Calvert’s Islamism: A Documentary and (Frisch and Inbar; 2008: 7). Reference Guide (2008)consists of an organized The first part (consisting of chapters 1-3) forty-one (41) excerpted documents in nine seeks to understand the Islamic challenge in broad chapters, by subjects such as: “Islamist Movements comparative and historical terms; the second part and Thinkers”; “Islamism, Democracy, and the (chapters 4-8) deals with specific regional case Limits of Freedom”; “Women and Family in studies, seeking to identify contrasting patterns Islamist Discourses”; “Global Jihad”, etc. Aiming of uniformity and variation inradical Islam across to enhance and increase understanding of the a wide swath of terrain; while the third part Islamist phenomenon, the documents in this work, (chapters 9-12) is policy-oriented, suggesting written by Islamists themselves, shed light on the possible responses to the Islamic challenge. Here origins, goals, and practices of Islamic-focused only those chapters are highlighted which discuss groups and movements throughout the Muslim radical Islam or Islamism directly. world. Each document is identified and analyzed as to its significance, but very precisely and briefly. In the first chapter, “Religious Extremism or Religionization of Politics? The Ideological Frisch and Inbar’s Radical Islam and Foundations of Political Islam” (pp. 11-37), International Security:Challenges and Bassam Tibi argues that radical Islam has little Responses (2008)1 to do with traditional Islamic precepts, and since Highlighting the intellectual and policy debate the “Arab defeat in Six Day War” there has been a on the nature of the radical Islam phenomenon and “religionization of politics along with a politicization how to respond to it, the goal of Frisch and Inbar’s of Islam” (Tibi, inFrisch and Inbar, 2008: 11). work is “to clarify the radical Islam phenomenon An emerging irregular war waged in the name of and to discuss ways to combat the challenge” Islam in the context of a religio-culturalization (Frisch and Inbar; 2008: 7). is the major feature of the Islamist challenge, Radical Islam, no doubt, poses a political and the conflict over the “Holy Land” of Israel/ challenge in the modern world which is like that of Palestine is its major arena. Tibi rebukes European no other radical religious movement. Ideologically, cultural and political elites for not recognizing the it is perceived by Western policy makers as magnitude of the danger posed by the Islamists threatening the liberal-democratic ideology by and their conviction and sincerity which will which most states in the West abide and which hardly be swayed by strategies of “engagement.” most other states rhetorically espouse. In this Similarly, Tibi rejects Samuel Huntington’s “clash framework, Radical Islam and International of civilizations,” not because a clash does not exist Security—a compendium of a dozen of articles, but because the Islamism these extremists espouse divided into three parts and preceded by 7-pages is an invention of tradition, not Islam itself. Rather ‘Introduction’ by the Editors—serves as a welcome than this clash of civilizations, he believes there is addition to the intellectual and policy debate on a clash between Islamists and proponents of free the nature of the radical Islam phenomenon and and democratic societies (Frisch and Inbar; 2008: how to respond to it. It is obvious that meeting any 29). Refuting the idea of “multiple modernities”,
1. My detailed review on this book was published in History Tibi concludes that “Islamism is not another Studies—International Journal of History, 3(1): 2011, pp. 301-7. modernity; it alienates Muslims from the rest of
5 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18 humanity in a modern world” (Frisch and Inbar; ‘laid-back’ outlook” on life formerly characterizing 2008: 31). Islam renewed or “what pristine Islam was all For Tibi, Islamism is a concept of order in the about” (Ibid.: 42). global phenomenon of religious fundamentalism; In Chapter 3, “An economic perspective on a “political ideology”, which is an outcome of the radical Islam” (pp. 44-69) Arye Hillman warns current form of political Islam. For him, the ideology that the world-view of the Islamists is inimical to of Islamism is different than the religion of Islam, economic development and, inasmuch as they have but it is the Islamism which forms the ideological political influence, reduces the chances of such foundation of political Islam. He is of the opinion integration. A focus on economic consequences that the goal of the Islamists is not the restoration of radical Islam introduces two explanatory of the Caliphate as some self-proclaimed experts concepts: supreme values and rent-seeking contend; rather, the establishment of an “Islamic behavior (Hillman, in Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 45). Order” (nizam Islami) is the top priority of Hillman shows that the greater the influence of the political Islam. In the twenty-first century this has Islamist value-system and ideology, the poorer the become a competition between Pax Islamica and economic performance of that society is. Pax Americana (Frisch and Inbar; 2008: 16). This is followed by Part II, beginning by chapter Concurring with Tibi’s prognosis that views 4, “The rise of jihadi trends in Saudi Arabia: the Islam in evolutionary rather than essential terms, post Iraq–Kuwait war phase” (pp. 73-92) by Joseph Ze’ev Maghen in chapter 2, ‘Islam from flexibility Kostiner, who credits the Saudi Arabian elite for to ferocity’ (pp. 38-43), asks why in the minds of embarking on a policy of reconciliation between the most Westerners and some Easterners, is Islam different religious groups. In Chapter 5, “Islamic “associated today with fury, fierceness, fanaticism radicalism and terrorism in the European Union: and intransigence”? Perceived to be a “harsh and the Maghrebi factor” (pp. 93-120) Michael Laskier uncompromising faith” now, for most periods of looks specifically at the involvement of Islamists Islam’s 1400-year history and across the length from the Maghreb (North Africa) and presents six and breadth of “the Abode of Islam,” the Shari‘ah recommendations to “curb these developments” (Islamic law) was in fact rarely enforced, and (Laskier, in Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 115-17). Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was almost a paragon Combating ideas with ideas is the solution is the of flexibility to the point of championing canonical theory, Jonathan S. Paris proposes in Chapter 6, laxity (Maghen, in Frisch and Inbar, 2008: 38). “Explaining the causes of radical Islam in Europe” His answer paradoxically lies in the tremendous (pp. 121-133). This chapter examines identity influence of Western thought on the Islamic world issues among Muslims in the Europe and the new rather than in its rejection, as argued by Bernard sense of global solidarity shared by European Lewis and others. Maghen’s reading of recently Muslims with other Muslims throughout world. written fundamentalist tracts and treatises provides Patrick James and Yasemin Akbaba in chapter 7, evidence that this new Western way of looking at “The evolution of Iranian interventionism: support things had begun to penetrate the consciousness of for radical Islam in Turkey, 1982–2003” (pp. 134- the educated classes in Middle Eastern countries 152) employ the tools of International Relations by the end of the first half of the twentieth century. (IR) theory to study radical Islam in Turkey, The Islamists were no exception. This is when particularly as it was influenced by the Islamic a fascinating and monstrous hybrid began to Republic of Iran. The study focuses on the “Iranian grow. Suddenly, the blurry lines and rounded support for radical Islam in Turkey following the edges characterizing Islamic law and life were transition from the 1979 Revolution through unacceptable. “Islam, they frowned, is no laughing 2003” (James and Akbaba, in Frisch and Inbar, matter!” Maghen concludes with a fervent wish to 2008: 134).The state–proxy nexus takes on much see the “Religious corner-cutting, legal laxity and a greater importance in Rushda Siddiqui’s analysis
6 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray of the Islamic dimension of Pakistan’s foreign Islam, Jihad, and violence to Islam, politics/ state policy, where support for proxy insurgents is a and democracy, to gender and women’s rights/ means to balance against a vastly more powerful position. neighbor, in chapter 8, “The Islamic dimension of In this anthology, the editors—Roxanne Pakistan’s foreign policy” (pp. 153-168).According L. Euben (Professor of Political Science at to Siddiqui, Pakistan has been one of the first Wellesley College) and Muhammad Qasim Zaman states in contemporary history to employ non- (Professor of Near Eastern Studies and Religion state proxies to safeguard its interests in the region at Princeton University)—take “Islamism” to refer and in the international arena. But, today, the to the contemporary movements that attempt to country is considered both a “state sponsor” and a return to the scriptural foundations of the Muslim “passive sponsor” of terrorism (Siddiqui, in Frisch community, excavating and interpreting them for and Inbar, 2008: 153). application to the present-day social and political This is followed by part III, which focuses world(Euben and Zaman; 2009: 4).Consisting on the responding to the Islamist challenge, but of 19 chapters and divided into 5 parts (I-V),this is beyond the scope of this paper here. In sum, anthology also includes 46-page introduction (by presenting different kinds of ideas in its three the editors) and biographical introductions and parts, Radical Islam and International Security— notes preceding each “text”. These selected texts begins with the term “Radical Islam” and ends with cover the topics on a variety and multiplicity of the term “radicalization”—serves as a welcome positions, ranging from the relationship between addition to the intellectual and policy debate on Islam and politics/ state, to Jihad and violence, the nature of the radical Islam phenomenon and and from Islam and democracy to gender, and how to respond to it. women’s rights/position. Thus, this selection Euben and Zaman’s Princeton Readings in brings into sharp relief the ‘commonalities’ Islamist Thought (2009)2 in Islamist arguments about politics, gender, violence, Jihad, democracy, and much more. A selection of 18 texts both from individual Islamic Intellectuals and from Islamic Sunni Organized and arranged thematically and groups, Hamas and the Taliban, it is a wide-ranging subject-wise, and not in chronological order, anthology of key ideas and prominent thinkers— the “Islamists”—both activists and intellectuals, from the early twentieth century “Islamist” incorporating those trained as “Ulema” as well thinkers/ intellectuals to the present (some as “new religious intellectuals”—included in this even living)—who have formed and fashioned, selection are: Hasan al-Banna (1903-49), Sayyid shaped and designed “Islamism” over the past Abu’l ‘Ala Mawdudi (1903-79), Sayyid Abu’l century. It brings together a broad spectrum of Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi (1914-99), and Sayyid Qutb “Islamist” voices on a variety and multiplicity of (1903-66) under Part I: Islamism: An Emergent issues—ranging from the relationship between Worldview; Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902- 89), Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr (1934-80), Hasan al-Turabi (b. 1932), and Yusuf al-Qaradawi (b. 2. My three critical reviews and review-articles on this work have been published. For details, see, Tauseef Ahmad Parray, “A 1926) are covered in Part II: Remaking the Islamic Critical Analysis of Euben and Zaman’s ‘Princeton Readings State; Part III: Islamism and Gender includes in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from al-Banna to Bin Laden’ (Princeton, 2009)”, Encompassing Crescent figures like Murtaza Mutahhari (1920-79), Zaynab (Online Magazine, New York: http://encompassingcrescent. al-Ghazali (1917-2005), and Nadia Yassine (b. com), October 13, 2012; Idem., “Princeton Readings in 1958); Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam Faraj (1954-82), Islamist Thought (2009): A Brief Critical and Comparative Analysis”, Islam and Muslim Societies: A Social Science ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman (b. 1938), and Muhammad Journal, 6(1): 2013, pp. 110-22; Idem., “Islamists, Islamist Husayn Fadlallah (1935-2010) are covered under Thought, and Islamism”, Turkey Agenda, July 08, 2015 (http:// www.turkeyagenda.com/islamists-islamist-thought-and- Part IV: Violence, Action, and Jihad; while as islamism-2594.html) Usama bin Laden (1957-2011), and Muhammad
7 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18
‘Ata al-Sayyid (1968-2001) are discussed under continues to be the most influential ideological Part V: Globalizing Jihad. In addition, “Hamas” precursor of contemporary Islamism” (Tibi, 2008); and “The Taliban”, which were established in 1987 “The Philosopher of Islamic Terror” (Berman, and 1994 respectively, are also included in part IV. 2003) and “godfather of Muslim extremist Below is presented an overview of each section/ movements around the globe” (Esposito, 2002), part of this anthology. “the father of modern fundamentalism” (Irwin, Islamism as an “Emergent Worldview” 2001), and the list of such labels and descriptions continues. Each “text” is preceded by an “introduction” of the author, ranging from 5-11 pages each Islamists and their Role in “Remaking the (5-6 pages in the majority cases), representing Islamic State” and portraying—as becomes apparent from the Part II, “Remaking the Islamic State”, same—each writer (‘alim/intellectual/thinker) as includes the writings of: Ayatollah Khomeini, who “Islamist” to fit as per the subject/text that follows. is illustrated as one who “epitomizes Islamism”, For example, in Part I, “Islamism: An Emergent on second place after Osama bin Laden, “more Worldview”, the four intellectuals and religious vividly for Western observers” (Euben and Zaman, scholars discussed are portrayed as ‘Islamists’ in 2009: 155); Baqir al-Sadr, whose legacy extends these ways: (a) Hasan al-Banna is described as well beyond the “intricacies of Shi’i politics in the “father of contemporary Islamism, and with contemporary Iraq”, (Ibid.: 185) as the “most good reason” (Euben and Zaman, 2009: 49); (b) prominent symbols of Shi’i resistance to Saddam Mawlana Mawdudi is presented as one of the Hossein regime” (Ibid.: 181); Hasan al-Turabi is “prolific Islamist writers” who is “responsible” for presented as the “influential Sudanese Islamist” Islamism in Indian subcontinent, but also as one (Ibid.: 207); while as Yusuf al-Qaradawi is regarded who has “influenced”, more than anybody else in as the “most prominent scholar and preacher in the 20th century especially, the “political vocabulary Sunni Islam” of 21stcentury (Ibid.: 224), who is also of Sunni Islam” (Ibid.: 79); (c) Malwana Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi is presented as “an influential an important figure who represents a new brand in contributor to the Islamist discourses from 1950s”, Islamism—the “moderate Islamism” (Ibid.: 303). whose thinking, in thee editors’ view, “blurs the In this part, the selections are taken from boundaries between Islamists and ‘ulama” (Ibid.: Khomeini’s “Islamic Government” on Islam and 107); and (d) Sayyid Qutb is depicted as “one of Revolution; al-Sadr’s “The General Framework of the most influential architects of contemporary the Islamic Economy” focuses on the principles of Islamist political thought” (Ibid.:129). multifaceted ownership, economic freedom, and of In the post-9/11 era, Qutb—whose ideology social justice; Turabi’s selection is taken from his constitutes ‘the fundamentals of radical Islamism’— “The Islamic State” which discusses the “universal has been labeled and branded, for instance, as characteristics of an Islamic state” derived from the “one of the most influential Islamists of the 20th “teachings of Qur’an as embodied in the political century” (Shepard,2013);one of the “great thinkers practice of the prophet Muhammad [pbuh] and of political Islam” (Akbaezadeh, 2012);“Founder constitute an eternal model that Muslims are of radical Islamic political ideology”; (Moussalli, bound to adopt as a perfect standard for all times” 2012); “The ideological founding father of (Ibid.: 213); and followed by Qaradawi’s detailed the salafi jihadi trend in Islamism” (Milton- answer to a answer on the relationship between Edwards, 2012);“an ideologue whose writings “Islam and Democracy”: the crux of the question are a manifesto” and a strategy, a platform and a is: Is it true that Islam is opposed to democracy and policy, “for revolutionary Islamists” (Musallam, that democracy is a form of unbelief or something 2005); “the foremost thinker of political Islam and reprehensible?
8 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
Islamists and Islamism vis-a-vis“Gender” al-Ghazalli’s two “texts”: one is “excerpts from the Issues 1981 interview”, entitled “An Islamist Activist”, “Islamism and Gender” is the theme of Part and second is “From Days of my Life, chapter IIIof this anthology, including the writings of 2”—chapter 2 of her memoir, Ayam min Hayati Iranian Murtazza Mutahhari, Egyptian Zayanb (Cairo, 1978)—which reveals her connections with al-Ghazali, and Moroccan Nadia Yassine. the Muslim Brotherhood. Finally, Nadia Yaasine’s Mutahhari is presented an “Islamist” in the “Modernity, Muslim Women, and Politics in sense that he is “widely organized as one of the the Mediterranean” puts fort JSA’s and Yaasin’e most important intellectuals” associated with stand on gender issues: (a) Justice and Spiritual the Iranian Revolution of 1979 (Ibid.: 249); al- Association (JSA), contrary to conventional Ghazali is characterized as the “unsung mother” stereotypes, advocates both “nonviolence and the of contemporary Islamist movements, whose sine qua non participation of women as the best life and works have received “less scholarly and means of reproducing the model of social justice popular attention”, a “pioneering” da’iya (female promoted by the original Islam” (Ibid.: 314); and preacher) “dedicated to bringing Muslims to Islam (by way of conclusion regarding the Scarf) (b) through education, exhortation, and example” The Islamic Scarf, “a significant symbol of the (Ibid.: 275);while as Nadia Yassine—the “unofficial transformation of a movement”, is a testimony of spokeswoman for the most popular Islamist faith, as well as expresses threefold break: “When group in Morocco”, Jama‘at al-‘Adl wa’l Ihsan a woman wears the Islamic scarf, she reclaims her (the Justice and Spiritual Association, or JSA) as spirituality, reconquers the public sphere (because well as the official leader of JSA’s women division the Islamic scarf is a projection of the private (Ibid., p.302) who has arguably joined, along with sphere within that public space), and finally makes al-Qaradawi, to the brand of “moderate Islamism”, a political declaration of dissidence against the exemplifies all the “promise, pragmatism, and established order, be it national or international” complexity [that] the label [moderate Islamism] (Ibid.: 316-7). suggests” (Ibid.: 302). Playing a “crucial role” in Islamists and their Writings on Violence, bringing “the JSA’s blend of Islamism, Sufism, Jihad, and ‘Globalizing Jihad’ and nonviolent populism to a new generation of Moroccans”, she at once “articulates and embodies Part IV, “Violence, Action, and Jihad” consists the uneasy union of Islamism and feminism, of the writings, Charter, and Interviews of ‘Abd challenging a host of assumptions about each al-Salam Faraj, ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman, ‘Hamas’, along the way” (Ibid.). Fadlallah, and ‘The Taliban’ respectively; and Part V, “Globalizing Jihad”, consists of the fatwa In this Part, the chapters illuminate Islamist gender norms by revealing the character and of bin Laden (or his declaration of war against content of Islamist concerns about the place and America) and Muhammad ‘Ata al-Sayyid’s “Final purity of Muslim women, for “gender is frequently Instructions”. The main argument put forward an implicit preoccupation among Islamists” in these two sections is that “Jihad is arguably (Ibid.: 40). Consisting of three chapters, this Islamists’ most consistently explicit concern” part discusses “The Human Status of Woman (Ibid.: 40). Here, both individuals as well as groups in the Qur’an” by Mutahhari—a full-fledged and are presented as “Jihadists”. detailed answer to the crucial, critical, debated, Faraj has been described as “twenty-seven and debatable questions: what kind of entity year old electrical engineer from Cairo”, who was does Islam envisage woman? Does it consider her executed six months later, along with four other the equal of man in terms of dignity and respect members of Jama’at al-Jihad, for the murder of accorded to her, or is she thought of as belonging Egyptian president, Anwar al-Sadat, on October to an inferior species? (Ibid.: 254). It is followed by 6, 1981 (Ibid.: 321); ‘Abd al-Rahman, a blind
9 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18
Egyptian Shaykh, who was the “charismatic written by Islamists themselves, shed light on the maestro” responsible for the “urban war” or of origins, goals, and practices of Islamic-focused 1993 bombings in USA (p.344); ‘Hamas’—the groups and movements throughout the Muslim abbreviated name of Harakat al- Muqawama world. Each document is identified and analyzed al-Islamiyya (Islamic Resistance Movement), as to its significance, but very precisely and briefly. established in 1987, meaning in Arabic “fervor” But what makes Euben and Zaman’s anthology or “zeal”—has been described as a “terrorist most distinctive, unique, and characteristic, organization and a network of social welfare, an in comparison to other anthologies/ works on Islamic liberation theology” (Ibid.: 356); while as “Islamism” on a similar pattern (for example, Fadlallah is described as “one of Lebanon’s best Donohue and Esposito, 2007; Calvert, 2008)is known Islamists and its most influential religious its “unique” feature of providing the reader with scholars” (Ibid.: 387) and ‘The Taliban’—who “biographical introductions” or “biographical emerged in 1996 in Afghanistan’s scene—reveal, notes” by the editor’s. These introductions both before and after 9/11, “a very different facet precede each selection, showing their expertise of Islamism” than those represented by other and understanding of these intellectuals and the Muslim activists, groups, intellectuals, including subjects dealt. Doing more than just introducing those presented here in this volume (Ibid.: 414). these ‘Islamist’ authors, they explore the On the same lines, bin Laden is described not background, networks, and issue that link each only as the “most famous Islamist of the twenty- writer with broad patterns of Islamist political first century” but as the “primary founder and thought. It is this unique and additional feature financer of al-Qa‘ida”, who is, for some, “a warrior- that distinguishes and differentiates Euben and priest”, and to others a “terrorist” who has twisted Zaman’s work and makes it a ‘better guide’, a must Islam for “discriminate violence” (Ibid.: 425), read for everyone interested in contemporary while as ‘Ata al-Sayyid is described as “one of the Islamist through in particular and in listening five hijackers on American Airlines flight 11, the to the new and old voices, although “Islamist” airplane that tore into the North Tower of World and “conservative”. The 46-pages “Introduction” Trade Centre”—what is commonly known as the (Euben and Zaman, 2009: 1-46)and the significant, 9/11(Ibid.: 460). Collectively, these two parts put comprehensive and well-informed introductions to forth the argument that Jihad is arguably Islamists’ each chapter are worthy of, and call for, a cautious most consistently explicit concern. For example, in reading and understanding, for this anthology Muhammad ‘Ata al-Sayyid’s “Final Instructions”, situates the selected intellectuals, or by that way as the editors’ note, the language is “often brutally “Islamists” and their thought within the distinctive crass or simple-mindedly therapeutic”—in the Islamic intellectual tradition in all its complexity. light of observations of various scholars—and is Thus, although a good and rich anthology of “unyieldingly rigid” in its “conceptual framework” Islamist readings, there are some shortcomings (Ibid.: 463-4). Nevertheless, this document also in this anthology as well. For example, the editors “provides a window”, as the editors’ note (in provide, in the “biographical introductions” of the “Biographical Introduction of ‘Ata al-Sayyid), author’s, some highlights about the “texts”, that “onto a worldview in which Islam is not simply follow, as well (e.g., as in chapters 8, 10, 15, and 19) a repository for reflexive rage or rhetorical but do not do so for majority of them. One more camouflage for what are essentially socio economic important point that needs to be highlighted is that grievances, but rather a particular lens on religion, some of the “Islamists” included here have been history, geopolitics, and power” (Ibid.: 464). included and labeled as “liberal” by others: case in Aimed and targeted, predominantly, to point is Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, who is also included enhance and increase understanding of the in Charles Kurzman’s anthology, Liberal Islam Islamist phenomenon, the documents in this work, (1998) under the section “Freedom of Thought”.
10 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
No doubt, Qaradawi is regarded/ labeled as the vastly different political agendas, tactical choices “moderate Islamist”, but the overall impression of and strategic objectives of individual Islamist the book is that all are (hard-line) ‘Islamists’, by groups (Strindberg and Wärn, 2012: 7).The that way “Jihadists”. Same is the case with Nadwi, primary objective is to shed light on the nature for no other work has introduced him as a hard- of Islamism, by examining, in its nine chapters line/conservative “Islamist” so far. (including the Introduction and Conclusion, as Furthermore, while discussing Qutb (who well), the complex interplay of diversity and unity, is regarded as the main source of “radicalism”, and at the same time, re-examining critically the “Jihadism”, and main inspiration behind al- received view within Western scholarship. It thus Qaeda and other “terrorist” or ”militant” groups), attempts to answer a core set of questions (among at the same time, the editors’ argument that he others):What is relationship of Islamist groups to “echoes of a mystic’s [although he was not a Sufi] the specific sociopolitical contexts from which they direct encounter with the fountainhead of truth emerge? What factors determine groups’ tactical and knowledge are hard to miss in Qutb’s writings, and strategic choices? Is Islamism particularly especially in his commentary of the Qur’an[Fi Zilal prone to militancy and, if so, why? Drawing on the al-Qur’an/ In the Shade of the Qur’an]” (Euben theoretical and methodological insights produced and Zaman, 2009: 24); and, for this remark, they within various fields—spanning from sociology quote the following opening lines of his Preface and psychology, to anthropology and political, along with various case studies (of various global of Qutb’s commentary: “Life in the shade of Islamic movements)—the book under review takes the Qur’an is a blessing … unknown to anyone an interdisciplinary approach in answering these who hasn’t tasted it” (Ibid.: 24; Italics by the questions. editors). Such contradictory statements add to the complexity. Spanning over nine (9) chapters, from Introduction to Conclusion, the book makes Finally, it seems confusing and perplexing discussion on Islamism from diverse point of to see essays and excerpts on “women’s rights”, views, viz: Definitions and representations: the “status of women” etc.—i.e., “gender” issues— legacy of Orientalism; ‘The Fanonian Impulse’: under “Islamism” label. All the scholars/ writers— Islamism as identity and ideology; Roots and whether early modernists or present-day (living) branches: From the Muslim Brotherhood to intellectuals, both male and female—who discuss Hamas; Islamists without borders: al-Qa’ida and issues/ themes related to women, especially its affiliates; Hezbollah: Islamism as obligation regarding their “status”, “role”, “rights”, etc. are to resistance and governance; Bitter harvest: labeled and termed as “feminist” scholars, and Algerian Islamism; Western Europe: Islamism as such this discourse is termed as “Feminism”— as Mirror Image; and in the Conclusion, it draws whether in East or in the West—with added attention to Islamism and a fragmented quest for prefixes like “Islamic”, “Western” etc. So here too, dignity. In these chapters, the book makes the one may possibly say, the editors create confusions reader understand through various current and in readers’ minds. Anders Strindberg and Mats Wärn’s 3. My previously published Reviews and articles on this book Islamism: Religion, Radicalization, and include: Tauseef Ahmad Parray, Review on Anders Strindberg and Mats Wärn’s Islamism: Religion, Radicalization, and 3 Resistance (2012) Resistance (Polity Press, 2012), The Muslim World Book Strindberg and Wärn’s work on ‘Islamism’ is Review, 34:2, 2014, pp. 60-2; Dr Tauseef Ahmad Parray, “Understanding Islamism and Radicalism”, Kashmir Reader, primarily and principally focused on an arduous 27 December 2014,p.7 (URL: http://www.kashmirreader.com/ attempt to understand where, how, and why understanding-islamism-and-radicalism/); Idem., “Islamism: Emergence, Establishment, and Expansion”, Turkey Agenda, Islamism emerges within the wider framework of 23 May, 2015, (URL: http://www.turkeyagenda.com/islamism- Islamic discourse, and what accounts for the often emergence-establishment-and-expansion-2460.html)
11 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18 emerging events to know, not only, what Islam and modernity as a means of dealing with its challenges, Islamism are, but even the many ways in which its in succeeding centuries—as the chapters of this local manifestations differ from and relate to each volume demonstrate—different Islamist groups other. and movements have taken very “different paths In this volume—by way of answering such in their particular struggles, translating the faith questions like what makes a movement Islamist?— dimension in the different and often conflicting Strindberg and Wärn claim that “almost all of the ways, in part depending on whether they have groups and movements examined in these case come to emphasize the process of liberation or its studies [from Hamas and Hezbollah to Muslim objectives -resistance or statehood” (Ibid.: 188). Brotherhood and al-Qa’ida] are to some degree Moreover, the book also makes it emphatically clear militant” (Ibid.: 7). For them, there are two main that the Islamist struggle must also be understood reasons for this selection: first, these “major militant as a “third wordlist struggle for independence groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, al-Qa’ida have against foreign intrusion and domination, past come to define Western imaginings of Islamism, and present” (Ibid.: 191); and thus, the authors, especially in the wake of 9/11 and the ‘global war among others, conclude: on terror’”; and secondly, because of their “iconic The effect of differentiated local contexts and status, calling attention to the complex social challenges is that groups and movements labeled ‘Islamist’ have formulated disparate and dynamics, political nuances and widely divergent sometimes flatly contradictory understandings of aspirations” have, in fact, “implications for the Islamist ideology and strategy. Islamist movements study of Islamism more generally” (Ibid.).This, and thinkers articulate and advocate an array then, provides, argues the book, a powerful case of shifting ideas and tendencies; some inclusive and accommodating of those not like themselves; for an effort “to critically rethink our assumptions others implacably hostile and absolutist to everyone and models for the study of Islamism in general; to outside a narrowly conceived ingroup. Some, acknowledge the intellectual harm caused by neo- like Hamas, have chosen a territorially bounded Orientalist scholarship, and the disservice it does national path while others, like the jihadists of al- Qa’ida, have developed a transnational narrative to the communities it purports to study and to the and methodology in order to promote their government officials and policy makers who rely struggle(Ibid.: 194). on its findings” (Ibid.). Furthermore, what also becomes clear is Without any doubt, Islamist discourse that as Islamist narratives and aspirations went “appear[s] universal, but its interpretations, uses, from clashing with colonialism to confrontation and implications are numerous” (Ibid.: 7), and with neo-colonialism, it also moved to challenge thus, the contemporary Islamism has its genesis local post-colonial elites in a struggle for power in a “purposive move” to address, to tackle, and framed by the turbulence of de-colonization and to deal with an “existential threat” (Ibid.: 68). state building (Ibid.: 195). Finally, Islamism is a Making discussions, so to say, on Hamas and “multidimensional paradox”, and is, at the end, Hezbollah, Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qai’da, both “identity and ideology”: “it is simultaneously and on Algerian Islamism and on Islamism as process and objective, tactic and strategy, “mirror image” in Western Europe, the book reality and ideal” and is a “totalizing ambition challenges the persistent, constant and powerful grounded in the diffusion between the public and dominant myth/allegory that “Islamism is a and private spheres, between the present and the monolith; a monolith, moreover, that is somehow transcendent” (Ibid.: 205). At the same time, the detached from the various sociopolitical and multitude of local contexts out of which Islamism historical contexts that surround it” (Ibid.:186). has emerged have forced each individual group and Although, Islamism has emerged, in the movement to “socially construct its own distinct past century or so, as one of many political and emphases, its own focus and priorities, its own intellectual currents born in the centrifuge of level of sociopolitical groundedness or abstraction”
12 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
(Ibid.); and thus the “modalities by which that new so in the years and decades ahead as the region reality is sought, however, are diverse and divided” transitions through this democratization process. (Ibid.: 206). Islamists of varying shades, for Bokari and Senzai, One can, and of course one should, differ and become major players as authoritarian states disagree with many viewpoints and arguments break down and autocratic leaders lose their grip made by Strindberg and Wärn in the different on power. Their widespread support may wax and parts of the volume. But, on the whole, it is a wane, but it is not likely to disappear. At the same welcome addition to this most interesting and time, they make it clear that ‘Political Islam’ refers diversely debated theme/topic, and one of the most to “all political manifestations of Islam” from significant political ideologies of the 21st century. the Prophet to present; while as ‘Islamism’, an Making discussions on various facets and aspects ideology, refers to a 20th century “response to the of Islamism and providing original and insightful Western secular nation-state-based international analysis on the emergence and nature, formation system” (Ibid.: 19). and causes of Islamism, it is an interesting Presenting the Islamism and Islamists, read in knowing and exploring, critically and present in various countries, as case studies st conventionally, Islamism in 21 century. (chapters 4-10) Bokahri and Senzai mention and “Moderate Islamism” or Moderation in discuss them with various labels. For example, Islamism? the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt, Jordan, But there are other works too, which reveal Syria, Yemen, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia), and divulge on other faces—which are moderate— the world’s first Islamist group is presented as of “Islamism”. One such recent attempt is Political “Participatory Islamists” (chapter 4); Salafis/ Islam in the Age of Democratization(2013) by Salafism of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states as Kamran Bokhari and Farid Senzai.4 It offers a “Conditionalist Islamists” (chapter 5); Al-Qaeda, comprehensive view of the complex nature of Taliban (of Afghanistan and Pakistan) and their contemporary political Islam and its relationship transnational and national Jihadismas “Rejector to democracy, by focusing on the process of Islamists” (chapters 6 & 7); Iran as “Participatory democratization vis-à-vis political Islam or Shia Islamists” (chapter 8); Iraqi Shia Islamists Islamism. Using ‘democratization’ as a theoretical and Hezbolllah as “Arab “Shia Islamism” (chapter framework, the book examines and analyses the 9); and Turkey’s AK Party as a case study for “Post- landscape in which Islamism is evolving (Bokhari Islamism” (chapter 10). Some of the central and and Senzai; 2013: 11), and is designed to contribute challenging arguments, Bokahri and Senzai, put to the scholarly debate on political Islam. It thus forward in this book regarding Islamism and post- provides a compelling and insightful analysis of Islamism, are: Islamism and the role that religion is likely to play • The Muslim Brotherhood (MB)—in its in any future Muslim democracy. different periods like 1990s, post- 9/11 and Bokahri and Senzai divide Islamists into various post-Arab Spring—represents the most categories, like “Participatory”, “Conditionalist”, significant example of ‘democrats within “Rejectors” Islamists, and conclude that they Islamism’ (Ibid.: 74)—a phrase borrowed from have played a central role and will continue to do the title of Azam Tamimi’s book on Rachid Ghanouchi (2001). • Salafism, a religious trend as opposed to a 4. My reviews and write-ups on this book include: Dr Tauseef Ahmad Parray, “Political Islam vis-à-vis Democratization”, coherent political ideology, for much of its Turkey Agenda, August 19, 2015 (URL: www.turkeyagenda. history has been a non-Islamist force that com/political-islam-vis-a-vis-democratization-2742.html); Idem., “Political Islam, Islamists, and Democratization”, still suffers from a chronic poverty of political Kashmir Reader, August 21, 2015, p.7 thought (Bokhari and Senzai, 2013: 99).
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• No doubt Islamic Republic of Iran represents conditionalist Islamism and democratization the unique case of an Islamist state actor, but (Ibid.: 194). Iranian Islamism is not a monolithic, as there • The outcome of Islamist democratization will is a great deal of diversity among the Iranian’ likely lead to Muslim democracies, as opposed attitudes toward democracy (Ibid.: 147-8). to Muslim democracy(Ibid.: 186; Italics in • Hezbollah, Hizb al-Dawah, and other similar original), because—throughout the Muslim movements had no ideological aversion to world, from Egypt to Iran, Turkey to Pakistan— democracy (which was due to geo-political the majority of Islamists are participatory in considerations and not religious and regard to democracy (Ibid.: 189) ideological ideals, thus setting them apart • Islamists will remain an integral part of from their Sunni counterparts, who are either democratization and strive to capitalize on the conditionalists or rejectors (Ibid.: 167). popular sentiment to integrate Islam into the • AK Party of Turkey, a prime example of a political arena (Ibid.: 195). post-Islamist group making the journey out of Islamism (Ibid.: 173), best exemplifies But, in comparison to making this the “post-Islamism” (Ibid.:182). However, discourse to be made clear, comprehension- the term “post-Islamism” should rather be able, and understandable, all this has resulted understood in a sense that through the AK in creating more confusions, perplexities, and Party Islamism had achieved political power. misunderstandings: and the main reason, for this worry and aggravation, is that the Muslims intelligentsia and the Islamic movements who In the Conclusion, (Ibid.: 185-95) Bokhari have been branded and categorized under in this and Senzai focus on the “Prospects for Muslim ‘label’, have either been prefixed with such labels Democracies” vis-à-vis Political Islam/Islamism (Ibid.: 185). Examining the democratization and as “hard core”, “radical” or “moderate” Islamists/ Islamism throughout the Muslim world, through Islamism—or, in Graham Fuller’s (2003: xix) the complex geopolitics of political Islam, the book terminology, has been characterized by the highlights the political Islam’s future trajectory in division of ‘radical/fundamentalist’ Islamism the post-modern world as well as the theoretical versus ‘modernist’ or ‘liberal’ Islamism. framework of “Muslim democracies” which is Conclusion: On the Future of Islamism likely to emerge in coming decades. They thus The above assessment shows that much has conclude, predict, and envisage that been written on ‘Islamism’ as a complex and • Islamists have played a central role and will multi-faceted phenomenon, as an interesting and continue to do so in the years and decades diversely debated discourse, and as one of the ahead as the region transitions through this most significant, but complex, political ideologies democratization process (Ibid.: 185).Islamists of the 21stcentury.But, at the same time, these of varying shades become major players works reveal that the more this discourse is as authoritarian states break down and discussed and debated—from varied viewpoints autocratic leaders lose their grip on power. and perspectives—the more complex and intricate Their widespread support may wax and wane, it becomes to conclude what this discourse but it is not likely to disappear (Ibid.). actually/exactly is. Also, keeping in view its varied • Religion will likely play an important role definitions and descriptions, as well as its multiple in Muslim politics as this democratization aspects and facets of Islamism, what becomes process unfolds (Ibid.); and will play a role in obvious is that this discourse will continue to be any type of Muslim democracy that emerges debated and discussed with more zeal and fervor from the interplay between participator and in the coming years as well.
14 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
In such a situation, what we find hard, House. difficult, and challenging, is to answer and predict Berman, Paul. 2003. “The Philosopher of Islamic the future prospects of Islamism. To answer this Terror”, The New York Times. 23 March. crucial question, it is worthy to quote the Graham Berman, Sheri. 2003. “Islamism, revolution, and Fuller’s insights and from the analysis and civil society”. Perspectives on Politics, 1(2). conclusions of Cleary and Glazier. Fuller is of the Bokhari, Kamran and Senzai, Farid. 2013. Political opinion that “Islamism is not the only vehicle for Islam in the Age of Democratization. New reform and change by any means, but it will be the York: Palgrave Macmillan. dominant one, especially in closed societies”, but what is true is that “Islamism in some of its current Calvert,John. 2008. Islamism: A Documentary guises will certainly run its course and recede in and Reference Guide. Westport, CT: popularity and importance over time—indeed, Greenwood Publishing Group. that process is already observable in a few more Cleary, Matthew, and Glazier, Rebecca. 2007. fringe or extremist movements. But Islamism as “Contemporary Islamism: Trajectory of a a phenomenon will never fully disappear, because Master Frame”. The American Journal of its message in one sense is timeless for Muslims: Islamic Social Sciences [AJISS], 24 (2): 1-21. that Islam has something important to say about Demant, Peter R. 2006. Islam vs. Islamism: The the political and social order. Political Islam will Dilemma of the Muslim World. Westport, CT: thus evolve and change, divide and unite, wax or Praeger Publishers. wane in its popularity, but it will not disappear” Denoeux, Guilain. 2002. “The forgotten swamp: (Fuller, 2003: 14)Similarly, on envisaging of the Navigating political Islam”. Middle East future of Islamism or political Islam and the role Policy, 9(2). of jihadism in it, Cleary and Glazier (2007: 17) Donohue, John J. and Esposito, John L. 2007. conclude that “it is still unknown” and is “unclear” Islam in Transition: Muslim Perspectives, because “the future of Islamism could lie down 2nd Ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. either path”. What is clear, in their opinion, is that “a lot will depend upon how the movement is Ernest, Carl. 2004. Following Muhammad: framed, who it reaches out to, and who will identify Rethinking Islam in Contemporary Times. with this new cause”. Chapel Hill, NC: North Carolina University Press. To conclude, it is difficult at this critical-cum- crucial juncture to argue that whether ‘Islamism’ Esposito, John L. 2002. Unholy War: Terror in is only a ‘Political Discourse’, an ‘Ideology’, or the Name of Islam. Oxford:Oxford University summarily a ‘Multidimensional Paradox’ (Parray, Press. 2015b)or in other words, it is precarious to predict Euben, Roxxane. 2015. “Fundamentalism” in the future prospects of Islamism: only time will Bowering, Gerhard. (Ed.). Islamic Political reveal what consequences this discourse (in its all Thought: An Introduction. Princeton: representations) discloses? Where it will lead us Princeton University Press. pp. 48-67. to? And in what form/ model will it materialize? Euben, Rozzane L. and Zaman, Muhammad Qasim. 2009. (Eds.) Princeton Readings in REFERENCES Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from al-Banna to Bin Laden.Princeton:Princeton Akbarzadeh, Shahram. 2012. (Ed.). University Press. RoutledgeHandbook of Political Islam. London: Routledge. Faksh, Mahmud A. 1994. “The Prospects of Islamic Fundamentalism in the Post-Gulf War Period”. Benjamin, Daniel and Simon, Steven. 2002. The International Journal. 109(2): 183–218. Age of Sacred Terror. New York: Random
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Faksh, Mahmud A. 1997. The Future of Islam in and International Security: Challenges and the Middle East: Fundamentalism in Egypt, Responses”, History Studies—International Algeria, and Saudi Arabia. Westport, CT: Journal of History, 3(1): 301-7. Greenwood Publishing Group. ______, 2012.“A Critical Analysis of Euben and Frisch, Hillel and Inbar, Efraim. 2008. (Eds.). Zaman’s ‘Princeton Readings in Islamist Radical Islam and International Security: Thought: Texts and Contexts from al-Banna to Challenges and Responses. Oxon RN, New Bin Laden’ (Princeton, 2009)”. Encompassing York, and Canada: Routledge. Crescent. New York. 13 October. (http:// Fuller,Graham E., 2003. The Future of Political encompassingcrescent.com). Islam.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. ______, 2013.“Princeton Readings in Islamist Irwin, Robert. 2001. “Is this the man who inspired Thought (2009): A Brief Critical and Bin Laden?”.The Guardian. 1 November. Comparative Analysis”. Islam and Muslim Societies: A Social Science Journal, 6(1):110- James, Patrick and Akbaba, Yasemin “The 22 (URL: www.muslimsocieties.org/Vol_6_ evolution of Iranian interventionism: support No_1_Princeton_Readings_in_Islamist_ for radical Islam in Turkey, 1982–2003”. In Thought.html). Frisch, Hillel and Inbar, Efraim. 2008. (Eds.). Radical Islam and International Security: ______, 2014. Review on Anders Strindberg Challenges and Responses. Oxon RN, New and Mats Wärn’sIslamism: Religion, York, and Canada: Routledge. Radicalization, and Resistance (Polity Press, 2012). The Muslim World Book Review, Kurzman, Charles. 1998. (Ed.). Liberal Islam: A 34(2): 60-2. Sourcebook. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ______2014b. “Understanding Islamism and Laskier, Michael M. 2008. “Islamic radicalism Radicalism”. Kashmir Reader, 27 December. and terrorism in the European Union: the p.7 (URL: http://www.kashmirreader.com/ Maghrebi factor”. In Frisch, Hillel and understanding-islamism-and-radicalism/). Inbar, Efraim. 2008. (Eds.). Radical Islam and International Security: Challenges Parray, DrTauseef Ahmad. 2015a.“Islamism in and Responses.Oxon RN, New York, and Academic Discourse” (Part I).Rising Kashmir, Canada:Routledge. 4 January.p.6. Milton-Edwards, Beverly. 2012. “Perpetual ______2015b. “Islamism in Academic Struggle: The significance of Arab-Israeli Discourse” (Part II). RisingKashmir. 13 conflict for Islamists”. In Akbarzadeh, January. p.6. Shahram. 2012. (Ed.). Routledge Handbook ______2015c. “Islamists, Islamist Thought, of Political Islam. London: Routledge. and Islamism”. Turkey Agenda, 08 July (URL: Moussalli, Ahmad S. 2012. “SayyidQutb: Founder http://www.turkeyagenda.com/islamists- of radical Islamic political ideology”.In islamist-thought-and-islamism-2594.html). Akbarzadeh, Shahram. 2012. (Ed.). Routledge ______2015d. “Islamism: Emergence, Handbook of Political Islam. London: Establishment, and Expansion”. Turkey Routledge. Agenda, 23 May. (URL: http://www. Musallam, A. 2005.From Secularism to Jihad: turkeyagenda.com/islamism-emergence- SayyidQutb and the Foundations of the establishment-and-expansion-2460.html). Islamic Radicalism. Westport, CT: Greenwood ______2015e. “Political Islam vis-à-vis Publishing. Democratization”. Turkey Agenda, 19 August Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. 2011. Review on “Hillel (URL: www.turkeyagenda.com/political- Frisch and EfraimInbar, (Eds.), Radical Islam islam-vis-a-vis-democratization-2742.html).
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______2015f. “Political Islam, Islamists, and Democratization”. Kashmir Reader, 21 August. p.7 (URL: www.kashmireader.com/political- islam-islamists-and-democratization). Roy, Oliver. 2006. Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. New York: Columbia University Press. Shepard, William E. 2013. “SayyidQutb”. In Bowering, Gerhard, et. al., 2013 (Eds). The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton& Oxford: Princeton University Press.pp.488-89. Strindberg, Anders and Wärn, Mats. 2012. Islamism: Religion, Radicalization, and Resistance. Cambridge, UK & Malden, USA: Polity Press. Tamimi, Azzam. 2001. Rachid al-Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tibi, Bassam. 2008. “Religious extremism or religionization of politics? The ideological foundations of political Islam” In Frisch, Hillel and Inbar, Efraim. 2008. (Eds.). Radical Islam and International Security: Challenges and Responses. Oxon RN, New York, and Canada:Routledge.
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18 Analisa Journal of Social Science and ReligionThe Chronicle Vol 01 No.01of Terrorism June 2016and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaZakiyah DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.276
THE CHRONICLE OF TERRORISM AND ISLAMIC MILITANCY IN INDONESIA
ZAKIYAH
A researcher for the Office of Religious Abstract Research and Development Ministry of Religious Affairs, Semarang Indonesia This paper examines the chronicle of terrorism in Indonesia and the relationship Address : Jl. Untung Suropati Kav 69-70 between terrorism and Islamic militancy in this nation. This research focused Bambankerep, Ngaliyan, Semarang on bombing cases from 2001 to 2012 Data was gathered through documentary Indonesia research including primary and secondary resources. This research shows that Phone : 024-7601327 Fax. 024-7611386 after the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, there were bomb attacks on various [email protected] targets and militant extremists were able to return to Indonesia after long period Paper received: 12 February 2016 of exile abroad. They started again their activities including disseminating their Paper revised: 27 February – 1 March radical ideology, building networks and recruiting new members in Indonesia, as 2016 well as preparing for militant actions. The perpetrators of these terror attacks were Paper approved: 16 May 2016 mostly associated with the Islamic radical groups like Jemaah Islamiah and Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia. These two militant groups had a close relationship with Darul Islam, an organization founded during the colonial era that aimed to establish an Islamic state and to apply Syariah as a state law. In addition, both groups became a political window for al-Qaeda in Indonesia.
Key words: terrorism, Islam, Jihad, militancy, radicalism
INTRODUCTION provinces such as central Kalimantan, Moluccas, After the fall of president Soeharto in 1998, West Kalimantan, Central Sulawesi and Eastern there was a sea change in Indonesian politics. Nusa Tenggara (Hasan, 2006: 13; Varsney & The state altered from a centralized authoritarian Tadjoeddin & Panggabean, 2008: 377-379). regime to a decentralized democracy and the The year 1998/1999 was also a time for government has become more accountable to the the birth of militias groups and radical groups people (Ricklefs, 2012: 261). From 1998-2008 prepared to recourse to violence in Indonesia. Indonesia experienced a democratic transition In August 1998 the Front Pembela Islam (FPI/ marked with uncertainty and the rise of violent Islamic Defender Front) was created (Sukma, conflicts (Effendy, 2003: 200; Hasan, 2006: 2003: 344-345; Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 13). During the Asian financial crisis Indonesia 90). In 2000, Laskar Jihad (Holy war force) experienced economic collapse and chaos in achieved growing momentum and got popular some parts of the country. In Jakarta, in May, acknowledgement after they held a big gathering 1998 Chinese-Indonesians became the target of attended by approximately ten thousand violence and shopping malls were set on fire in participants in Senayan the main stadium in the Glodok area of the city (Feillard and Madinier, Jakarta. At this gathering, the leader of Laskar 2011: 86). In the following years, there were social Jihad, Ja’far Umar Thalib, mentioned the need uprisings and communal conflicts in several for armed jihad (Hasan, 2006: 17).
19 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40
The regime change also made it possible for instance, the bombing of the Australian embassy religious extremists to return to their homeland in 2004, the second bombing in Bali occurred at after a long period of exile abroad. Among those a bar and a restaurant in 2005. In 2009, another the more politically prominent were Abu Bakar bomb exploded at the JW Marriot and Ritz Carlton Ba’asyir and Abdullah Sungkar (Mietzner, 2009: hotels in Jakarta. In 2011, a bomb blast occurred 281). Both of them fled to Malaysia in the 1980s at a mosque in Cirebon West Java and at a church and claimed to be the ideological successor of the in Solo Central Java (Kompas, 2010: 1; Vivanews, founders of Darul Islam (DI, abode of Islam), an 2011), and the recent bomb exploded in Thamrin organization promoting the notion of Indonesia as Street Jakarta in 2016. an Islamic state (Abuza, 2003, 126; Mietzner, 2009: These bombing attacks were linked to militant 281). They returned to Solo, Central Java to run the Islamic group such as Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia pesantren Al Mukmin Ngruki and began teaching and Jemaah Islamiyah (Barton, 2004: 78-79; Islam as well as organizing a new group (Vaughn Singh, 2010: 47; Jones, 2005: 3; Sukma, 2003: et all, 2008: 10). In 2000, Ba’asyir formed Majlis 341; Fealy, 2005: 25). It was reported that JI Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI, Indonesia Mujahidin was responsible for several bombing including a council); this organization aimed to implement bomb at the Philippine ambassador’s residence Islamic law and to promote the Islamic state as in 2004, the first and the second bombing in Bali well as forming the political front for Jemaah in 2002 and 2005, the bombing at the Australian Islamiah (JI). The organization is recognized as embassy in 2004, and a series of bombing attacks the hardliner group with its paramilitary wing at hundred churches across Indonesia during named Laskar Mujahidin Indonesia (Hasan, Christmas Eve in 2000 (Crouch, 2005: 44; Singh, 2006: 18). When the sectarian conflict arose in 2003: 37; Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2005: 18). In Ambon, Maluku, in 1999 and in Poso Sulawesi in addition, JI was also associated with earlier terror 2000, the organization seized a chance to recruit attacks, for example bombing at Istiqlal mosque in and train members and send them to those conflict 1999, at two churches and at the Atrium mall in zones (Vaughn et all, 2008: 10). Jakarta in 2001 (Singh, 2003: 37). Furthermore, The political transition from the new order JI and its militias groups, Laskar Jundullah and to the reformation era was also marked with the Laskar Mujahidin, were also involved in fighting rise of national and transnational terrorism. There against Christians in the Maluku and Poso conflict were numerous bombings occurring throughout (Chrouch, 2005: 40). the country including night club, hotel, churches, The incident of those terror attacks and the mosques, shopping center, and other public areas. involvement of people affiliated with the Islamic From 1997 to 2002 there were ninety bombings that radical groups in such actions are evidences that injured more than three hundred people and 214 Indonesia faced a serious internal challenge from people were killed (Pusponegoro, 2004: 100). On terrorists and Islamic militancy. Although, several October 12, 2002, the bomb explosion happened at terrorists including the emir of JI, Abu Bakar Paddy’s bar and Sari night club in Bali killing 202 Ba’asyir, were arrested by Indonesian police and people, 82 of them were Australian (Ramakrishna some received the death penalty, the underground and Seng Tan, 2003: 1). Subsequently, on August terrorists’ movement seems to be exist in some 5, 2003, there was a car bombing at a hotel part of Indonesia (Kompas, 2010: 1; Vivanews, owned by the American, JW.Marriot hotel chain 2011; the economist, 2010). For instance, Nasir in Jakarta. This incident killed 11 people and Abas, a former leader of JI who is now helping 150 people injured (Ramakrishna and Seng Tan, Indonesian police, mentions that the death of 2003: 1; Pusponegoro, 2004: 100). The terror the leader of JI, Nordin M.Top in 2009 has not attack continued throughout the decade with stopped terrorism in Indonesia. This is because several bombs detonated at various places. For one person killed does not mean the ending of the
20 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah extremist ideology. This ideology still remains in militancy in Indonesia. This incident demonstrated the heart and mind of the followers which is much that the threat from “the radical Islamic group” more dangerous (Straits times, 2009). was real. In addition, there was also the possibility In more recent time, Indonesian radical have of international terrorist elements involvement in been recruited to fight for the Islamic State of this case that were connected in a network with Iraq and the Levant/Syria (ISIL/ISIS). In August al-Qaeda, as Sukma argues (Sukma, 2003: 350- 2014, the Indonesian police arrested two people 353). Batley similarly argues that some of the in Depok West Java as suspected supporters of detainees in the bombing cases were members of ISIS (Liputan6, 2014). Even, Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, JI. In February 2003, three among the 19 arrested from his jail, had encouraged his followers to people for the Bali bombing were alleged to be JI’s support ISIS, his messages had been delivered members (Batley, 2003: 21). Furthermore, this to Mochammad Achwan, the leader of Jamaah attack and the following bombing blast in August Ansharut Tauhid (the organization of which 2003 at JW.Mariot hotel in Jakarta are seen by Ba’asyir was as the former leader) (BBC Indonesia, some commentators viewing Southeast Asia 2014). Therefore, this paper has objectives to particularly Indonesia as a “terrorists heaven”, as answer these two questions namely; how did Desker argues (Desker, 2003: vii). In April, June terrorism evolve in Indonesia and what is the and July 2003, there were 41 JI suspects arrested relationship between terrorism and radical Islamic in relation with the bomb at JW.Mariot hotel in militancy in Indonesia? Jakarta (Batley, 2003: 20). In this context, some commentators argue that due to these arrests of Literature Review those bombing suspects and the existence of the There has been much research on terrorism organization of JI, it demonstrated how radical and Islamic militancy in Indonesia over the last Islamism had an International dimension in decade. After the Bali bombing 1 in October Indonesia (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 125). 2002, many analysts and scholars studied this Besides, there was evidence that some important issue. Besides, these events became an important members of JI had developed relationships turning point for Indonesia to take part against with other radical Islamic movements in other extremism like issuing some regulations and countries. Even, many members of JI were trained counter terror law (Sebastian, 2003: 363-365). in Pakistan (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 128). Thus Sebastian argues (2003) that although there Break Batley (2003) particularly addresses the were terrorism and many bombings before 2002, relationship between JI and other transnational the Indonesian government seemed to be reluctant radical groups (Batley, 2003). He wrote a book to take serious action against JI as the “suspected” entitled “The Complexities of Dealing with group supporting terrorism (Sebastian, 2003: Radical Islam in Southeast Asia, a Case Study of 358). In addition, before the Bali bombing the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI)”. In this book, he argues Indonesian government also failed to take action that JI had evolved a “branch” or cell structure against radical groups like Laskar Jihad and Front across Southeast Asia including cell in Indonesia, Pembela Islam/FPI (Front of Islamic Defender) Malaysia, Philippine, Singapore and Thailand. which engaged in violence and breached the law In each country, the cells have a special board (Smith, 2005: 110). From a similar perspective, which is responsible for their operations in each Sahni (2003) argues that the Indonesian area. JI had also developed a regional network leadership tends to hide the fact that there was and trained their member at their pesantren terrorism in their homeland, and they hesitated to (Islamic boarding school) and mosques. They use deal seriously with this threat (Sahni, 2002: 4). Islamic sentiment and ideology to convert and to After the Bali attack, there were growing radicalize new members and to build their regional concerns on the issue of terrorism and Islamic network (Batley, 2003: 11-17). In addition, they
21 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40 to utilize halaqah or small study group to teach (Vaughn et.all, 2008: 10; Jones, 2005: 5). Two of and spread their jihadist ideology (Batley, 2003: the important figures of JI, Abu Bakar Ba’syir and 11-17). Imam Samudra, the organizer of the Bali Abdullah Sungkar are the ideological successors bombing, promoted several halaqah in pesantren of Darul Islam’s founder (Vaughn et.all, 2008: and state Islamic senior high schools which 10). In 1992 Abdullah Sungkar stepped out from are headed by the supporter of Negara Islam Darul Islam and then he formally established JI Indonesia (NII). They met and played videos on January, 1, 1993 (Vaughn et.all, 2008: 10). showing the violence by Christians against Muslim Fealy (2005) argues that between 1993 to 2000, in Moluccas and Poso. From these meetings, some JI focused on establishing the organization and of the participants were invited to the next stage its network by recruiting new members, training, of intensive training called daurah in which they generating fund, preaching to and teaching the are trained to be involved in the terrorist operation wider society (Fealy, 2005: 25). The first bomb (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 120). Moreover, explosion associated with JI was in May 2000 Batley shows that JI developed close relationship at a church in Medan North Sumatra. Then on with other hardliner groups in Southeast Asia Christmas Eve in the same year, there were more such as Philippine Moro Islamic Liberation Front than 30 bombings at several churches across (MILF), the Malaysian Mujahidin group (KMM), Indonesia (Fealy, 2005: 25). It was followed by Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia, Laskar Jihad and other bombing actions in the next years culminating Laskar Jundullah in Indonesia (Batley, 2003: 19- at nightclub bomb in Bali (Fealy, 2005: 25). 20). JI, Singh argued, has linkages with the Arakan After the death of Abdullah Sungkar in 1999, Rohingya National organization in Myanmar, and Jamhari and Jahroni argue that Abu Bakar Gerakan Mujahidin Pattani Islam in Thailand Ba’asyir became the emir of JI and established an (Singh, 2003: 24). organization named Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) in 2000 (Jamhari and Jahroni, 2004: 48). The detailed character of the network of JI in This organization aimed to build an Islamic state Southeast Asia was also explored in the work done in Indonesia and it is claimed that most of the by Zachary Abuza (2003). He describes that every members coming from many regions are originally cell of JI in each country has functions to support member of Darul Islam who want to revive the the work of JI either with funding, recruiting Islamic state ideal (Jamhari and Jahroni, 2004: new members, or providing logistic (Abuza, 49). Feillard and Madinier claimed that Majlis 2003: 128-140). For instance, the Malaysian Mujahidin Indonesia provided a political window cell is responsible for establishing commercial for JI to be heard (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: companies which is connected with al-Qaeda and 134). Subsequently in 2008, Ba’asyir founded has the capacity to buy weapons and to gathers the a new organization named Jamaah Ansharut material to make bombs. The Philippine cell by Tauhid (JAT) after he left MMI. In 2010, JAT contrast is responsible for the main logistics like was suspected of providing funds for a JI training purchasing explosive bombs, arsenals, and other camp in Aceh (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 130- facilities. The Singapore cell is in charge of the 134). The position of Abu Bakar Ba’asyir toward planning of actions and the attacks. Meanwhile, terrorist operation was questioned for many years the Indonesian cell is the coordinating center of JI whether he was directly involved in operation or operation (Abuza, 2003: 128-140). merely called for radical reform of the state. He The existence of JI and other radical Islamic was prosecuted in relation to terrorist attacks after groups in Indonesia is not moreover a new 2002 but he often evaded sentencing or revived phenomenon. As Vaughn and Sydney Jones show, short sentences. Only in 2011 was he sentenced historically, JI is closely related to the Darul Islam to 15 years imprisonment due to proof of his movement that emerged in 1948 in West Java involvement in several terrorists attacks (BBC, 27 and sought to establish shariah law in Indonesia February 2012).
22 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah
The literature on JI from 2000 demonstrated considered as the “radical” group such as Jemaah the involvement of people associated with the Islamiyah, Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia and Darul radical Islamic groups in the terrorist attacks Islam to establish the relationship between their and showed an evolving relationship between religious understanding and their recourse to terrorism and Islamic militancy as previously violent action (Crouch, 2005: 43-45). Then, this discussed. However, most of those studies focused research seeks to place these groups in the broader on JI and its transnational network. Besides, context of Indonesian Islam, as the Islamic radical they focused on the cases of Bali Bombing and groups are minorities living in a society generally other bombing occurring from 2000 to 2005. recognized as moderate in its Islamic approach to Therefore, this research exercise differs from the politics (Hughes, 2010: 76). earlier researches, whist drawing upon it because To examine these phenomena, the ideology of it addresses terrorism and Islamic militancy in Islamism is examined. Barton (2004) mentions Indonesia from 2001 to 2012. This study fills the that to understand the Islamic movement and gap, provides some insight through the chronicle political parties, it is necessary to look at the of the cases during that period, and shows why the ideology and belief system of the organization terrorist engaged in those actions. (Barton, 2004: 28). In relation to this, “Islamism” is one of the ideological frames through which to Theoretical Framework understand this movement. Islamism, unlike the This research chronicles the evolution of moderate views of Nahdlatul Ulama, considers new terrorism and its relationship with Islamic Islam profoundly linked to religious and political militancy in Indonesia. To examine those aspects, purification. It means that Islam is not only various frameworks are applied. The first thing the belief system but also political ideology; in that arises in addressing the phenomenon relates other word, they will endorse Islamic law and to the definition and scope of terrorism. Although promote an Islamic state (Barton, 2004: 29-30). there is no fixed definition of this word, terrorism Furthermore, the main ambition of the Islamists in this research is defined as terror, intimidation, is remaking the world. Regarding this matter, Tibi attack, and violent actions against other peoples (2012) argues that “Islamism is not about violence conducted by non-state actors (Aly, 2011, 4-5). but as the order of the world” (Tibi, 2012: 15). In In this study, it focuses only on a series of attacks this sense, Islamism serves as the central ideology especially bombing cases undertaken by non-state of the political challenges. The reformed political actors in several part of Indonesia between 2001 order is based on the concept of Dawla Islamiyya and 2012. These years were a period when many (Islamic state), and Hukumiyyat Allah (God’s bombing attacks happened in this country as rule) (Tibi, 2012: 15). previously discussed and caused serious casualties In this context, a further aspect that needs to (Pusponegoro, 2004: 100; Ramakrishna and Seng be looked at is the motivation of the terrorists. This Tan, 2003: 1; Kompas, 2010: 1; Vivanews, 2011). is an important step to understand the world-view To know how those people are associated with of the radical Islamist groups. In order to know the Islamic radical groups, it is necessary to look the terrorists motives, there are several elements at the background of the terrorists. As previously that should be looked at namely; firstly, how the discussed, some of the detainees related to the terrorists create their enemy. Generally, their terrorism are member or former member of certain ideology and belief system will influence them Islamic groups like Jemaah Islamiyah. From this when constructing their enemy (Drummond, point, it can be assumed that there is a link between 2002: 56). For instance, a study done by Pavlova those people with the Islamic radical group. (2003) mentions that the radical Islamists consider Therefore, this study briefly analyzes the structure that the modern society does not follow the and thinking of certain Islamic groups which are Islamic order and secularism and capitalism have
23 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40 returned the world to the period of ignorance or focus of the study; here I selected “terrorism and Jahiliyya (the time before Islam and Muhammad’s Islamic militancy in Indonesia” as the case for the reception of the message). Hence, modern states study, (b) classifying the data based on the issues with their ruling elites are categorized as breaking namely; the chronicle of terrorism in Indonesia, the God’s law and deviating from the path of Islam. the actor and their motives, the terrorist groups Therefore, the radical Islamists will see those not and their networks, (c) analyzing and interpreting following the path as their enemy (Pavlova, 2003: the data. 32). To reinforce this Manichean division of the Data was collected using documentary world, terrorists give their enemy certain labels research. This method is used to gather data on like kuffar(infidel) and they seekfatwas (religious the chronicle of emerging terrorism and Islamic instructions) to justify their actions (Pavlova, militancy in Indonesia. This comprises primary 2003: 32; Drummond, 2002: 56). Religion, in and secondary data. The primary data includes this case, is used as the basis of their deed and testimony of the terrorists published in the mass as the reason to gather people’s support, then media, books written by some actors involved it is used to achieve their aim in establishing the in terror actions, and records of interviews with Islamic state and a new world order (Aly, 2011:39- the people involved in terror attacks that are 40). Secondly, as a result the terrorists argue published in Western and South East Asian as well that violence is justified and they perceive killing as Indonesian media. Meanwhile, the secondary the enemy not as murder but part of their moral data consists of government documents, law, news obligation (Drummond, 2002: 60-61). In some from the media, and scholarly papers on this topic cases, Islamic radical groups see this as part of the either books or journal articles. jihad to implement syariah law and to reach their The Origin of Terrorism and Islamic goals (Khan, 2006: 172-187). In the case of the Bali Militancy in Indonesia blast, Smith (2005) argues that the main purpose The chronicle of terrorism in Indonesia dates of their action is to create an Islamic state in the back to the colonial history of this country. Before region and to demonstrate a form of solidarity the independence of Indonesia, Muslim societies toward al-Qaida (Smith, 2005). were involved in fighting against the Dutch and Japanese colonization. At that time, when the RESEARCH METHOD country did not exist and consisted of a thousand This study follows a process tracing case study islands composed of various languages, traditions approach. It is a case study of terrorism and Islamic and cultures, Islam played an important role as militancy in Indonesia from 2001 to 2012 or it the unity among them (Effendy, 2003: 15). Islam could be described as evaluating Islamism from is also used to mobilize people to participate in the the reformation era onward. As such, a qualitative battles against colonialism. For instance, Islam approach is used in this research. According to became catalyst of the war of Padri against Dutch George and Bennet (2005) a case study focuses on colonial in Minangkabau West Sumatra from the depth of data and identifying setting of the case the 1920s to 1938, although the main purpose of which can be applied to make inferences (George this revolt is actually to gain an economic control and Bennet 2005, 31-32). In relation to this idea, over coffee trading (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: this research refers to the argument proposed by 9). Another example is the Java war from 1925 to Bailey (1994) who said that a case study can be 1930, the leader of this revolt, Prince Diponegoro, interpretive. It means that it not only describes the used Islam to mobilize people with an Islamic data but also interprets it (Bailey, 1994 in Mcnabb, teaching background to fight against the infidels 2004: 359). To do this, there are several steps as (the Dutch) (Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 9). follows; (a) identifying and selecting the case as the The Dutch policy, at that time, tried to restrict
24 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah
Islam as the main focus of the independent and charity organizations (Ricklefs, 2012: 19; movement. They tried to marginalize the role of Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 11-12). Then, in 1926, religious leaders by working with the traditional the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was formed. This abangan aristocracy or priyayi in Java. Priyayi organization showed a traditional response to the were the elites who had power to control and to modernist Islamic organization and a challenge manage people. These aristocrats were selected by to the authority of the traditional Islamic scholars the Dutch as the senior administrator who were (kyai). These two organizations focused mainly always superior to the religious leaders (Abuza, on non-political matters such as education, social, 2003: 61). Meanwhile, during this period many economy and health issues (Abuza, 2003: 61; Islamic groups emerged as prominent in the Ricklefs, 2012: 19). NU became a political party nationalist movement (Abuza, 2003: 61; Effendy, after separating from Masyumi. NU participated in 2003: 16). For example, Sarikat Islam (Islamic the 1955 election (Ricklefs, 2012: 83-84). In 1973 association) was the first political organization the New Order government issued a regulation on led by H.O.S Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim and political parties that required nine existing parties Abdoel Moeis. This organization was formed to merge into two parties; (a) Partai Perjuangan from the Sarekat Dagang Islam (Islamic trading Indonesia (PDI, Indonesian Democracy party) association) founded by H Samanhoedi in 1911 in for those national and Christian based parties, Solo (Effendy, 2003: 16-17; Feillard and Madinier, and (b) Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP, 2011: 13). Development Unity party) for parties with Islam as The main purpose of Sarikat Islam was to the religion followed by majority of the constituents achieve an independent Indonesia. However, the including NU (Effendy, 2003: 49). Islamic nationalist organization suffered from the It should be noted in the evolution of introduction and growing influence of Marxism. In Indonesian political Islam that from 1941 to 1917, the ideology of Marxism started to influence 1945, Japan came and occupied the East Indies Sarekat Islam and undermined and caused (pre-Indonesian country). Japanese policy was the decline of this group. The two prominent different from the Dutch; they started to use Islam supporters of Marxist ideology are Semaun and to gain sympathy and to fight against Westerner Darsono, the leaders of Sarekat Islam branch in influence. They built an office for religious affairs Semarang. This situation resulted in two factions in charge of dealing with the Islamic problems in the organization; the Islamic and the Marxist at the local level (Abuza, 2003: 63; Effendy, who fought over defining the movement and 2003: 27). The Japanese attempted to merge agenda. In 1921 during the Surabaya congress, all Muslim organizations into one entity. In this the Marxist faction was expelled from the case, the Masyumi became a single organization organization, but this could not stop internal representing all those organizations and the sole disputes and fragmentation (Effendy, 2003: 16-17; Islamic political party. Moreover, the Masyumi Feillard and Madinier, 2011: 13). Lastly, from 1930 became a leading actor in fighting against Dutch onward, Sarekat Islam along with other activists and in pursuing independence after 1945 (Abuza, and intellectuals such as Syahrir and Mohammad 2003: 62). Hatta who had education background from the In the period from 1940s to 1950s, the idea of Netherland, created a nationalist movement Islam and the state was spreading throughout the against the colonialists (Effendy, 2003: 16-17). country (Abuza, 2003: 62; Mietzner, 2009: 74). Afterwards, In 1912 Muhammadiyah was There were heated debates between nationalists created by Ahmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta. This and Islamists about whether Islam should be organization represented the moderate Muslim included in the Jakarta charter or not, and and reformists which has developed good whether the newborn country should use Syariah networks with mosques, educational institutions as the basis of state law or not (Barton, 2004: 68).
25 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40
For instance, Mohammad Natsir, the leader of Islamic army of Indonesia). In early 1949, there Masyumi, promoted daulah Islamiyah (Islamic was a clash between Darul Islam (DI, the abode state) for Indonesia. On the other hand, Soekarno, of Islam) and the new state’s troops. It was the nationalist leader, preferred a secular state happened when the Siliwangi troops rallied to (Azra, 2003: 49). West Java after Yogyakarta was attacked by the One day after the declaration of the Indonesian Dutch on December 1948 (Mietzner, 2009: 87). In independence, on August 18,1945, Wahid Hasyim July 1949, Kartosuwirjo declared a Negara Islam (the leader of Nahdlatul Ulama) and other Islamic Indonesia (NII, Islamic state of Indonesia) with its scholars such as Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Kasman headquarters in West Java (Conboy, 2004: 138; Singodimedjo, and Teuku Mohammad Hassan Singh, 2003: 6-8). The exact date of the birth of DI made a compromise and dropped the sentence “in was debatable, but it was generally said that it was accordance with the Islamic doctrine and tauhid” on August 7, 1949, along with the declaration of in the first of the Pancasila (five principles of NII (Fealy, 2005: 16-17). Indonesia). They changed it to “belief in God is DI spread to other parts of the country and one” (Barton, 2004: 68). They also approved to continued to fight against the Dutch and to remove some Islamic elements from the state law challenge the Indonesian nationalist government. including; Islam as the official religion of the nation, The fight was to last for many years (from 1949 Islam as a requirement for Indonesian president, to 1965) across the country including South and all Muslims have to practice Islamic law Kalimantam, West Java, Central Java, Aceh (Effendy, 2003: 32). Post colonial Indonesia was and South Sulawesi (Fealy, 2005: 17). In 1962, not, therefore, an Islamic state although Indonesia Kartosuwirjo received the death penalty and the is a nation with the largest Muslim population in activities of DI were repressed by the military. the world (Azra, 2008: 52). However, the debate However, the ideology and the spirit of establishing regarding the relationship between Islam and the an Islamic state have never ended (Conboy, 2004: state had not ended. Some people were upset with 138-139; Fealy, 2005: 20-21; Mietzer, 2009: 86- the decision of the nationalist leadership. One of 87; Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2005: 11). The first them was Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo, reappearance of DI was Komando Jihad (holy a former member of Masyumi (Azra, 2008: 49; war command). It was a militia group founded by Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2005: 11). He was Dodo Mohammad Darda, the son of Kartosuwirjo disappointed in the state political ideology and the (Conboy, 2004: 140). Consequently today, DI was strategy toward the Dutch in preventing them from recognized as the embryo of the current Islamic coming back to re-colonize the nation (Effendy, militancy and radicalization in Indonesia (Conboy, 2003: 35; Jamhari and Jahroni, 2004: 17). 2004: 138-139; Fealy, 2005: 20-21; Mietzer, 2009: On November15, 1946, Indonesian government 86-87; Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2005: 11). DI signed a Linggarjati agreement with the Dutch. actively recruited new members through many This agreement mentioned that the Indonesian ways, not only using traditional based support government approved to work under the United like pesantren but also enlisting members at the State of Indonesia, and both Indonesia and the universities and at senior high schools. From these Dutch agreed to withdraw their armies and made places, they built networks and cells for activities. clear boundary for both of them. Consequently, Besides, they held series of discussions at mosques the Siliwangi (troops) division had to leave West (Fealy, 2007: 70). Java and move to Central Java. Kartosuwirjo, The characteristic of DI ideology can be seen as the deputy defense minister, rejected this from its leader perspectives on several aspects idea because it disadvantaged Indonesia (Singh, related to their own struggle (Fealy, 2005: 20). 2003: 7). Then, in 1948 Kartosuwiryo declared Kartosuwirjo used Islamic terms in delivering his the creation of Tentara Islam Indonesia (TII, thought such as (a) jihad or perang suci (holy war)
26 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah to explain their action, (b) mujahid to describe Rauf; They are members of JI (Harsawaskita and people involved in the holy war. These people’s Laksmana, 2007: 72-73). Besides, these people action were called as jihad fi sabillilah (holy war received their education from the pesantren al- for the sake of God), (c) the enemy was described Mukmin, al-Islam, or Lukmanul Hakim, the as kafir (infidel) or communists who should be Islamic education institution affiliated with killed due to the religious reasons (Fealy, 2005: Ba’asyir (Batley, 2003: 11). Furthermore, Faiz bin 21). DI leaders also distinguished between the Abu Bakar Bafana, another suspected person who Islamic state (darul Islam) and non-Islamic state was arrested and jailed in Singapore, confessed (dar al-harbi) as their enemy. In this case, the during his interrogation that Imam Samudra had Indonesian republic was considered as the enemy participated in the previous bombing attack in for it was not based on the Islamic law. Moreover, Jakarta. (Harsawaskita and Laksmana, 2007: 72- the true Muslim had to follow the Darul Islam 73). He also mentioned that JI was responsible for (NII), whereas other Muslim who did not follow the Christmas Eve attacks in 2000 at various cities this could be considered as an apostle. This notion in Indonesia and Abu Bakar Ba’asyir was involved was also used as the reason to attack other Muslim in the discussion about terror preparation held in outside the DI (Fealy, 2005: 21; Fealy, 2004: 111- Solo Central Java (Harsawaskita and Laksmana, 112). 2007: 72). The arrests of those people depicted that JI in Indonesia had links with other radical Terrorism and Islamic militancy in the Muslim groups. Indeed, it was predicted that reformation era terrorism in Indonesia was interrelated with those After the first Bali bombing on 12 October militant groups (Singh Daljit, 2003: 205). 2002, there has been much attention to the The Bali incident was occurred just one year terrorism and Islamic militancy in Indonesia. after the 9/11 2001 tragedy, the attack on the Many scholars mentioned that Indonesia has World Trade Center, in New York the United States become a target of terrorists and a source of jihadis of America, so that this received international from the Islamic militant groups (Ramakkrishna attention. The focus was on a new type of the and Seng Tan, 2003: 1-2; Thayer, 2005a: 53; terrorism and how the Islamic extremists have Ankersen, 2007: 1). Furthermore, this radical relations with international groups (Kingsbury, revival of Islamic militancy is also called as the 2005: 1; Thayer, 2005a: 54). Regarding this issue, “new terrorism” since the targets are civilians, there is a significant debate over whether Islamic Indonesians and foreigners (mostly Australian and militant groups in Indonesia have relationships several Americans, Canadians and Europeans). It with transnational terrorists like al-Qaeda and is different from the old terrorism focusing their other groups or not. One of the reports released targets on the property related to politics or state by the Brussels-based International Crisis group assets (Thayer, 2005a: 53). (ICG) in August 2002 mentioned that there was no The attacks on two prominent nightclubs evidence about the relationship between al-Qaeda frequently visited by western tourists to the peaceful and Islamic radical group in Indonesia (Barton, Bali island demonstrated that a serious terrorists’ 2005: 76-77). This report focused on the Pesantren threat in Indonesia. Moreover, there is also a threat Al Mukmin, Ngruki located in Solo Central Java of Islamic militancy; this can be seen from the which was led by Abu Bakar Ba’asyir; he was also confession of the perpetrators of the bombing who the founder of Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) are associated with JI (Ramakkrishna and Seng (Barton, 2005: 77). Tan, 2003: 1). Among the 30 people arrested by Another source described that there is a the Indonesian police, there are several prominent connection between al-Qaeda and the militant actors related to Bali bombing namely Amrozi, Ali groups in Indonesia. Time magazine, as quoted Imron, Imam Samudra (the leader), and Abdul by Barton (2004), states that Omar al-Faruq, a
27 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40
Kuwaiti, was involved in a camp established by extremists in Indonesia was shown at the guise of Indonesian Islamist militants in Borneo. Al Faruq Laskar Jihad as well (Chalk, 2002: 115). Laskar had received training for three years at a camp Jihad was a militia group; the wing of the Forum associated with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Besides, Komunikasi Ahlus Sunnah Waljamaah (Sunni he had close relationship with camp leaders, al- communication forum). It was founded on 30 Mughira al Gazairi and Abu Zubaidah who both January 2000 as a response to the communal were close to Osama bin Laden. Al-Faruq married conflict in Moluccas in which they saw this conflict an Indonesian through Agus Diwkarna (Barton, as the intentional assassination toward Muslim 2004: 16-17). Besides, it was mentioned that Al- community (Chalk, 2002: 115; Jamhari and Faruq was the senior operative of al-Qaeda in Jahroni, 2004: 88-89). Therefore, they send their Indonesia (Williams M.G, 2003: 88). fighters to Moluccas to help their fellow Muslims The Indonesian intelligence agency also fight the Christian “Kafir’ (Chalk, 2002: 115; disclosed that four members of MMI including al- Hefner, 2008: 36). Faruk and Dwikarna were involved in the camp. The leader of Laskar Jihad, Ja’far Umar In March 2002, Dwikarna was arrested at Manila Thalib, called involvement in that battlefield as port by the Philippine police. A month later, in jihad. To justify this action, he sought a fatwa from April 2002 Zubaidah was caught in Pakistan Muslim authorities in the Middle East, al-Abbad (Barton, 2004: 17; Sukma, 2003: 351). Later of Medina said that going to the conflict zone in on, during the judiciary session 26 March 2002, Moluccas was lawful since it was to defend their Mohammad Ikhsan also known as Idris, a witness fellow Muslims from attacks. Similarly, An-Najm and a suspected of Bali Bomb 1, said that Osama of Mecca mentioned that jihad in Moluccas was bin Laden gave US $ 30,000 to Mukhlas (Suhendi, mandatory for Muslims to help their brothers. He 2012). Mukhlas also known as Ali Ghufron, described three types of helping based on their another detainee of Bali bomb 1, was reported as abilities; either with their body, their wealth or the coordinator of the Bali bombing (Bately, 2003: their mind (Hasan, 2006: 116-117; Jamhari and 7). Before Idris’ confession, Ali Imron mentioned Jahroni, 2004: 100-102). about that money too during the tribunal at the state Meanwhile, Ja’far Umar Thalib, a son of court in Jakarta (Suhendi, 2012; Susanto, 2012). Abdullah bin Amir bin Abi Thalib from Yemen, This is an evidence that the Islamic extremists in had experiences of involvement in the war zone. Indonesia have links to al-Qaeda (Suhendi, 2012; He was engaged in the Afghan war against Soviet Susanto, 2012; Thayer, 2005). Union in 1987. He was firstly trained in Peshawar The network between local extremists and the camp and then became the leader of volunteer international group is a symbiotic relationship. troops in Syria. In the Afghan war, he joined the Vaughn et.al (2008) mentions that they share a group named the Hisb-iIslami under the leader of training camp in some countries including the Gulbudin Hekmatyar. Afterwards, he joined the Philippines (in Mindanao), Afghanistan and group Jami’at-iIslami directed by Abdul Rasul Pakistan. In addition, al-Qaeda offered financial Sayyaf (Hasan, 2006: 71). After his arrest and aid and technical expertise for operational matters subsequent release in 2002, however, Ja’far Umar to JI (Voughn.et.all, 2008: 11; Thayer, 2005: Thalib disbanded Laskar Jihad (Hefner, 2008: 37 55). Furthermore, JI is believed to represent al- Hasan, 2006: 210). Qaeda in Southeast Asia. Moreover, after the Before the Bali tragedy, Indonesia experienced Singaporean government took action on the JI several bombing attacks. For instance, in 2000 cell in Singapore, the JI leadership was moved to there were several bomb explosions at churches Indonesia (Gunaratna, 2003: 141). in different cities during Christmas Eve (Crouch, The link between al-Qaeda with the local 2005: 44). Regarding this case, it was reported
28 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah that Omar Faruq confessed as the mastermind of (Ricklefs, 2012: 409-410; Mietzner, 2009: 281). this action (Barton, 2004: 14). In addition, Umar The militant groups were MMI, Lakar Jihad, JI, Patek, the suspected of the Bali Bomb 1, was also Komando Jihad, and FPI (Jamhari and Jahroni, reported responsible for attacks at six churches 20-28). (Vaughn, 2008: 15; Singh, 2003: 27-28; in Jakarta (Natalia, 2012). In the same year, Barton, 2004: 17-19). there were other bomb blasts at the Philippine MMI was officially declared as an organization embassy that caused the death of two people and on August 7, 2000 in Yogyakarta. It was a at Malaysian embassy, as well as a bomb at Jakarta response to Muslim political repression during stock exchange building that killed 10 people the old and new order era (Jamhari and Jahroni, (Saifullah, 2009). One year later, there were four 2004: 48-49). The main aim of this organization incidents namely, a bomb at Santa Ana church and is to build an Islamic state for the reason that the HKBP church; caused five people died, a bomb at essence of Islam is both a religion and a state (din Plaza Atrium Jakarta, a bomb at KFC restaurant in wa daulah) (Jamhari and Jahroni, 2004: 49). Makasar, and a bomb at the front of the Australian Moreover, the creation of MMI is intended to serve international school (Saifullah, 2009). as the political wing of JI (Feillard and Madinier, After the Bali attack, the threat of terror 2011: 124). In addition, it is understood that most continued. In 2003, there were three bomb of the MMI constituents are former members of attacks: at the Soekarno-Hatta International Darul Islam (DI). Among those people involved in airport; at the police headquarters in Jakarta; MMI are Abu Bakar Ba’asyir (Jones, 2005: 5) who a suicide bomb attack at JW Marriot hotel in created this organization along with Irfan Awwas, Jakarta; (Singh, 2003: 28; Saefullah, 2009; Surya hardi and Mursalin Dahlan (Singh, 2003: Jones, 2010: 120). Then, On September 9, 2004, 38). At that time, Ba’asyir thought that during the a bomb was detonated at the Australian embassy reformation era there were opportunities for them in Jakarta. In total the bombings took 18 lives, all to establish an Islamic state since there was much Indonesian (Saefullah, 2009). In 2005 another more political tolerance (Signh, 2003: 38). bomb exploded at a bar and a restaurant in Bali at Following the death of Sungkar, Ba’asyir Kuta and Jimbaran Bay which is responsible for 31 became the main ideological pillar of their deaths.(Bali post, 2005). Besides, there were other movement. (Jamhari and Jahroni, 2004: 56- bomb attacks in other places during this year; in 57). In 1971, they had founded a Pesantren al- Tentena, Ambon and at a market in Palu Sulawesi Mukmin also known as Pesantren Ngruki in (Saefullah, 2009). Solo Central Java (Barton, 2004: 49). In the later This data demonstrates that after the fall period, this pesantren formed the basis of what of Soeharto, also known as the reformation era the International Crisis Group called the “ngruki terrorism had emerged in Indonesia. From 2001 to network” (Wildan, 2013: 191; Singh, 2003: 39). 2005, there were bomb blasts each year that caused Ba’asyir and Sungkar had long opposed the hundreds of deaths and injured (Bali post, 2005; government policy and promoted an Islamic Saefullah, 2009; Jones, 2010: 120; Harsawaskita state. In 1977, Sungkar and Ba’asyir created a and Laksmana, 2007: 72-73). The perpetrators in group named Jemaah Mujahidin Anshorullah; each case were arrested and sentenced, but this this was also known as another form of DI (Singh, did not put a stop to the violence. This suggests 2003: 18). A year later, Ba’asyir and Sungkar that the terrorists are not ended just because the were arrested by Indonesian government due to main actors of terrorism JI were jailed or killed subversion indictment. They were alleged that they (Kompas, 2011). In addition, as a consequence of tried to destroy Pancasila, the ideology of the state the greater political openness, Islamic militancy and attempted to promote an Islamic state (Jones, and radical groups resurfaced during these years 2005: 5). Another source mentions that they were
29 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40 accused because of their participation in Komando 112). To create external links, Ba’asyir and Sungkar Jihad, an Islamic militia (Singh, 2003: 18). In delegated Hambali and Jibril as their deputy. court, Sungkar confessed that he established a During this period, JI was not involved in terror community (jemaah) as a way to fight against action or attacks (Singh, 2003: 40-41; Abuza, communism (Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2003: 2003: 128-129). In this stage, Hambali made 19). Both of them were sentenced to nine years in linkage successfully with Islamic movements in jail, but later the sentence was decreased to three Southeast Asian countries such as KMM, MILF, years on demand. Abu Sayaf and other groups. He also established a In 1985, Ba’asyir and Sungkar fled to Malaysia business company selling palm oil to Afghanistan. where they built an Islamic school in Johor as This business was intended to make money for the training based camp and created additional financing logistics and material for their actions networks (Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2003: 19; (Singh, 2003: 41). Jones, 2005:5; Mietzner, 2009: 90). Malaysia During the political transition in 1998, there became a safe haven for Ba’asyir and Sungkar. This was an opportunity for some “extremists” to network helped them when recruiting volunteers return to Indonesia. In 1999, Ba’asyir and Sungkar for participating in the war against Soviet Union returned to Solo Central Java. They came back in Afghanistan (Barton, 2003: 31). In addition, to Pesantren Ngruki and continued teaching Ba’asyir and Sungkar actively recruited people (Thayer, 2005: 69; Abuza, 2003: 141). Sungkar from other countries including Malaysia and died in late 1999. This death caused friction within Singapore to participate in the military training in JI, it was reported that younger militants were Afghanistan and Pakistan (Thayer, 2005: 69). not satisfied with Ba’asyir as the new leader. They During their stay in Malaysia, Sungkar argued that Ba’asyir was considered too weak formed JI in 1993 (Fealy, 2005: 25). Meanwhile, and was easily influenced (Thayer, 2005: 70). In Ba’asyir was known as the spiritual leader of this 2000, Ba’asyir founded MMI as an umbrella for JI (Smith, 2005: 113). Sungkar claimed that this Muslim community to promote syariah (Islamic group was different from DI (Thayer, 2005: 69). law) for Indonesia and to build daulah Islamiyah However, to say that this group totally different (Islamic state). To reach this goal, MMI conducted from DI in reality was quite difficult. This is legitimate activities such as teaching, publication, because historically both DI and JI members were public sermons, campaign, seminar, and rallies interrelated. These two groups also share some (Fealy, 2004: 113-114). of the basic principles such as promoting Islamic On the other hand, the more militant state, the differentiation between darul harbi and members of JI started to play a more “extreme” darul Islam, the distinction between true Muslim role, Hambali, Imam Samudra, and Muchlas also and infidel (Jones, 2005: 25-26). The main goal known as Ali Ghufron actively created a plan for of JI is to build the Islamic state and Islamic violent actions (Thayer, 2005: 70). For instance, community throughout Southeast Asia (Fealy, Hambali activated the Malaysian cell to attack 2005: 25; Jones, 2010: 199). In the 1990s, Sungkar Western properties; however al-Qaeda did not met with several leaders of al-Qaeda and Osama follow his instruction (Thayer, 2005: 70). Hambali bin Laden at the border between Afghanistan and also planned the “Singaporean attack” in 1999 and Pakistan. He also pledged allegiance to Osama bin initiated other attacks including Christmas Eve Laden during that meeting (Abuza, 2003: 127). bombing in 2000, attack at the Philippine embassy From 1993 to 2000, JI focused their activities in Jakarta in 2000, Bali bombing 1 in 2002, and on developing the network, recruiting members, bombing at the JW. Marriott Hotel in Jakarta in educating members, enhancing the members’ skill 2003 (Singh, 2003: 41). and capability (Abuza, 2003: 129; Fealy, 2005: After the second Bali attack in 2005, there
30 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah was no further major incident related to terrorism The bombing in Cirebon in 2010 was until 2009. During this period, the Indonesian reported as the work of the underground group police had arrested many important terrorists and Tauhid Wal Jihad. This group was established by attempted to dismantle JI link (SuaraMerdeka, Aman Abdurahman in 2003 (Beritasatu, 2011). 2005; Jones, 2010: 172). For instance, in 2005 Detachment 88 mentions that from the collected detachment 88 (special group of Indonesian evidence, Syarif (the suicide bomber) might learn police) searched for terrorist’s house successfully to make bomb from Sigit Qardhawi, the leader in Malang East Java and killed Azhari Husein, the of Hisbah team and the leader of Laskar in Solo. Bali bomb maker (SuaraMerdeka, 2005; Jones, Sigit was involved in the bomb attack at the police 2010: 172). In 2007, other important figures of office and a church in Solo in 2010. The ideology JI were arrested namely, Abu Dujana (the leader of Tauhid wa Jihad had some similarities with JI of JI militia) and Zarkasih (the new leader of as they use violence to achieve the Islamic state. In JI). In addition, several suspected people of the addition, people in this group studied “Bergabung Bali attack had been arrested in 2005 including dengan khalifah suhada” translated by the Arafah Hambali, Faiz Bafana, Abu Jibril and Abu Rusdan group which was part of JI (Beritasatu, 2009). In (Jones, 2010: 172). addition, Indonesian intelligent argues that people On 17 July 2009, bombing was renewed in this group received training from Sogiri and with two attacks in Mega Kuningan Jakarta. One Rois (suspects of the Australian embassy attack). suicide bomb attack was at JW Marriot hotel, and These two were students of Azhari (the chief JI another suicide attack was at Ritz Carlton hotel. bomb maker) (Beritasatu, 2009). Although, the These explosions killed seven people (BBC, 2013; recent bombs are undertaken by a new generation Siradz, 2009). One year later, on 15 April 2010 of radicals, Ansyad Mbai, the chief of BNPT (Badan Muhammad Syarif exploded himself during the Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme, the National Jum’at praying at a mosque in the police complex board for counter terrorism) considered that they in Cirebon West Java. On September 2011 another have links to JI. This can be seen from their modus suicide bombing occurred at Bethel Injili Church operandi that was similar with the past cases (Bbc, in Solo Central Java (Bbc, 2013). 2012). There are different opinions regarding Indonesian Islam and the Terrorists’ whether the new attacks were affiliated with JI. Motives One report issued by police office mentioned Indonesia as a country with the largest Muslim that the suicide bombers at Mega Kuningan were population in the world has many variants of invited by Ibrohim who was part of the West cell Islam. Clifford Geertz classically divided Muslims of JI (Jakarta and Bogor) under Saifudin Zuhri as in Java into tree types namely (a) Abangan, the the leader (Republika, 2009). Ibrohim worked as a nominal Muslim peasantry living in a rural areas, florist for both hotels; he masterminded the terror this group is also characterized as syncretism action with Saifudin Zuhri and Noordin M Top, the between Islam and Hinduism as well as Animism masterminds of bombings in 2003, 2004 and 2005 or the old Javanese traditions. (b) Priyayi, the (Republika, 2009; Liputan6, 2009). However, Al aristocratic class and also syncretism in tendency Chaidar, a terrorism expert, said that the actors of and, (c) Santri, the strict Muslim practicing Islam the Mega Kuningan terror were not JI, since the or the conservative and traditional Islam (Du Bois, name of JI was not used anymore. Nevertheless, 1961: 603; Benda, 1962: 404-405; Azra, 2003: he mentioned that they were associated with 39). Meanwhile, in the recent era the distinction of Pesantren Ngruki due to the fact that Nur Said, these Muslim are not referred to the occupation or one of the suspected actors, was an alumnus of the place of living, but more the religious orientation Pesantren (Okezone, 2009). and their political affiliation (Du Bois, 1961: 603).
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Moreover, Geertz also describes that majority The contemporary radical Islamic groups like Muslims in Indonesia are generally nominal JI and MMI have objectives to build an Islamic state Muslims or abangan (Azra, 2003: 39-40). In that is generally different from the mainstream this sense, Indonesian Islam was recognized as Islam in Indonesia (Azra, 2003: 51). Also, there are different from the Middle Eastern Islam or less many other factors which influenced those militant Arabized (Azra, 2003: 40). groups such as political marginalization and the Islamic based organizations that have various hatred toward the West (Feillard and Madinier, ideologies existed in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah 2011: 271). The JI interpretation of certain Islamic and NU are the two biggest Muslim organizations texts had given them legitimacy to fight against and are considered a moderate groups (Ricklefs, their “enemy”. One of them is “jihad”, this term 2012: 408). Besides, there are many other can be traced back in the JI’s commands and organizations such as Persis and Al-Irsyad objectives. It is stated at the JI’s charter that Jihad which concern on social aspect and providing mussalah (military struggle) is the final stage of education (Abdullah, 2013: 75-76). Meanwhile, JI’s planning. This Jihad is a way to prepare an other scholars mention that the santri group had Islamic state, and to build the Islamic caliphate influenced the life of community. This can be accordingly (global Islamic governance) (Pavlova, seen from the transformation of the society who 2007: 82). tends to be more orthodox. For instance, more The declaration of Jihad against their enemy Indonesians now travel to Mecca for pilgrimage, including the West legitimated radical groups and distribute alms giving and donation to the to use violence (Dolnik, 2007: 108). This can be needy. Institutions for collecting and distributing perceived from their attacks from 2000 to 2012 alms were created like Dompet Dhuafa Republika, (Pusponegoro, 2004: 100; Crouch, 2005: 44; along with the establishment of Islamic banks Singh, 2003: 37; Kingsbury and Fernandes, 2005: and Islamic insurance (Azra, 2003: 40-43). Smith 18; Kompas, 2010: 1; Vivanews, 2011). The attitude further argues that the orthodoxy in the practice of militant groups toward jihad differentiated of Islam in Indonesia reflected “Arabisation” and them from the majority Islam. Mainstream Islam the opposition to the idea of democracy as well as usually emphasizes their interpretation of jihad as “Neo-Salafi”(Smith, 2005b: 100). a non-violent action and only favored jihad when The dynamic of Islam in Indonesia is also under attack (Fealy, 2007: 66). influenced by global factors. For instance, the Some terrorist attacks in Indonesia used Middle East continued to influence Indonesian suicide bombings as the strategy for their jihad. It perspectives like the idea of pan-Islamism and was started at the Bali bomb 1 on 12 October 2002; Wahabism (Azra, 2003: 43-44). In the past, a man detonated himself at Paddy’ Bars cafe and Wahabism influenced the Padri’s movement another bomber exploded a van loaded with 1000 in West Sumatra in which they tried to impose kg of bombs outside the bar (Dolnik, 2007: 110). the literal understanding of Islam, but they were Suicide bombing continued in the following not successful. This group used some terms like years: in 2003, Amir Latin Sani exploded himself jihad and dar-alharbi in order to fight against at J.W Marriot hotel in Jakarta; on 1 October 2005, colonialism (Azra, 2003: 44). The Wahabist’ the explosion in Jimbaran food court in Bali was ideology influenced on the contemporary radical undertaken by suicide bombers named Muhammad groups too (Batley, 2003: 4). In quoting the Salik Firdaus, Misno, and Ayib Hidayat; on July Qur’an and Hadith, JI preferred to use the raw 2009, Dani Dwi Permana was the suicide bomber understanding of Islam and choose the most at J.W Marriot hotel in Mega Kuningan Jakarta; suitable parts for their actions such as the verses Nana Ikhwan Permana exploded himself at Ritz on jihad and Islamic law (Batley, 2003: 4). Carlton hotel in Megakuningan Jakarta; on 15
32 The Chronicle of Terrorism and Islamic Militancy in Indonesia Zakiyah
April 2010, Muhammad Syarif exploded himself at their terror attack for jihad against the US and its a mosque near police office in Cirebon West Java; allies as well as fighting against the negative moral on 29 September 2010, Abu Ali exploded himself effects brought in by Westerners (Hafidz, 2003: near a police officer in Bekasi; on 25 September 396). One of the offenders described that the Bali 2011, Ahmad Yosepa Hayat was the suicide bomber bomb target was initially the US, but most of the of Bethel church in Solo Central Java; on 3 June victims were Australian. This reflected al-Qaeda 2013, an un-identified bomber exploded himself in warning to Australia for its involvement in East front of the police station in Poso South Sulawesi Timor (Smith, 2005: 112). Similarly the attacks at (Bbc, 2013; Chim and Si Yew and Song, 2007: 2; JW.Marriot and Ritz Carlton, two hotels with many Widjaya, 2007). foreign visitors, were also a symbol of elites and The act of suicide bombing in Indonesia is Western investment (Saefullah, 2009; Widjaya, called “pengantin” (bride). This term reflected 2011; Smith, 2005: 112). their doctrine that those martyrs will receive a JI and its network declared the US and non- reward “meeting fairy” in heaven. Abu Wildan, a Muslims as their enemy or their targets (Kompas, friend of Noordin M Top, described that a suicide 2011:1). The hatred against the US was spread by bomber dies as syahid (a martyr) (Kristanti, media outlets. (Batley, 2003: 8). The Bali bomb 2009). These “will-be brides” (calon pengantin) was a revenge attack for the killing of Muslims were recruited by Nordin M top and his followers. in many parts of the world such as Afghanistan, Nordin’s network had recruited young people Sudan, Palestine, Bosnia, Kashmir and Iraq and trained them for being a martyr/syahid. For (Fealy, 2005: 29). Imam Samudra, the perpetrator instance, Saifudin Jaelani also known as Saifudin of the Bali attack, said that “there was genocide Zuhri recruited Dani Permana and Nana Ikhwan toward Muslim communities in the Philippine and Permana. Saifudin Zuhri claimed himself to be an ustad (an Islamic teacher), he brainwashed Poso, Ambon as well as other places, therefore as a those “will-be brides” with the doctrine of jihad Muslim I have to repay them; blood paid by blood, (Widjaya, 2011; Kusaeni, 2009). life paid by life” (Fealy, 2005: 29). Furthermore, the bomb attack at the Philippine embassy was The doctrine of suicide bombing was related intended to show solidarity with separatist groups to the idea of “martyrdom” or self-sacrifice. in Southern Philippines. Meanwhile, bombings Martyrdom was accepted as a way to promote the sect. Martyrdom was different from “suicide” as at several churches were aimed to symbolize the this martyrdom was self-sacrificing for the name dispute between Muslim and Christian and also as of God, and the logic behind the action was for revenge for violence in Ambon and Poso (Smith, jihad (Cook, 2005: 142-143). However, besides the 2005: 112). religious belief, the strategy of suicide bombing by The post 2010 targets were different from radical groups was cheap. For example, the bomb the earlier cases for mosques and police stations explosion in Bali II only cost $ 700 (Dolnik, 2007: became targets such as bombing in Cirebon in 110). This type of attack results in many casualties 2010 and Poso in 2013 (Bbc, 2013; Chim and Si (Dolnik, 2007: 110-118). Yew and Song, 2007: 2; Wijaya, 2007). From the The targets of bombing blasts in Indonesia testimony by Bayu Setiono, the bomber in Solo are various from night clubs, to embassies and Central Java, it can be understood that the police religious places. It can be said that every target station represented non Islamic government that has its meaning and purposes. The attack at the also must to be fought. Here is his testimony: night club in Bali is a symbol of fighting against the “Dan rencana kami buat pecah Solo West (Hafidz, 2003: 396). During the Bali trial, atau amaliyah Solo. Target-target kami the key offenders mentioned that they committed adalah a parat toghut, aparat polisi itu direncanakan sudah bertahun-tahun.
33 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 19-40
Sekitar tahun 2007-2008 hingga sekarang. Dan to the forming of DI in the post-colonial era. The salah satu itu pula alumni Filipina atau Moro, yang struggles of Kartosuwirjo, the leader of NII and namanya Farhan dari Jakarta. Dia di Filipina dua tahun. Di sana dia sekolah militer dan pulang ke TII against the Dutch and against the idea of an Indonesia tahun 2012. Disitu dia sudah membawa Indonesian secular state were the main spirit of senjata api, 200 amunisi dan granat.Di situlah the DI. Besides, the main aim of this organization kami membuat pecah Solo. Dan membuat aparat- was to establish an Islamic state and to implement aparat togut ketakutan. Insya Allah tegaknya syariah Islam. Dan khilafah Islamiyah. Dan kami Syariah law, the ostensible aim of contemporary juga terdiri dari. Sekitar enam orang. Salah satunya jihadis. This organization was, in other words, the donatur kami, dan lima yang lain adalah alumni Al- embryo of the contemporary of Islamic radical Mukmin Ngruki Sukoharjo lulusan 2010. Kecuali groups such as MMI and JI due to the similarity saya.” (Sindonews, 2012). of their ideology and their members, family and “and our plan was to break Solo and amaliyah Solo. kinship interconnections. Our targets were toghut governance (government that does not follow the God’s instruction), we have From many reports, the terrorists in the planned this police office as the target for many majority of bomb attacks across Indonesia years, around 2007 to 2008 until now. One of the are associated with JI. Primary and secondary alumni from the Philippine or Moro named Farhan evidence show that the perpetrators confessed that originated from Jakarta. He was in the Philippine for two years. He studied military and came back they were members of JI. The targets of terrorist to Indonesia in 2012. In that place, he collected were various including bars, churches, mosques, weapons, 200 ammunitions, and grenades. In hotels, embassies and police offices. Each of these that area, we broke Solo, and make toghut officers targets had its meaning such as a symbol of the afraid. God willing for the sake of syariah Islam and khilafah Islamiyah (Islamic state). We were six West, symbol of the “toghut” state, and symbol of people. One of them was the donator; five of them the capitalist. The doctrine of jihad becomes the were alumni of Ngruki Sukoharjo 2010 except me”. ideological support to engage in the terror action. The terrorist network is also changing as well This can be seen from the involvement of martyrs as the shifts of targets. Dolnik (2007) mentions in suicide bombings as they were ready to die for that there were many new factions in JI that the sake of religion. emerged related to suicide bombing. The attack on the JW Marriot hotel 2009 might come from REFERENCE a new faction named Laskar khos (special force) Abdullah, Taufik. 2013. “Islam, state and society led by former leader of JI mantiqi III. The bomber in democratizing Indonesia, a historical for Bali case came from the Thoifah Muqatilah reflection”. inIslam in Indonesia: contrasting (combat unit) (Dolnik, 2007: 111-112; Jones and images and interpretation Burhanudin, Solahudin, 2014: 140). In the later period, the Jajat and Dijk, Kees van, eds, Amsterdam: extremists were engaged in low-tech assaults Amsterdam the Netherland. (Jones and Solahudin, 2014: 140). For instance Abuza, Zachary. 2003. Militant Islam in Southeast the suicide bombing near police station in Poso Asia, crucible of terror. London: Lynne Riene in 2013 was intended to create more casualties. Publisher. Yet, it only killed the suicide bomber (Jones and Solahudin, 2014: 140-141; Bbc, 2013). Abuza, Zachary. 2005. “Al Qaeda comes to Southeast Asia.” In Terrorism and violence in Southeast Asia transnational challenges ONCLUSION C to states and regional stability. Smith, Paul.J, The chronicle of terrorism in Indonesia dated ed. Armonk, New York, London, England: from the colonial past of this country. It started M.E.Sharpe. with the revivalist movement during the colonial Aly, Anne. 2011. Terrorism and global security, era; Masyumi, NII and TII all contributed elements
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Asia Institute and Institute of Southeast Asian Patek.Terbukti.Terlibat.Bom.Bali.dan.Bom. Studies. Natal. Kompas, 2011. “Ansyaad: terorisme masih ancaman Pavlova, Elena. 2003. “An ideology response to serious (Ansyaad: terrorism have became a Islamist terroris: Theoritical and operational serious threat).” Kompas. July, 2011. Accessed overview.” In Terrorism in the Asia-Pacific August, 10, 2014. From: http://nasional. threat and response. Gunaratna, Rohan, kompas.com/read/2011/06/23/12472326/ ed.Singapore: Eastern University Press. Ansyaad.Terorisme.Masih.Ancaman.Serius. Pavlova, Elena. 2007. “Jemaah Islamiah Kompas. 2010. “Jasad Dulmatin dipulangkan; according to PUPJI.” In A handbook of Warga Aceh Kembali dicekam Kondisi terrorism and insurgency in Southeast Asia. Konflik.”Kompas . Friday, 12 March 2010. Tan, Andrew.T.H, ed. Cheltenham, UK and Kompas. 2011. “Indonesia jadi medan perang Northamtom, USA: Edward Elgar. baru (Indonesia become a new battlefield).” Pusponegoro, Aryono D. 2003. “Terrorism Kompas, 2 May 2011. Accessed 8 October in Indonesia.” Prehospital and Disaster 2014 from: http://national.kompas.com/ Medicine. 18 (2): 100. read/2011/05/02/09074017/Indonesai.Jadi. Ramakrishna, Kumar and Seng Tan, See. 2003. Medan.Perang.Baru . “Is Southeast Asia a terrorist haven?” In After Kristanti, Yunita. 2009. “Mengapa bomber Bali the threat of terrorism in Southeast Asia. dijuluki calon pengantin.” Vivanews, 12 Ramakrishna, Kumar and Tan, See Seng, eds. August 2009. Accessed on 6 October 2014 Singapore: World Scientific and Institute of from http://nasional.news.viva.co.id/news/ Defence and Strategic Studies. read/82072 mengapa_bomber_dijuluki___ Republika. 2009. “Kronologis keterlibatan calon_pengantin_ . Ibrohim dengan bom Kuningan (the Kusaeni, Akhmad. 2009.” Mengapa pengebom chronology of how Ibrohim was connected bunuh diri disebut ‘pengantin’ (why the with Kuningan bomb).” Republika, 13 August suicide bombers were called as ‘pengantin’).” 2009. Accessed on 7 October 2014 from: Antaranews, 13 August 2009. Accessed on 8 http://www.republika.co.id/berita/breaking- October 2014 from: http://www.antaranews. news/nasional/09/08/13/68879-kronologis- com/berita/150824/mengapa-pengebom- keterlibatan-ibrohim-dengan-bom-kuningan. bunuh-diri-disebut-pengantin. Ricklef, M.C. 2012. Islamisation and its opponents Liputan6. 2009. “Jejak bom dan perburuan teroris in Java, c.1930 to the present. Singapore: NUS (bomb track and terrorist prey).” Liputan6, 21 Press. July, 2009. Accessed on 7 October 2014. From: http://news.liputan6.com/read/237746/ Sahni, Ajai. 2003. “The locus of error, has the jejak-bom-dan-perburuan-teroris. gravity of terrorism “shifted” in Asia?” In Terrorism in the Asia-Pacific threat and Mietzner, Marcus. 2009. Military politics, Islam response. Gunaratna, Rohan, ed.Singapore: and the State in Indonesia, from transition Eastern University Press. to democratic consolidation. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Saifullah, Muhammad. 2009. “Teroris bangkit, setelah “tidur” 14 tahun (The emerging of Natalia, Maria. 2012. “Aksa: Umar Patek terbukti terrorist after 14 years of sleeping).” Okezone. terlibat bom Bali dan bom natal (Aksa: Umar com, October, 15, 2009. Accesses Septemebr, Patek was proved on his involvement in Bali bomb and Christmast eve bomb).” Kompas, 4, 2014. From: http://news.okezone.com/ May, 21, 2012. Accessed September, 4, read/2009/10/15/343/265908/teroris- 2014. From http://nasional.kompas.com/ bangkit-setelah-tidur-14-tahun. read/2012/05/21/13434229/Jaksa.Umar. Santoso, Fery. 2012. “Osama pernah bantu 30.000
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dollar AS (Osama had given US $ 30,000).” Smith, Steve. 2002. “Unanswered questions.” In Kompas, March, 22, 2012. Accessed August, Worlds in collision terror and the future of 21, 2014. From http://nasional.kompas.com/ global order. Booth, Ken and Dunne, Tim, read/2012/03/22/13564267/Osama.Pernah. eds. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bantu.30.000.Dollar.AS. Suara Merdeka. 2005. “Dr.Azhari ledakkan Sebastian, Leonard.C. 2003. “The Indonesian diri.” Suara Merdeka, 10 November 2005. dilemma: how to participate in the war on Accessed 7 October 2014 from: http://www. terror wtgot becoming a national security suaramerdeka.com/harian/0511/10/nas01. state.” In After Bali the threat of terrorism htm. in Southeast Asia. Ramakrishna, Kumar and Suhendi, Adi. 2012. “Dana Osama bin Laden Tan, See Seng, eds. Singapore: World Scientific dipakai untuk bom Bali 1 (Osama bin Laden’s and Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. fund was used for Bali Bomb 1).” Kompas, Sindonews. 2012. “Isi lengkap testimony Bayu 26 March 2012, Accessed August, 20, terduga teroris Solo (a completed testimony 2014 from: http://nasional.kompas.com/ of Bayu, the suspected terrorist of Solo).” read/2012/03/26/14001755/Dana.Osama. Sindonews.com, 7 September 2012. Accessed bin.Laden.Dipakai.untuk.Bom.Bali.I. 5 October 2014. From: http://nasional. Sukma, Rizal. 2003. “Indonesia and the challenge sindonews.com/read/670735/14/isi-lengkap- of radical Islam after October 12.” In After testimoni-bayu-terduga-teroris-solo. Bali the threat of terrorism in Southeast Asia. Singh, Bilveer. 2003. ASEAN, Australia and the Ramakrishna, Kumar and Tan, See Seng, eds. management of Jemaah Islamiyah threat. Singapore: World Scientific and Institute of Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Defence and Strategic Studies. Centre the Australian National University. Thayer, Carlyle. A. 2005a. “New terrorism in Singh, Bilveer. 2004. “The challenge of militant Southeast Asia.” In After Bali the threat of Islam and terrorism in Indonesia.” Australian terrorism in Southeast Asia. Ramakrishna, Journal of International Affairs 58 (1): 47-68. Kumar and Tan, See Seng, eds. Singapore: Singh, Daljit. 2003. “ASEAN counter-terror World Scientific and Institute of Defense and strategies and cooperation: how effective?” In Strategic Studies. After Bali the threat of terrorism in Southeast Thayer, Caryle. A. 2005b. “Al Qaeda and political Asia. Ramakrishna, Kumar and Tan, See Seng, terrorism in Southeast Asia.” In Terrorism eds. Singapore: World Scientific and Institute and violence in Southeast Asia transnational of Defense and Strategic Studies. challenges to states and regional stability. Siradz, Fachri. 2009. “Implikasi di balik terror Smith, Paul.J, ed. Armonk, New York, London, bom di Marriot dan Ritz Carlton (the effect England: M.E.Sharpe. of Bomb terror at Marriot and Ritz Carlton).” Indosiar, 17 July, 2009. Accessed 10 October The Economist. 2010. Asia: arrest of a smiling 2014. From: http://www.indosiar.com/ extremist; Terrorism in Indonesia.. Accessed berita-terkini/implikasi-di-balik-teror-bom- 7 October 2014 from: http://search.proquest. di-marriott-dan-ritz-carlton_81290.html. com/docview/743966035?accountid=14723. Smith, Anthony.L. 2005. “Terrorism and the Tibi, Bassam. 2012. Islamism and Islam. New political landscape in Indonesia: the fragile Haven and London: Yale University Press. post-Bali consensus.” In Terrorism and Tumanggor, Robert Eryanto. 2007. “Indonesia’s violence in Southeast Asia transnational counter terrorism policy.” UNISCI Discussion challenges to states and regional stability. papers. 15: 87-110. Smith, Paul.J, ed. Armonk, New York, London, Varsney, Ashutosh and Tadjoeddin, Mohammad England: M.E.Sharpe. Zulfan. and Panggabean, Rizal. 2008.
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“Creating datasets in information-poor environments: patterns of collective violence in Indonesia 1990-2003.” Journal of East Asian Studies 8(3). 361-394, 521-522. Viva news. 2011. “Kenapa Teroris Pilih Cirebon dan Solo? Strategi teror dimodifikasi. Jangkauan teror diperluas.” Vivanews, 27 September 2011. Accessed, 10 May 2014 from: http://us.nasional.news.viva.co.id/news/ read/250290-kenapa-teroris-pilih-cirebon- dan-solo-. Voughn, Bruce and Chanlet-Avery, Emma and Lum, Thomas and Manyin, Mark and Niksch, Larry. 2008. Terrorism in Southeast Asia. Newyork: Novinka books. Widjaya, Ismoko. 2011. “Daftar panjang calon ‘pengantin’ (a long list of candidate of ‘pengantin’).” Vivanews, 27 April 2011. Accessed on 7 October 2014. From: http:// nasional.news.viva.co.id/news/read/216915- daftar-panjang-calon--pengantin-. Wildan, Muhammad. 2013. “Mapping radical Islam: a study of the proliferation of radical Islam in Solo Central Java.” In Contemporary development in Indonesian Islam. Van Bruinessen, Martin, ed. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Williams.M.G, Clive. “The question of “link” between al-Qaeda and Southeast Asia.” In After Bali the threat of terrorism in Southeast Asia. Ramakrishna, Kumar and Tan, See Seng, eds. Singapore: World Scientific and Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies.
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40 Analisa Journal of Social ScienceNew Religious and Religion Movement Vol 01on No.01Campus: June A 2016Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaArifuddin Ismail DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.203
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT ON CAMPUS: A ROLE OF CAMPUS’ MOSQUES IN RAISING EXCLUSIVITY (A Case at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta)
ARIFUDDIN ISMAIL
Office of Religious Research and ABSTRACT Development Ministry of Religious Affairs Makassar The Islamic model that happened and developed within the campus as the place used for this Jl.A.P.Pettarani No.72 Makassar, study, is the results of the implementation of religious movement. This model is known through Indonesia a qualitative method with interviews and direct observation to some religious activities Phone : 0411-452952 Fax. 452952. organized by students, in both the formal and informal settings. In the process of religious [email protected] movement itself, there is a tension between those who tend to be an exclusive group with the one who is moderate (non-exclusive) in various forms of activities, particularly in scientific Paper received: 13 Oktober 2015 Paper revised: 27 February - 1 March research forum. Student religious movement became a phenomena indicating a desire to learn 2016 or analyze religious beliefs with the more acceptable scientific reasoning. This choice is a form Paper approved: 16 May 2016 of expression to the lack of or inability in meeting the needs of religious knowledge provided by the university. Ironically, this choice of students was understood by some religious groups with different ideology. Each pattern known through activities and religious movements even it did not appear overtly or show its identity. Will this phenomena allowed or the campus will take an anticipatory action in order to develop new policies as an effort to meet the needs of students religious knowledge?Everything should goes back to the university. Keywords: religious movements, campus mosque, campus propaganda activist, exclusive
INTRODUCTION religious” one such as the University of Gadjah The shifting and strengthening phenomenas Mada (Universitas Gadjah Mada, UGM), but at the of religious movement taking place within the same time it also appears on the Islamic campus campus are very interesting to study for several such as the State Islamic University. It is an anti- reasons. First, the phenomena of the rise of Islam thesis toward an expression that the spread of in the campus becomes more visible in compari- Islam is only on “non-religious” campus. Islamic son with other religious movements occurred in Campuses such as the State Islamic University, Indonesia, including in Yogyakarta. This revival Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah University and the is characterized by the revolutionary change of Islamic University of Indonesia become the place student lifestyle. Most of the female students in- of the Islamic movements. Third, the organized volved in religious activities on campus wear the Islamic activities are not temporary, but included hijab (headscarf with big size) as the Islamic outfit. within the student activities program, including Similarly, the Islamic atribute (Arab and Pakistan) the Lecture of Akidah and Islamic faith on campus. reflected on dress pants “cingkrang” (end of the Fourth, their activity has produced new ideas that lower limit above the ankle) are used by the male their practice is an effort to apply Islamic concepts Muslim students. about certain issues which have not been done Second, the rise of Islam among the students before, such as the idea of khilafah (Jamas in started from campus is not only on a “non- Afadlal et.al, 2005).
41 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 41-58
Another important factor of the strengthening allows the establishment of character or revolution of Islamic students on campus is that it has been personality that exclusive and radical. supported by various religious facilities. Currently, Muhibbullah’s statement got justification almost all campuses already have a mosque or at from the obtained preliminary data which is the least musholla. Therefore, with the establishment rejection of assistance from the non-Muslims of mosque and small prayer house on campus such on the grounds that receiving such assistance as religious activities exist and are increasing, as is “illegal” (haram) because it comes from the well as the mosques’ activists become bigger in pagans. The similar refusal happens when giving numbers. assistance to the afflicted non-Muslims; they The strengthening of religious activities in prioritize the fellow Muslims only or their specific several campuses through the Lembaga Dakwah group because the unbelievers, for them, are “their Kampus-LDK (campus preaching institution) enemy.” is very positive and should be supported by all The phenomena of Islamic exclusivism like parties since these activities have affected the this is certainly worrying. Given campus mosques religious consciousness of students in off-campus. are assets of the nation and the people, they should Furthermore, in terms of the coverage of its be able to produce individuals who are intelligent, spreading experienced substantial progress. If creative, tolerant, courageous to live but do not fear at the beginning of the reformation, they only death, love the people and the nation; but in fact encompass urban and campus-based, currently it tend to produce individuals who are rigid, stiff, mosques in the city areas have been controlled glorifies death, intolerant, divisive and potentially by them in which they bring the atmosphere of community and nation. Therefore, it is time to the more Islamic devotion, as well as relying on pay attention to the construction of mosques and the power of preaching, organization and other campuses (Sasmono, 2006). activities (Zada, 2007). Through a variety of Thus, the attention on campus does not only activities in the mosques, they call themselves lead to the development of the intellectual capacity “youth of the mosque” and this is very positive. of students, but also on how to create conditions However, there are signs that the attraction that are far from groups interests which could characterizing the strength of the movement, on potentially reduce the independence of the campus the one hand shows the tendency that leads to as a neutral academic institution. Based on this, a what is known as a “religious exclusivism” even study of the strengthening phenomena of the new “Islamic radicalism,” a term which is still a subject Islamic movement on the Public Higher Education to debate. Yet, it is enough to convince academics campus in particular Gadjah Mada University as embryonic religious ideas which are less tolerant (UGM) in Yogyakarta draw studied deeper. and open; on the other hand there are religious The fundamental problem of this research is movements which are quite open, more tolerant, “how Islamic Movement Campuscould intensify democratic and liberal. and become an alternative of students on public The exclusivism nuance of students according higher education university of Yogyakarta.” From to Muhibbullah (2006) is a necessity as the this issue, there are three research questions, implication of the social process that has been going as follows: 1) how the reality of Islamic religious through. Interaction of the mosque activists on education at the University of Gadjahmada as campus is relatively intensive through a variety of Public Higher Education in Yogyakarta? 2) What activities. Therefore, any activity carried out almost kind of model that was developed in the Islamic always lasted until the internalization process, is campus? 3) how are the dynamics of the Islamist rare in the activities of the Mosque’s congregation movement took place on campus? in general. This internalization process is what In general, this study aims to describe
42 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail
Islamists campus that intensified and become an comprehensive review of several groups called alternative option in the Public Higher Education in “Radical Islam” in Indonesia. This book gives the Yogyakarta. In particular, we want to know about: impression which quite clearly related groups 1) the system of Islamic education at the University of radical Islam in Indonesia such as the Islamic of Gadjah mada as public college; 2) Islamic model Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI), in college that became the object of study; 3) the Mujahidin Council (Majelis Mujahidin, MM), dynamics of the movement which took place in the Laskar Jihad (LJ), and Indonesian Committee for campus and the anxiety underlying the movement. Solidarity of Islamic World (KISDI). The results of this study are expected to Other studies also have relevance to the provide a valuable contribution to the Universities, discussion on the research conducted by Zuly Qodir especially those related to religious activities (2011), The radicalization of Islam in Surakarta, and religious education system in college. The Central Java: A Case Study of Islamic Mosque intensified phenomena of Islamic movements in Campus UMS, UNS, IAIN, and Pondok Pesantren campus is more or less influenced by the weakness Ngruki, which highlighted the dynamics of Islam of religious institutions in the College itself. The during the campuses’ mosques. In that study, it results of this study can be the foundation for was confirmed that the campuses’ mosques, not evaluating the performance of religious institutions just secular campuses, but religious (Islam) ones in Higher Education. The study is also beneficial understand the radical tendencies are very strong. to the development of science, especially as data This can be seen from the efforts of certain parties enrichment for academics and other researchers, to dominate the mosques by entering new model as well as the possibility of further research. of Islamic studies as well as look at the sermon takes place every Friday. However, this study did LITERATURE STUDY not arrive at a model of how Islam developed and held on campus (the Mosque) is. Previous Writings So far, efforts to systematically mapping Another study of radical Islam also was done the phenomena associated with the presence of by M. Imdadun Rahmat (2005) entitled “New new religious movements are much studied by Islamic Currents: Revivalism Transmission of experts from various disciplines. Among them Middle East Islam to Indonesia.” In his study, is an article by Haidar Nasir (2007) entitled: he noted that the campuses’ mosques are very Manifestasi Gerakan Tarbiyah; Bagaimana strategic places for mission activists to spread their Sikap Muhammadiyah? (2007: v). The Tarbiyah ideologies. Campus movement activist such as Movement at first (around 1970 and 1980) was a Gerakan Tarbiyah, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, and propaganda movement in the campus of ITB, IPB, the Salafi movement had used campuses’ mosques UI, UGM, and others. Later, it became a movement as media of propaganda in transmitting Islamic and they called themselves Gerakan Tarbiyah, revivalist ideology imported from the Middle East. Tarbiyah Movement. Finally, in 1998, when The study of differences in propensity there was a new round of reform among activists between students of Natural Science Faculty founded the Justice Party (Partai Keadilan-PK) and Social Science Faculty in responding to the which turned out to be the Prosperous Justice Party idea of fundamentalism is also shown by Erham (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) in 2004. Though Budi Wiranto (2010) in his article titled “Islamic it discusses the problems of propaganda/dakwah Fundamentalism among Student of Natural movement in the campuses’ mosques, it emphasis Sciences and Social Sciences Faculties of Gadjah on the historical perspective of the phenomena of Mada University.” This study reveals that students Tarbiyah movement. at the Faculty of Social Sciences have stronger M. Zaki Mubarok (2008) provides a fairly tendency against the idea of fundamentalism.
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Students from the Faculty of Social Sciences have A Theoretical Reference an open and sustain understanding because they The presence of several “new religious have been in contact with social theories such movements” which are generally different from as cultural understanding, multiculturalism, the established religious movement such as pluralism, etc., so they are more capable in doing Muhammadiyah and Nahdltul Ulama had given further research on phenomena and problems the new color of the dynamics of the Islamic that occur, including socio-religious phenomena. movement in this country. These new religious On the other hand, students of the Faculty of movements have many names associated to it such Natural Sciences are often caught in the way of as Islamic fundamentalists, radical Islam, militant positivism thinking that is more likely to look at Islam, exclusive Islam, and even the most extreme the question as the “black-and-white.” The idea groups are labeled as a “terrorists” embryo. Despite of fundamentalism is easy to flourish because the the various names, it have common characteristics students have relatively low understanding on the such as equally dogmatic, the claim of truth, a social theories. They have lack of knowledge and rigid interpretation of the sacred texts (textual), ability to counter this kind of idea. Besides, it is the radicalization of views, their attitudes and due to the network of institutions of the campus actions in the communities allowing them to propaganda forum (Lembaga Dakwah Kampus) easily label other group who have different views which strongly facilitate and socialize the idea of and understanding to them as unbelievers; that fundamentalism. later give birth to a type of a collective movements Research and thoughts about variants in (social movements). New religious movements religious student movements were also carried also appear and thrive in universities because it is out by Arifuddin Ismail and colleagues (2011) not an area that stands alone and isolated from the with the title: Varian Pemikiran dan Gerakaan large society. Keagamaan Mahasiswa Perguruan Tinggi di Studies on the Islamic movement in Jatim, Jateng, dan DIY (Variants of Thoughts universities, referred to the theory of “social and Religious Movement of Student in Higher movements”. In general, a social movement has Education University in East Java, Central Java and Yogyakarta). The study has found three trends a broad definition because of its various scope. of thought and movement among students, which According to Giddens (1993), a social movement are the radical, liberal and moderate. All three is a collective effort to pursue a common interest; forms of thinking is growing among students or movement to achieve common goals through with a wide range of factors that influence such collective action (collective action) outside the religious understanding, motivations, patterns scope of the institutions established. of interaction and communication patterns of Meanwhile, Tarrow (1998) positioned social movement. movements as political resistance that occurs Some of its library study have a lot in common, when ordinary people that unite with a more especially on the study of radical Islamic groups influential group of people, join forces to fight the on the Islamic state, with the use of terrorism as elite, authority, and other opposed group. Action well as the political approach in analyzing the underlying political resistance is a contentious phenomena of conflict or unrest in Indonesia and collective action. Collective action can take many the emergence of curent movement. To uncover the forms, short or sustained, institutionalized or phenomena of the emergence of new trends which quickly dispersed, dull or dramatic. Collective is the strengthening of the Islamic Movement action has the sense of resistance when the Campusthat tend to be systematically exclusive in action is done by people who have less access to campuses’ mosques, it requires a relatively new institutions to submit new claims or claims that research focus on these issues. could not be accepted by the authorities or other opposed parties (Putra, 2006: 2).
44 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail
Rhys H. Williams defined social movement as: such as students, professionals, women, and “Social Movements are socially shared activities workers and farmers who defend human rights, and beliefs directed toward the demand for change democracy, environment, and injustice. New social in some aspect of the social order. To the narrow: movements emerged, not because of the pressures, a social Movement is a formally organized group but, a broader political and socio-economic plan, that acts consciously and with some continuity to promote or resist change through collective resulting in social movement which can take action” (Marty and Appleby, 1994: 786). advantage of that. This view is further clarified by Based on the view, the social movement is Zuly Qodir (2009), Social Movement in Islam: The an organized movement by the ideals and goals Manifesto of the Believer, that a group of a small of “to do” or “to reject” the changes consciously, scale religious movement (Muslim) can influence a continuously and collectively towards certain bigger religious movement in achieving its greater aspects in the existing social order, including the political objectives. movement associated with religious. New social movement is the dynamic of the social movement itself. Nonetheless, principally, ‘Religious movement’ is an idea which both the old social movement and the new one have seeks to interpret religious ideas to become a the same goal, namely the desire for transformation transformative power for developing a better new as what is aspired. Social movements have the social structure and order; by partaking, being characteristics of the actors, pilgrims/the people, open and being emancipative (Rahardjo, 1999: activity, ideology, and networks. In addition, the 12). It is an ambition upholding the dignity and social movements demonstrated the so-called the self-regard of humanity. Religious movements collective consciousness and then bring what in the frame of transformative paradigm are the is called collective behavior arising from the most humane way to change human history. The collective consciousness (Donattela, 1992: 23; religious movement defined here is any individual Tarrow, 1993: 26). In times, the emergence of new or business group that’s been organized to show social movements can be considered to filling the new patterns of different religious or a new empty spaces which go unnoticed by the agendas interpretation of an existing religion (established). of the old social movements. The study of the new For further development of the theory of religious movements within the campus of UGM social movements, New Social Movements uses the above theoretical formulas, because it is (NSM) was born to complement the old social considered to be closer to the existing conditions. movements. This term refers to the phenomena of social movements which have developed since the mid-1960s (Suharko, 2006). NSM is a recent RESEARCH METHODS development of the concept of social movements This is a case research involving descriptive present to correct principles, strategy, action or qualitative method, and was conducted at the ideological choices used by social movements University of Gadjah Mada (UGM). This campus in the past. New social movement is a collective has been used as the location based on the action of the community as it struggles to meet the following considerations. First, UGM is one of the needs of a new paradigm, a model of alternative leading universities in Indonesia with the number culture, and a new awareness of the betterment of of Muslim students more than 80% of the number sustainable future (Qadir, 2009). of active students. Second, the campus is not based Situmorang (2007) in his book “Social on Islam as well as not directly patronized Islamic Movements” offers new patterns of social education as campus under the auspices of the movements (New Social Movement). The Ministry of Religious Affairs.Third , there is various emergence of social movements is characterized dynamics of religious movements on campus. by the diverse social movements’ performers Fourth, there is an aspect of Islamic Religious
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Education, which involves senior students as occurred simultaneously. The lines are data mentors, without selection and control, as the reduction, data presentation and conclusion. finding of Arifuddin Ismail (2011); Fifth, religious Data reduction is defined as the selection process, activities on campus are rampant and intensive. focusing on the simplification of abstraction, and The data collected include: 1) the reality of the transformation of raw data that comes from Islamic religious education at the University the notes written on the field. Data reduction is of Gadjah Mada as Public Higher Education in a process to sharpen, classify, direct, remove and Yogyakarta; 2) Islamic model developed on campus, organize data in such a way that it can be concluded including a variety of forms of religious activity, or verified. and the tendency of the movement as implication In the meantime, the process of preparing the of religious understanding; 3) the dynamics of data is to plan and incorporate the information in the campus Islamist movement, related to the a cohesive structured form and easier to read. The emergence of students creativity involved in this conclusion is the process for registering regularity, movement to adding and deepening their religious patterns, explanations, possible configurations, knowledge. the flow of cause and effect, and propositions. The Data collection methods used in this study process is interactive, which are interconnected includes observation, in-depth interviews, and and cohesive. field notes as well as documentation study. Observations were carried out on the variety of RESULT AND ANALYSIS student activities at both campus and mosque. The Reality of Religious Study on Campus Various student involvements on campus Courses on religion at the University of were recorded through their activities such as Gadjah Mada (UGM) is inserted into the Personal Ramadan and Islamic studies, especially after Development subjects or courses (Matakuliah noon prayers (shalat dhuhur). In observation, the Pengembangan Kepribadian, MPK). There are 42 researchers did not do it alone, but were helped lecturers on the courses coming from UGM and by two assistants of students. This was done to UIN, aided by several assistants. The learning facilitate introduction and communication of the is divided into two; the first, religious course observation area. It was not done on a daily basis, that has been taught using standard material, as but adjusted for events or activities undertaken by published by the Ministry of Religion (Islamic students known through announcements on the disciplines). Second, the contextual Islamic bulletin board on campus. material is coordinated and given to each faculty The in-depth interviews were conducted with with the adjustment of the specific disciplines of several informants, such as the management, the faculty.1 professors and students. Selection of the informants Religious courses for students, especially for is based on their faculty. This determination is the freshmen, are required as their educational also based on the assumption that the Islamic background are not religious. It is assumed movement happens in two different disciplines. that they do not have religious background. It is Interviews were also conducted with students who intended to assist them in providing enrichment of are active in Salahuddin campus mosque and the religious knowledge. Religious courses formally are graduate school (At Taqwa) and Takmir mosque only 2 credits. Apparently, the university realizes it as the compared informants. so they provide assistanship for Islamic program This study is a qualitative research using words and sentences compared to figures. Accordingly, the proces and analysis of data has 1. Interview with Arqom Koeswanjono (Pembantu Dekan I of Philosophy Faculty of UGM) at the Philosophy Faculty, been done through three lines of activity which September, 2012.
46 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail
(Asistensi Agama Islam).2 AAI program itself over by the officer in charge of organizing Kultum is a complementary program to help introduce (seven minutes sermon) every Dhuhr and preacher Islam to students despite new policies, including (khatib) at Friday prayers. direction to read the Quran. A student of UGM The other side, Shaladuddin Foundation also said that with only 2 credits of religious studies, it has a major role in filling the lack of religious is impossible to provide a sufficient understanding. knowledge in the university environment.4 The Furthermore, he said: foundation is responsible for coordinating the The class we have received is only 1 hour per activities of Islamic spirituality in UGM, as the week, plus assistance every week for 2-3 hours. Ramadhan committee in Campus (RIC) (see This is not enough, so to work around this, I follow Tempo Magazine, May 13, 1989). In 1997, the khalaqah, at the Mosque near my boarding house, Rector Prof. Dr. Koesnadi Hardjasumantri, visit forums and university studies, and learn SH., setted the Jamaah Salahuddin (JS) as religious by myself.3 Islamic Chaplaincy Unit under the coordination Apart from the religious education program of Vice Rector (Pembantu Rektor, Purek) III formally enacted at the university, there are (now the Vice Rector of Alumni and Business also other extra activities, such as prayer and Development). Since then, JS officially is entitled religious gathering dedicated to the entire to occupy a space in the UGM Student Center. In academic community within the university under its journey, JS has a significant role in the fight for the coordination of “Dzikir and Do’a Assembly” the establishment of the mosque in the university (Majelis Dzikir dan Do’a). The event is raised by campus. Nevertheless, activities in JS are not only lecturers who are responsible for things related about Islam, but also to discuss discourses of the to religious programs at UGM. In all business social-political situation, the world of the student units are always activities respectively, including movement, and moral issues in society. religious programs. For example, there are prayer In carrying out its mandate as UGM students’ and dzikir performed by Dharma Wanita Faculty forum in deepening knowledge and understanding and other units. Islam, Jamaat Salahuddin (JS) focuses all In addition, there is the Student Activity activities on the campus mosque where they plan Unit (Unit Kegiatan Mahasiswa, UKM) which and implement programs and activities which has a lot of student activities. In this unit, there are consistent with the objective of JS. These are specific areas and one of them is ROHIS activities are planned in its long-term and there (Islamic Spirituality program). ROHIS directly is also a temporary activity in accordance with the handles activities related to Islam since there are needs and the development of the programs. As specific areas on Islamic spirituality. ROHIS at the the forum being in charge of the daily programs, university level is also formed in ROHIS- faculty the Shalahuddin Foundation appointed a daily level. This ROHIS in each faculty makes a number manager for all program activities to run well. of Islamic ritual programs, such as coordinating In relation to the development of people, the the implementation of the prayer (Dhuhr) and Foundation has scheduled the programs for talks Friday prayers in their respective faculties. In the by inviting speakers from all level. Beside study, Graduate School, for example, ROHIS is taken discussion or prayer groups are not coordinated by the JS, but by another student group (Ismail, 2012). 2. This program has started since 1987 and was approved by the university through the SK Rektor N0. 214/P/SK/HT/2004. This decision letter is a form of legalization to the assistance 4. Aside from JS, UGM also have other spirituality units or mentoring of Islamic religious education on UGM that has of other religions, such as the Buddhist Students Family, been done up to this day. Hindu Students Family Dharma, Catholic Chaplaincy Unit 3. Interview with HF (22), Student of Engineering Faculty of (Campus Mass) as well as the Christian Spirituality Unit (Unit UGM, October 6, 2012. Kerohanian Kristen).
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Religious activities and the nuance of Islam old campus and it has the faculty of Social and are very much felt on the campus. Various Political Sciences. However, the campus mosque activities such as Islamic studies, discussions, a activists tend to be allergic to politics, though in big gathering for Islamic sermon (tabligh akbar) fact they are political. They are actually involved in and the like can easily be found at the university. practical politics as a staunch supporter of Hizbut- The latest program created by the campus activist Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) or the Prosperous Justice propaganda movement is memorizing the Qur’an Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS), especially in the name of “Gadjah Mada memorizing the those who are affiliated with the Union Action Quran” (Gadjah Mada Menghafal Qur’an, GMMQ). of Indonesian Muslim Students (Kesatuan Aksi It was on Friday, October 19, 2012 at 4pm in the Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, KAMMI).6 They Multimedia Room of Faculty of Law, student argue that “Political indeed a good thing, but for activity units LDK Jama’ah Shalahuddin of UGM the benefit of mankind”. launched Semi Autonomous Body (BSO) named The head of campus mosque caretakers GMMQ. The semi-autonomous organization has (takmirs) emphasized that the mosque was a special program to accommodate students who not competent to respond to this. The political want to become those who memorize the Quran. question is out of the responsibilities and duties of Mosque: Contention between Public and the mosque. The mosque has nothing to deal with Private Space politics, it should take care of the issue of worship A mosque on campus is an important asset instead. This is consistent with the function of for the development of Islamic study in general. the mosque which is to spiritually communicate However, the mosque is also sometimes used as with God (munajah). Politics is not a matter of an arena of contestation intended to show the religion and the mosque only deals with building influence of each group which involves ‘worship’ faith of the people. By saying this, it is claimed that as its slogan (jargon). In the practice of shalat between Islam and politics are separable. This is sunnah tarawih for example, the UGM’s mosque where the contradiction of the managers mosque chooses eleven rakaats, including tarawih and UGM was beginning looks obvious. witir prayers. It seems that the choice seems to The mosque of UGM is not so much engaged in be based more on prophetic practice than follow economic problems, but social actions for helping the companions of the prophet who practiced 23 poor people at Eid (idul fitri), Ramadan, the rakaats in tarawih and witir prayers. Related to distribution of rice, the distribution of sacrificial tarawih prayers, the Sunni campus mosque refers meat, and clean water. According to one of the to the Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad, narrated mosques caretakers, the assistance is provided by Aisha (the wife of the Prophet), “Mohammed not only when there is a religious event, but also never” pray (Sunnah) in the month of Ramadan a social one. and the others more than eleven raka’at.”5 It is On the issue of culture, it seems that The head widely practiced by Muhammadiyah. The Muslim of campus mosque caretakers (takmirs) did not Indonesia analysts in particular, then label that give his response to cope with. According to him, performing 11 rakaats of tarawih is considered as any activity should be in line with the Qur’an and Muhammadiyah followers, while choosing the 23 the Hadith. In connection with any culture that rakaats is Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) followers. is not associated with ritual worship is not the In connection with the politics, the mosque of UGM is a phenomena because it was in the 6. KAMMI is one of the organizations that respond the state (1998) condition due to a crisis of multi-dimensional that trying 5. Hadith transmitted by Aisyah r.a., in “Bulughul Maram” to create the madani society. The organization is confined to (translation) Muh. Syarif Sukandi. Bandung: al-Ma’arif, 1978, Muslim students only and has aspires to make Islam more p. 141. down to earth.
48 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail authority of the mosque. In this case, the mosque campus provides an environment of tranquility in is only dealing with religious activities. Yet, when the discussion. The other reason is that the use of asked about Islam and Javanese, he firmly said the place is free of charge. Also, it is easy to reach that there is Muslim Javanese (Muslim Kejawen), friends or members of the study group itself.7 and it is not a problem because, for him, it is the Themes of the study within this small groups result of acculturation. are faith, morals, worship, mu’amalah while This shows that, first, the mosque is used themes on philosophy and mysticism are barely by certain groups as a space to promote the discussed. The study also focuses on the Qur’an and development of an ideology, though it only involves the Hadits by which it internalizes understanding. the members of the group. Second, various religious Beyond that, they regard it as an act violating (Islamic) activities increasingly spread on campus the rules. SH said that research done for all this which in one side can be regarded as the sign of time is always aimed at establishing an Islamic the dynamics of campus Islamic movement. Yet, personality based on understanding derived from in another side, it indicates the increasingly lack of al-Qur’an and the Hadis of the Prophet. He said control of the student activities which leads to the further that everything should be in reference to formation of an exclusive group. the two sources of Islam.8 Meanwhile, the methods In this mosque, every Friday is filled by a applied in discussion are question and answer, variety of topics addressed in the speech leading tutorial and lecture. to ‘invite’ people to return to the Qur’an. Instead, The intensive discussions involve students by there was a preacher who does not hesitate to expressing their concern about the lack of Islamic say that the institutions which promote religious knowledge acquired over the years. With their pluralism are the agents of colonialists (the West) non-religious background, they take the time who are now trying to reaching the campus. This to seriously participate in various studies. They shows that, the purification of Islamic movement are even eager to set up a short time to continue on campus, especially on the non-religious campus participating in religious activities such as a book has been intensified which indirectly also provides review, bazaar, charity, and social activities. At spaces for a certain group to develop and voice up the end of the discussion, the theme for next their ideology in the spirit of freedom of expression discussion is determined. Themes of discussion on campus. are very various, ranging from how to live in an Islamic way. Furthermore, the themes being faced Halaqah: Internalization Forum of by Muslims in recent issues, such as the issue Understanding Islam of pluralism, equality, justice, leadership of the The other place used by students beside mosque countr, are discussed. is the yard or the campus area. The yard with the This forum (halaqah) can also be viewed in cool weather was used as a place for discussion. At three ways. First, as a means to internalize the any given time (specifically afternoon), there can process of its members. In general, members of be found a few small groups (halaqah) consisting the halaqah come from non-religious background. of three people who are guided by a mentor (the instructor). In the courtyard of the Graduate 7. Interview with TF (23 years old, student of Engineering School, for example, some groups can be found Faculty), August 12, 2012 in the yard of postgraduate school on a daily basis. They sat down to talk with a of UGM. small circle of same-sex, while for other types also 8. Interview with SH (24 year old) at UGM, October 2012. In fact, some people think that life (religion) is the holy book of form a circle not far from the cycle of the other life that what does not directly relate to the scriptures is not group. According to one of them, they use a yard a religion. It is obvious when talking about science, the so- called science is only found in the scriptures. Thus, the social as a discussion place due to the difficulty to find sciences, such as sociology, anthropology, and as they are not another place on campus. Then, this beautiful religious domain (Sobary, 2006: 23).
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Second, it is a forum to examine the solidarity 2 hours within a week. This means the students, of Islamic group in a micro scale. The Muslim with their non-religious background, feel so. students consciously or not, are actually in the Consequently, they try to find another way to fill middle of the ideological debate, especially with the gap. the presence of the forum in the name of particular Differentiation of Campus Islamic religion. Third, it is a forum against any “non- Movement Islamic group” or “secular Islam.” Thus, there are There are differences in the Islamic movement two trends here, on the one hand there is a desire to occuring in every faculty at non-religious learn about Islam, and the other, is to implement campuses. The difference is caused by the type Islamic values. The forum as such in some corner of each faculty, especially in response to various of the campus is easy to find. It usually has small developments and the emerging face of the Islamic 9 groups were attended by several people. world. At the faculty of social sciences, for example, Nonetheless, there are two contradictory Islamists campus leads more on a consolidation things by looking at the routine activities such in forming Islamic identity to strengthen the as the establishment of the study group forum. identity. Meanwhile, at the faculty of natural First it indicates a strong desire among them sciences (science) precisely occurs the opposite. to understand Islam better. Yet, they are not They reinforced how knowledge is internalized in supported by the adequate space and facilities. Islamic life which should be started from us. As the result, they have to find ways and means of At certain faculties such as Mathematics and self-learning system outside the campus. Second, Science, Pharmacy, Engineering, for example, it pictures that there can be a system in which the there are students who always use identities perpetrators transform the religious beliefs into a characterizing a particular group by using Arabic consciousness. The system evidently shows that term which directly shows their self-existence religious practices are seen as a system which being different with other groups. From this view, should be distinguished from the non-religious the notion emerged that those students at the practice (Mashad, 2000: 126). This spirit was faculty of natural sciences are more ‘Islamic’ than also born of their concern for the condition of the others from the social sciences. Shidqi Ahmad as Muslims who have the moral decay of the social quoted by Erham Nudi Wiranto (2010) pointed consequences of the influence of other ideologies out that there are many akhwat-akhwat (Muslim (secular, etc.) and should be returned to the sisters) who studied at the Faculty of Mathematics original path (Islam). and Natural Sciences, Pharmacy, Engineering, and at some other natural science faculty. This The rise of limited review forums like is also indicates that the intensity of the Islamists among due to the lack of allocation of Islamic studies at students of natural sciences is more intensive and the faculty. Although this has been recognized by nuanced than the Islamic movement at the faculty the university to include curriculum design and of social sciences-humanities. teaching on religious courses under the umbrella On the information boards in corners of the Subject Personality Development (MPK). The faculties like in the Faculty of Medicine UGM time allocation for the courses is very limited, only found the announcement of talks and seminars on Islam. In fact, a similar announcement can also 9. HF (22) said that the members of the group usually consist of 5 be found at the other campuses’ mosques beside to 7 people come from multi background. According to him, he UGM, such as UNY and UII, which also shows that joined one of the study group (JS and Muslim Forum ISIPOL) because the invitation of his friend. The members of the group the distribution of announcement of UGM study come from MIPA Faculty, Tecnique, etc. In its study forum, group can also be easily accessed in other places HF share opinion regarding contemprary issues. Even, he also because communication networks and group make friendship with other student from different background, but very careful if there is any political issue. publications are well linked.
50 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail
Speakers in the talks are typically graduates religion can surely be investigated and studied from Saudi Arabia and Yaman who has a network with “value-free”, so an understanding of the of alumni in Indonesia. The theme was very religious person can experience transformation popular around the current religious phenomena from doctrine to academic. which tends to affect daily lives and praxis. It is The Typologies of the Campus Islamic also free of charge where everyone are invited to Movement join the event, although the invitation is strictly Starting from a mosque, the Islamic movement, limited to Muslims.10 From here we can see that especially at the UGM has spread to the other the management of the activities of the study faculties. The spread of Islamic movements within group was very neat for it does not only spread the campus can not be separated from the history its purpose to understand Islam, but also how of the early establishment of the mosque itself. The they should attract interest and sympathy of other mosque in early Islam became the center of the students to join the group. dynamics of the Muslims. The different view happens in the graduate However, the campus mosque was “controlled’ school. The presence of the CRCS provides by certain groups that make the spirit of struggle regular discussions of different colors with a wide was different from other mosques in general. range of discussions. In regular discussions every The UGM’s mosque as described in another Wednesday, for example, issues and themes of part of this discussion, has been a birthplace discussion no longer revolves around the study of of Campus Propaganda Institute (Lembaga basic Islam. At the CRCS, religions are not only Dakwah Kampus, LDK), which coordinates all studied and understood as a doctrine, but as an activities of the propaganda. From this, we can object of scientific research (academic) so that see how a propaganda journey on campus does religion can be viewed from various perspectives tend to be “closed.” In line with the condition, (multi-disciplinary). At this point, the study of the mosque Nurul Huda UNS (State University religion (Islam) in the CRCS with different religious of Solo) centralizes a mission which favors neo- studies conducted in the campus mosque, halaqah fundamentalime (al-Makassary, et al, 2010: 261). and faculties. This is due to fact that all the dynamics of the At the regular discussions, CRCS responds to mosque has been regulated and controlled. There a variety of religious issues from the perspective are three types of activities here: First is the regular of science. Religion, again, is seen as an object (daily) activities such as praying five times. Second of scientific study, which involves a variety of is the incidental activities such as Ramadan. perspectives to criticize for. Religious has been And third is the long-term nature of such studies reviewed academically resulting understanding on a regular basis, usually called ‘canteen’ and which is not only doctrinal, but more comprehensive jurisprudence for women. It is commonly called even to the very technical as how religion is ‘Kafenita ‘. The Friday sermon and its preachers are understood and practiced by the transvestites and scheduled as part of the programmed activities. It others. It is certainly, on the one hand, provides a is as described earlier in this section, in accordance new perspective on religion. But, on the other hand, with the mission of establishing the mosque as a it brings out controvercy, especially for people who center of Islamic studies, not of any other interest. think that it is excessive. As an academic study, The above description shows that the spread of Islam on campus tends to be exclusively enjoyed 10. This shows that in every activities done by one of the study and followed by certain circles or groups. This groups very much prioritize the Islamic group. It also reflects trend is also not free from criticism of people that the tendency of the exclusive movement is clearly visible, even though it is only supported by one indicator which is the within the campus. As happened at the university, restriction of participants or audience that only Muslims. for example, the university is considerably failed in
51 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 41-58 controlling the Islamic movement on campus. It is can be seen as a center of education to discuss also seen in some cases as in the case of rejection issues of social, economic, political, cultural and of Irshad Mandji in a discussion. In fact, the contemporary issues that developed within the campus is an autonomous institution at which the community. The presence of this kind of student rights to freedom of expression and thought can organization represents the spirit of “a new be freely made. So, there is a tendency in which Islamic” that reflects “totality” and “sincerity”, the presence of the Islamic propaganda institute both in its goal and in terms of social and political (lembaga dakwah) centralized in mosque also behavior. They really have a desire to reflet the affects the dynamics of Islam on campus and even portrait of an ideal young Muslim generation, as a influences the independence of academic freedom pious generation, who uphold Islamic morality in of the university, as we look upon the case of Irshad all aspects of life (kaffah). Mandji. The Islamic Movement on campus seriously Understanding and Islamic Model: addresses secularism, pluralism, and liberalism. 1. Response to the Contemporary Issues The activists publicly acknowledge that there are disagreements about secularism, pluralism, and The Islamic model understood and developed liberalism. In response to these problems, they on campus is a model of Islam as a whole (kaffah) understand the poblems as part of the ‘guests’ which does not only touch the aspect of worship, action’ who do not believe in the teachings of but all aspects of life, including social, cultural, Islam of kaffah. The “guests” try to find excuses economic, political, and so on. As for the response in order to get a place. In fact, the teachings to the social, economic, political and cultural of Islam are perfectly clear and there is no any problems responses that given by the Islamic shortfall, but some Muslims do not even believe campus is positive and constructive. The way to it. This is a war of ideas between people with respond varies by dialogue on the raised issues, Muslims and Muslims versus people who do not through media owned by the Islamic institutions like Islam. For this reason, the Islamic movement on campus, or through other propaganda on campus seriously responded by launching the programs (Syiar). The activists of campus mosque counter thinking with those who carry the issues understand Islam as kaffah in its literal meaning. of pluralism, liberalism and secularism. Three of This, for them, implies that things associated with these issues, according to them, are big problems the political, economic, cultural, and life should and even bigger if not handled soon and carelessly. be Islamic which means in accordance with the Muslims will be scattered as what they confessed. scripture. If not, there is no need to be done and Therefore, he said, Muslims should be careful followed.11 The Islamists of UGM understand Islam as a complete and final religion and everything with the campaign of pluralism, liberalism and must be based on the holy book Quran, not from secularism for it is very dangerous to the integrity another source. of Islam as a whole. Thus, it is a simple fact about the understanding The presence of prayer group and religious of Islam and its practice. Although not directly say forum as shown on campus of the non-religious that it is necessary to discuss political, economic, university, as described above, at least has cultural and other issues, but the campus Mosque stressed three significant points. First, it has has a serious concern in those matters. Moreover, emerged and raised a high awareness about the the activist of the campus Mosque consists of importance of Islamic studies which is sustainable activists and KAMMI and Hizbuttahrir. Therefore, and institutionalized within a university. The it is actually very reasonable if the campus Mosque lack of Islamic knowledge could be fulfilled by these kinds of activities. Second, there has been a strengthening of understanding on the importance 11. Interview with R (24) at UNY Mosque, October 8, 2012. of solidity and solidarity among the people on
52 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail campus. It particularly responds to development The modernity understood as something that and dynamics of the community which continue comes from the West is rejected by radical groups to progress very rapidly. Third, there is a in the Muslim world. This is because modernity systematic effort built intentionally to obliterate is considered a form of Westernization. Bassam stigmatization of non-religion campus as often Tibi (1994: 10-11) claims that the world of Islam regarded as a platform to fertilize secular thoughts in facing Westernization, has took the culture- which give more space for human reason than the defensive attitude. This culture is viewed by involvement of religion. Arnold Hottinger, a German journalist, as an The existence of the research/study forum attitude by which that almost all the “literalist” (halaqah) at the non-religious university, on one Muslim in modern times hold tight. It seems that hand shows the high sensitivity to the importance fundamentalism is something created. It was of enhancing the knowledge and discourse on created from their hatred to the West. issues of Islam which are less sufficient than in Activists of Islamic mission criticize the United the religious universities. On the other hand, the States of America as “a grey state” because on one presence of these forums also indicates a ‘struggle’ hand they fight for the values of human rights, and even a fight between one group against the but on the other they deny human rights. They others. Prayer forums at university and faculty say that discrimination against women in hijab indicate a tendency toward how to understand and and men with beards in the West is an example of how to apply Islam in a simple manner, but what the denial of the human rights. The siding of the is shown by other groups such as JS takes a slightly West to Israel has increasingly made the activists different path. have more hatred towards the West. The activist The emergence of groups proposing the thought that the land of Palestine officiallybelongs Islamic Shari’a, in Haedar Nashir (2006), carries to the Palestinian people. It is therefore, for them, the ideology of Islam as a result of ‘negligence’ to Israel’s annexation of Palestinian land was illegal. accommodate the country’s interests. The country is considered in favor of the secular ideology The view above shows that Muslims around and ignores Islam. These groups represent the world are required to remain solid and united Islam literally, formalistic, and doctrinaire. against Western hegemony as any damage that More interestingly, in the midst of the writhing befell Muslims in the entire world is caused by movements appear CRCS which comes to give the greed of the West. In the view of the campus a new color in the dynamics of religious studies propaganda activists, the West systematically at UGM. It tries to voice up a priority to respect attempts to break the mentality of the Muslims so others for the sake of humanity. that they can deviate from the teachings of their religion. According to them, one of the efforts is 2. Resistant to the View of the Modernists issued by promoting the views of liberalism and Rejecting the modernists view in this case is pluralism. defined as a view of the anti-everything perceived as West. West here is translated as the United Resentment against modernity (the West) by States, Israel and their allies, especially European the activists has intensified by the fact that they countries. West in the eyes of the Islamist activists make the magazine entitled “Voice of Islam” which is the main rival to blame for the destruction of contains themes on anti-Western and is sold freely Muslim countries such as Palestine, Iraq, and in the campus. The Magazine is of the magazines Afghanifstan in which it is considered as Western concerned in the dissemination of anti-Western. design to destroy the power of the Islamic radical One of its articles of the latest issue, the edition 144 Islamic forces. This is due to an understanding of June 5-19, 2012, is entitled Save the Children that they are the only one that able to compete from the Dangerous of Sepilis, ‘Selamatkan Anak with Western hegemony. Dari Bahaya Sepilis.’
53 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 41-58
Campus propaganda activists argue that However, the activists refused the view that Muslims do not need to extoll western civilization Islam is a doctrine legalizing oppression for because today they were on the verge of collapse. women. They said that Islam is a religion which They state Muslims should remain optimistic upholds the dignity of women. They pointed out although the stigma is still often addressed to that in the eyes of God, men and women have the Islam, such as Islamic terrorists, Islam oppressing same degree. The campus propaganda activists women. It is, for them, considered to be a process also experience a very large concern over the and trial from God to achieve success. In their spread of interpretation based on lust, because opinion, a person who is successful in the process it has deviated from the interpretation that has will always face many trials and forgings. been set by salafhushshalih. According to them, 3. Self-Closing to the Interpretation of Islam is a very fair teaching. The fairness of Islam, Relogious Text according to them, does not mean that each party Reinterpretation of the text is one of the has to get something similar, but it means that issues discussed by many Muslims up to this each party should get something in proportion day. Muslim intellectuals are pushing the to their responsibilities to which it aspires. They importance of reinterpretation of religious added that Muslims should not follow a gender texts as a form of response to their critical perspective echoed by the West. Today it is even stagnation on Islamic theology in responding the more terrible, as some Western countries legalize challenges of contemporary world, such as Islam the same-sex marriage which in their views denies fundamentalism, discrimination against women, human nature. and the increasing of intolerance in society. Still, according them, interpretation of the The groups that emphasize the urgency of Qur’an for this group is an activity that should not reinterpretating the text of Quran are, for them, be done. Whatever written in the text is what should considered as liberals. They are liberal because be well done and well practiced. Interpreting the they “dare” to reinterpret religious texts that have text means not only denying the truth, but also been final in the hands of the previous righteous giving other meaning to it. Thus, what is in the text people (salafushshalih). Nevertheless, some literally is the final one. intellectuals are often rejected by the so-called 4. Closing the Room for Dialogue liberal because of the negative connotation of the term (Safi, 2003: 17). Being closed for dialogue in this regard is meant to do the purification of Islam. Purification One of the efforts often made by them to in this case is defined as an understanding that denote liberal intellectuals is by showing a passage everything has to be purified based upon the Qur’an written by the liberal intellectuals. For instance they state that the liberal intellectuals always and the practices of the Prophet Muhammad. To lead to the importance of reinterpreting the perform the purification, the activists implement verses related to gender issues, especially with the teachings of the consolidation of power by regard to women. They will say for example that, strengthening their pilgrims, textual interpretation Nazaruddin Umar (2009) who is labelled by them of the text, and following the way of dressing which as a liberal intellectual said in his work: “That is considered prophetic, like wearing jungkring, negative image of women in the Islamic world and baju koko, having beard, etc. the Middle East in general is that women seem to One of the sticking characteristics of be the second human, can not be separated with radical groups in religiosity is that they consider the understanding of religious texts, including to themselves as the most correct and authentic one the Quran and hadith. We’re so confident that God in understanding religion. They departed from the is just ... and infinitely wise.” hadith of the Prophet that one day Muslims would
54 New Religious Movement on Campus: A Role of Campus’ Mosques in Raising Exclusivity Arifuddin Ismail split into many groups i.e., 73 groups, and only one CONCLUSION of them will survive. The survivors are their group The Islamic Movement Campus widely as they claim. The hadith is understood textually emerged stresses that there are efforts made by without taking any proper theoretical approach various groups to keep putting, even polarizing of interpretation or hermeneutics. For them, the the fiikr (dimension of ratio) and zikr (dimensions argument has been very clear and unnecessary to of conscience) on campus. Various forums and interpret. Therefore, they do not open any space for worship groups, like liqa’, halaqah, so on and so dialogue with the other groups; group of sorcery forth are no longer considered as a new phenomena, and the need to be straightened out. but a social fact which also contributes to the To counter these views promoted by the emergence of various forms of response to the liberals, the campus propaganda activist do many problem of humanity. It also indicates a tendency attempts such as making group discussions and for introducing new religious models on campus holding seminars. In fact, the discussions and that has very minimal space for the development seminars drive them to exclusivity for having of Islamic studies. The growth and expansion of another dialogue as evidenced by their refusal the study groups also give an overview that there to attending our invitation for seminars and is the strengthening of the Islamic movement on discussions with the liberal Muslim thinker, Ulil campuses which are often labeled as seculars. Abshar Abdallah. The intensity of religious studies at non- This previous view shows that the religious campuses can also be understood as strengthening of consolidation in the congregation a new form of creativity of students to cover up is very urgent to be done for they believe that their lack of knowledge and understanding of the the liberals backed up by the great power, the religion (Islam), as well as the lack of religious knowledge programmed by universities. The West. One of the hot issues attracting public presence of various agencies, boards, or Islamic attention lately is the launching of a movie entitled study groups on campus also has an impact on “Innocence of Muslims.” The majority of Muslims the dynamics of the campus that always changes. have considered that the movie insults the Prophet On campuses’ mosques, at certain times such as Muhammad. This then sparked protests from Ramadan, they are very active in holding many almost all Muslims throughout the world. In an programs. Sermons and lectures on the campuses’ attempt to protest against the release of the movie, mosque are typically common to support their the propaganda campus activists who are under activities. The sermons and lectures usually stress the Jamaah Shalahuddin attempted to protest on purification, authenticity, and back to devout by inviting the Embassy of the United States of Muslims (Islam Kaffah). Meanwhile, at the same America to attend their discussions. But until now, time students also continue to have meetings on the embassy has not given any response to the Islamic studies at the campus area which indicates invitation. the existence of their movement in the midst of In essence, they will continue to be the the debate and discussion on scientific approaches forefront of the fight against parties that want to rather thanreligious ones. destroy Islam. They want to understand how Islam A brief description above shows several is practiced without departing from the essence things. First, the form of Islam taking place on and by who promoted the values of morality and campus is more pronely directed to do a ‘counter’ humanity. Similarly, the passion to return to the to the scientific developmentwhich are considered legal / law is a form of longing of success as in the to have more distance from religion itself. It early days of Islam until the various activities are can be seen from the tendency of strengthening performed to support these ideals. intensive studies, lectures, and religious activities
55 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 41-58 on campus. The form of Islamization on campus is able to demonstrate their Islamic identity. Also, how to strengthen the activists’ programs through it is a form of criticism to the system of religious various groups and religious activities which do (Islamic) course which allocates very less time on not involve other groups and close dialogues. a non-religious campus. It is therefore important The development of religious (Islamic) activities, to reform the system of the religious course which on one hand, can be seen as a model of activities is more proportional and does not collide with the which provides a space for students to reduce religious courses on religious campuses. Thus, in their shortage of knowledge. On the other, it the future, it is expected that the system will be raises understanding and attitude of exclusivity able to accommodate the interests of particular on campus which tend to deny the existence of students, and also will be able to answer the others. Indeed, if campuses play roles in control students’ curiosity on Islamic studies. such activities, the campuses can be set free from development and dissemination of the exclusivity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Second, the question of humanity which Afadhal, M. 2005. Gerakan Islam Kampus. becomes the main concern to the Islamic movement Jakarta: Lakspedam NU. on campus is how to strengthen the capacity of Aziz, Muhammad Abdul. 2002. Islam dan Negara. individuals and groups to form a community Jakarta: Gema Insani Press. in dealing with various issues considered as Giddens, Anthony. 2010. Teori Strukturasi, contradictory to Islam. Injustice, democracy, Dasar-dasar Pembentukan Struktur Sosial liberalization, and global issues are not the focus Masyarakat. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. of the available study. However, the early stage is J. Moleong, Lexy. 2002. Penelitian Kualitatif. how to provide sufficient understanding as to what Bandung: Rosda Karya. is outlined in the scriptures without adding or deleting anything of it. Political, social, economic, Kartodirjo, Sartono. 1984. Pemberontakan Petani and cultural problems have been ‘neglected’ since Banten. Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya. the focus on the religious (Islamic) response is ______. 1984. Ratu Adil. Jakarta : Sinar also aimed to change the value system of the non- Harapan. religious to be religious. Madjid, Nurcholish. 2009. Kaki Langit Peradaban Third, the development of Islamic movement Islam. Jakarta: Paramadina-Dian Rakyat. is the one which leads to the formation of attitudes al-Makassary, dkk. 2010. Benih-benih Islam (character) and understanding aimed to be the Radikal di Masjid: Studi KasusJakarta dan castle of Islam through various Islamic studies Solo. Jakarta: Center for Study of Religion and intensively promoted. However, this development Culture. is likely to be an exclusive one which makes the Marty, Martin E dan R. Scott Appleby (ed.). study is only done and provided by a specific group. 1994. The Fundamentalism Project Vol. This also produces understanding stirring to claims 4, Accounting for Fundamentalism: The that non-Muslims’ discourses (political, social, Dinamic Character of Movements. Chicago economic, and cultural) have failed to address the London: The University of Chicago Press. issues so that the only Muslims are considered to Mashad, Dhurorudin. 2000. “Usroh dan be the most capable of providing solutions to the Kebangkitan Islam ala Kampus”, dalam M. various problems faced by mankind in the present Hamdan Basyar, Islam dan Dinamika Islam and in the future. Politik. Jakarta: PPW-LIPI. Nevertheless, the presence of various forms Muhibbullah. 2006. Respons Islam Kampus of Islamic movement on campus is a form of terhadap Perubahan Sosial. Jakarta: PPB students’ creativity. They, to some extent, are Jakarta.
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58 AnalisaThe Journal Society of Socialof Minangkabau Science and in TulisReligion Sutan Vol Sati’s 01 No.01 Sengsara June Membawa2016 Nikmat: Between Local Traditions and Islamic Teachings Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaBetty Mauli Rosa Bustam DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.261
THE SOCIETY OF MINANGKABAU IN TULIS SUTAN SATI’S SENGSARA MEMBAWA NIKMAT: BETWEEN LOCAL TRADITIONS AND ISLAMIC TEACHINGS
BETTY MAULI ROSA BUSTAM
Gadjah Mada University ABSTRACT Jl. Teknika Utara, Pogung, Yogyakarta, Indonesia The culture of Minangkabau is different from the ones generally existing in Indonesia, Phone : 0274-564239 Fax. 0274-547681 particularly compared to the Javanese culture. Therefore, the culture of Minangkabau [email protected] is often considered as a contradictory or antithesis of the Javanese culture, often represented as the overall culture of Indonesia. Minangkabau culture peculiarity lays Paper received : 7 January 2016 in its matrilineal which influences lineage and inheritance. The contradictory matter Paper revised : 27 February - 1 March 2016 refers to the society of Minangkabau that is the largest Islamic followers in Indonesia, Paper approved : 16 May 2016 yet their ancestral traditions are not completely in line with the Islamic teachings, some even are contradictory. It is a common knowledge that a literary work is not born from an ‘empty culture’ meaning that a literary work must be influenced by its author. Even some of literary experts believe that a society described in a novel is the real society where the author lives. It is similar to the novel of Sengsara Membawa Nikmat of Sutan Sati, which is the object of this study. The novel describes the society of Minangkabau in the early 20th century, at the end of 1920s to be exact.This research shows how the efforts of Minangkabau people in adopting the Islamic teachings completely and how Islam adapts to the Minangkabau hereditary traditions. Some of the traditions may exist in accordance with the Islamic teachings, but some do not. Even to gather all headman of the ethnic group to decide a case is not in line with Islam, whether following pure traditions or Islam as it should be. Key words: Minangkabau’s Society, Minangkabau Traditions, Islamic Teachings, Sengsara Membawa Nikmat Novel, 1920s.
INTRODUCTION Islamic the reformists at the end of the 18th century The Minangkabau society has a peculiar and from Middle East, the customs and cultures of different culture from other societies’ cultures in Minangkabau which were contradictory with Indonesia. The Minangkabau culture is one of Islamic Laws had begun to be removed. These the two big prominent and influential cultures, reformists pioneered by Haji Piobang, Haji not only in Indonesia but also in the whole Miskin, dan Haji Sumanik, urged ‘Kaum Adat’ archipelago. This big culture is equal, democratic (Indigenous Society) to change the view of ancient and synthetic which becomes the antithesis of Minang culture. Eventually, the cultures of cock another big culture namely the Javanese culture fighting, buffalo fighting, gambling, drinking tuak that is feudal and syncretic. The Minangkabau (palm wine) were forbidden in cultural ceremonies culture is different from most cultures existing in of Minang people. The kaum is a social unit of the world. It embraces matrilineal system which is individuals descended from a common ancestor, clearly visible in the matters of marriage, lineage and possesses a communal social responsibility and inheritance. for the actions of its members (Golden, 2012: In the beginning, the culture of Minangkabau 156). Abdullah (1972) added, kaum members live was influenced by animism and the cultures of together in a neighborhood (it is called kampuang), Hinduism and Buddhism. Since the arrival of which share rights to the land, and they bear social
59 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 59-74 obligations to one another, both ceremonial and the late of 1920s. In the novel it is described clearly mundane. Individuals have rights and obligations the unity of people’s local traditions, Islamic at each level of social organisation. teachings practice, and the in between discrepancy, Minangkabau as a region with strong local for example how come the relationship between traditions, must be considered in the matter a nephew and his uncle who is a head of village of its people’s acceptance to Islamic teachings, affects his position in society. It is quite possible because as it is stated previously that since the because in Minangkabau custom, the uncle from first time of Islam’s arrival in Minang region it has the mother’s side must be responsible for all his brought significant changes. In its development, nephews surpassing his responsibility to his Minangkabau has Islamic traditions reflecting its own children. This is due to the fact that his own local culture as part of the archipelago. Islam arrives children become the responsibility of their mamak in Minangkabau and is accepted with open arms (uncle) from his wife’s side. This kinship pattern without setting apart the local traditions existing comes from the matrilineal lineage, exceeding the since ancient time and without changing the dalil kinship of sibling relationship between a father qath’i of two Islamic sources (the Holy Qur’an and his children. Basically, this pattern is not in and Sunnah). Therefore, Islam in Minangkabau line with the Islamic teachings that only recognize is practiced side by side with the local traditions. kinship pattern based on the lineage of the father It is observable not only in the daily life of its people but also in the Indonesian literary works (patrilineal). However, the Minangkabau society written by Indonesian authors, in particular the does not feel burdened in practicing Islamic Minangkabau authors who surpass other regional shari’a although they still practice the tradition authors in the quantity of works in colonial era ( which is contradictory to the Islamic teachings. the era of Balai Pustaka and Pujangga Baru). The tradition of this kinship is discussed further in One of the Minangkabau authors who writes the next part of this paper. a novel about the Minangkabau Islamic society This article discusses the problem about how is Tulis Sutan Sati. His novel entitled ‘Sengsara the image of Minangkabau society, as one of the Membawa Nikmat’ was written in 1929, and has largest Muslim communities in Indonesia, in become one of the renowned novels in Indonesian the practices of ancient traditions of which are literature from Balai Pustaka generation. This inconsistent with the Islamic teachings, illustrated novel tells about the life of a young man named in a classic literary work written by Minangkabau’s Midun born in one of the villages in Minangkabau author. To response that problem, this article uses and then he ventures to Java Island as a tramp. He the research’s theory of Sociology of Literature. is a polite, good, religious, martial arts expert, and Basic assumption about this theory is that the humble person. Because of his good characteristics, literary work is a miniature of the author’s Midun is loved by the villagers. However, these social community. Therefore, by looking at the good characteristics of Midun make another young relationship between literature and writer’s society, man named Kacak envious and spiteful. Kacak is could be known the real picture of Minangkabau’s the nephew of the Head of the Village respected by all villagers. His envy comes from the thought that society in terms of traditions and implementing a son of a poor farmer like Midun is not worthy of Islamic teachings. being loved by many people. The dispute between This article is a library research including a these two young men becomes the turning point of variety of written texts related to the theme as an all incidents experienced by Midun and the story object and data of research. Many texts used in of this novel. this study are classic texts because the object of The novel of Sengsara Membawa Nikmat research is a classic literary work. Another reason shows the description of Minangkabau society in is the lack of recent posts available on this research
60 The Society of Minangkabau in Tulis Sutan Sati’s Sengsara Membawa Nikmat: Between Local Traditions and Islamic Teachings Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam theme. and cultures from each of Indonesian regions THE RISE OF ISLAM IN MINANGKABAU where it comes to. Having said that, it implies the Islam is a universal religion known for its unity Islamic tradition of a certain region may differ between the constant and elastic characteristics. from the one of another region in Indonesia, The constant characteristic of Islam relates to basic for instance the Javanese-pattern Islam in Java transcendent matters such as in acknowledging Island and Minangkabau-pattern Islam in West the Oneness of God and the forms of worship Sumatera. The Javanese-pattern Islam holds the 1 rituals. Meanwhile, the elastic characteristic traditions of syncretic society . Meanwhile, the of Islam refers to the acceptable condition of Minangkabau-pattern Islam follows the traditions various changes as long as without disturbing the of Minangkabau ethnic group known for having fundamental values. Both of these characteristics strict and different culture custom from Islamic certainly have something in common with social teachings, e.g. Law of lineage and inheritance phenomena in society. In revealed texts, the Holy allocation. Qur’an and Hadiths, there are only ten percent Islam arrived in the Archipelago through of constant and unchangeable (dalil qath’i), the various channels and one of them was trade other ninety percent are universal (dalil juz’i). network. Islam arrived in West Sumatera for the Therefore, this second characteristic contacts first time in 1400s. At that time, the teachings of directly with the social phenomena in society. The Hinduism and Buddhism developed tremendously, overlapping between the constant characteristic while Islam came quietly and gradually. The first of Islam and societal traditions of a region brings Islamic kingdom in the Archipelago was Peurelak out adaptive Islam which possibly accepts the kingdom located in Aceh. In the 16th century, one existence of various changes in the operational of the Portuguese noblemen saw many mosques scope as long as they stick to qath’i revelation in Sumatera. According to Abu Bakar Atjeh (1977: texts. This adaptive characteristic makes Islam 35-37), Islam developed not only in Sumatera but suitable for dynamic social conditions in society. also in Java, based on many ancient inscriptions As the reflection of dynamic social phenomena, and artifacts discovered in these regions. Islam faces social problems bringing out new rules Islam started to develop significantly in West now and then. This contradictory condition may Sumatera, in Minangkabau region to be exact, be anticipated with its understandable teachings when the ulama who learned Islam intensively in in multidimensional scope and be accordingly Mecca returned. These ulama named themselves implemented. Thus ratio is an important part of as reformists or revivalists. In the 18th century, the Islam to realize great Islamic values in social life of unexpected competition between the traditionalist a society (Yasid, 2014 : 2-5). and reformists turned into a civil war. The The same condition happens to Islam in traditionalists were usually called as Red Society Southeast Asia, in Indonesia in particular. Islam and the reformists, pioneered by three Hajj as coming to Indonesia experiences localization stated previously, were called as White Society. process caused by the strong influences of local The traditionalists often called ‘Indigenous/ culture and tradition. Consequently, it can be Custom Society’ concerned with matrilineality stated that it is Islam adapting to the existing lineage. This lineage was contradictory to the culture results to the existence of Islam with the reformists. The reformists destroyed many idols pattern of local culture of Indonesia. Indonesia and killed traditionalists people whom they consists of spacious regions and has many ethnic considered misguided from the teachings brought groups, languages, traditions and cultures which from Mecca. are different from one to another. This makes the local-patterned Islam absorbs the traditions The overwhelmed traditionalists received helps from the Dutch Colonialists who aimed to
61 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 59-74 destroy the order in Minangkabau, both custom transmit them in writing. The novelist must be and Islam. The war was occurred from the 18th absolutely considered as being an artist: his work century to 19th centuries known as Padri War. is the expression of a reality which already has in This Padri war involved three parties, namely the his mind a form and a meaning, and he expresses Indigenous/custom party, the reformists’ party it by means of techniques, some of which he has and the Dutch Colonialists party. The colonialists inherited from his predecessors and some of tried to put their ideology, resulting to the war which he has worked out himself from phenomena between the custom society and reformists. At the he has actually observed. It is through its formal end, both the custom society and reformists tried character, and through the techniques used to to find uniformity in difference. The reformists create that formal character, that a work of art tried to equalize their ways of thingking in exposes reality (Zeraffa, 1973 : 35-38). understanding Islam with the matrilineal custom On this view, novel is a direct reflection system existing in Minangkabau. The one who of various facets of social structure, family was meritorious enough in mediating dialogue relationships, class conflict, etc. Novel finds between the reformists and custom society was itself in conflict with the conventional, with the Tuanku Imam Bonjol (Hadler, 2010: 42-45). accepted norms and values of its socio-economic- The social dynamics in Minangkabau region political environment and actively struggles with in the 19th century was a process of finding the them. The result is literature which is significant meeting point between the reformists brought beyond its own time, and helps man towards a by the three Hajj following neo-wahhabism greater understanding of his social world. As such, and the custom society with their local culture this literature can be seen as a structural unity of matrilineality. Matrilineality was a must in (Laurenson and Swingewood, 1972 : 170). Minangkabau custom. Even though it tried to Novel as a literary work should at one and blend with Islamic conception, yet this dispute the same time describe what is happening to us, ended with existence of Tuanku Imam Bonjol. He extract its meaning, and signpost the direction to was the one who compromised the dependency which we are going. The novel has ceased to exist between the reformists and Minangkabau custom, when the writer does not place his characters in a i.e., matrilineality. specific milieu, explain them ‘in social terms’ or The local traditions of Minangkabau remains provide them with a clearly defined future. The well-preserved up to this day, even though Islam proper way to treat a character in a novel is for him comes with new cultures which some of them first to be conditioned by society. are contradictory to those local traditions. The Implicit in the text of the novel are the Minangkabau society wants to keep holding on the propositions that man never lives by himself, and, local traditions along with practicing the Islamic above all, that he has a past, a present, and a future. teachings. This explains that the Minangkabau The novel is the first art to represent man explicitly society can accept the Islamic teachings without as defined historically and socially. In myth, man removing their ancestral traditions. is a social being but his story is only developed by NOVEL’S SOCIETY IN THE LITERARY obscure means, by the intervention of gods, heroes SOCIOLOGICAL VIEWPOINT or magical events. With the novel, society enters history and history enters into society (Zeraffa : The form and content of the novel derive 39) more closely from social phenomena. Novels often seem bound up with particular moments ADAT BASANDI SYARA’ in the history of society. The novelist analyses The present relationship between Islam and the ‘data’ of social life, interprets them, and tries adat (Minangkabau traditions) is described in the to determine their essential features in order to saying “tradition founded upon Islamic law, Islamic
62 The Society of Minangkabau in Tulis Sutan Sati’s Sengsara Membawa Nikmat: Between Local Traditions and Islamic Teachings Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam law founded upon tradition” (Adat basandi syara’, describes several traditions of Minangkabau syara’ basandi adat) or in another saying, “Islamic society which have been practiced since ancient law founded upon the Quran (Adat basandi syara’, time, and have developed with the existence of syara’ basandi Kitabullah). However, whether Islam in this region. One of them is kenduri, this expression is actually practiced in the life of which in the Great Dictionary of the Indonesian Minangkabau society, especially at the end of the Language (p.734) means a feast to celebrate an 1920s decade, Peletz (1981 : 15) described adat as event, ask blessing and so on. At least there are ‘a unitary, all-embracing concept encompassing two types of kenduri known by the Minangkabau an expansive set of institutions governing the society, as mentioned in the novel, namely kenduri conduct of all personal, kin, and local affairs’. dua belas and kenduri besar for three and seven He also wrote, it includes ‘the reciprocally based days of the death of family members. relationships between humans and the natural “Begini! Maun! Waktu berdua belas di masjid and supernatural realms’. The pervasive and solid tempo hari, bukankah engkau duduk dekat saya?” reality of the power of adat is captured in the well- “Benar.” known saying which claims that the livings are “Nah, adakah engkau melihat bagaimana anchored and guided in their lives by adat. In the pemandangan Kacak kepada saya?” same way, the deads are surrounded and held firm “Tidak.” by the packed earth of their graves. “Masa kenduri itu kita duduk pada deretan yang di tengah. Kacak pada deret yang kedua. The concept of adat is of crucial importance “So Maun! When we had (Kenduri) dua belas at in Minangkabau life, past and present. It is a the mosque the other day, were not you sitting next term mostly translated as ‘customary law’, the to me?” traditional rules of conduct, belief, and social “Then, did you see how Kacak looked at me?” organization. It is what is right and proper; it is “No.” what is essentially Minangkabau (Golden, 2012: “During the Kenduri we were sitting in the middle 157). The Minangkabau world, with Islam and row. Kacak was in the second…”(Sati, 1991 : 10)2 traditional adat side by side, was a harmonious Kenduri dua belas mentioned here is a feast one. Traditional Minangkabau society embraces held on the 12th of Rabi’ I (Rabi’ Al-Awwal), this two traditions, the one a masculine adat which date is the birthdate of Prophet Muhammad SAW. recognizes the power of Muslim law and the This feast is meant to celebrate this birthdate. A jurisdiction of the patrilineal royal family over feast as such is also known as Kenduri Maulud. the entire society; the other a feminine adat “Pada hari itu juga Pak Midun dikuburkan dengan which identifies only matrilineal custom and local selamatnya. Tujuh hari lamanya orang mengaji communities (Golden, 2012 : 159). dan makan minum di rumah famili Pak Midun. Kahn (1980: 9,153) asserts that in fact the Waktu meniga hari dan menujuh hari diadakan kenduri besar, mendoakan supaya arwah Pak Minangkabau practiced something of a dual Midun dilapangkan Allah di dalam kubur. Tidak descent system during the centuries of royal rule. It sedikit uang habis untuk penyelamatkan si mati is that royal power was patrilineal, while the rules itu. Oleh famili Pak Midun, tak kayu jenjang for inheriting both land and other forms of wealth dikeping, yang tidak ada, diadakan. Dua tumpak sawah tergadai untuk memenuhi keperluan itu. followed the matrilineal adat. He points out that Ibu Juriah dalam tujuh hari itu bekerja keras di rules in a place for choosing between instances rumah iparnya. Tidak sedikit jua ia menghentikan where each tradition is to be applied. Inheritance of tangan, karena jamu tidak berkeputusan dan property, for example, sometimes follows Muslim selalu makan minum. Setelah sudah menujuh law, and other times (most notably when ancestral hari, barulah ibu Juriah dan anaknya pulang.” land is at issue) is inherited through the matriline. “On that day, Midun’s father was buried grandly. For seven days people prayed and had a feast at the The novel Sengsara Membawa Nikmat family’s house of Midun’s father. On the third and
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seventh day, the Kenduri besar was held to pray for dengan membeli daging di pasar.” the spirit of Midun’s father to be forgiven by Allah in “One night, Midun’s father talked to his son, the afterlife. Much money was spent for celebrating “Midun! Tell your friends that on the next Sunday the deceased. By the Midun’s father’s family, we will thresh rice in the field. As well to Pendekar everything was prepared without exception. Two Sutan and his pupils. Other people you think rice fields were mortagaged for the celebration. For worthy, call them! For this one time, let’s have seven days Juriah’s mother worked very hard at lamb to serve those who come for threshing to our her in-laws’ house. She barely rested to serve and field. I feel no difference whether to butcher a lamb prepare for the feast. After the seventh day, she and or buy meat at the market.” (p. 33) her daughter went home. (p. 162) The Minangkabau people are famous for their The kenduri besar is almost similar to the dedication to education, as well the widespread tradition of selamatan tiga, tujuh, and empatpuluh diaspora of their men outside their hometown harian in the Javanese tradition. However, there for a living (merantau). Minangkabau people is an important difference in the kenduri besar are quite prominent in the field of trading, as of Minangkabau tradition. In the case of a death professional and as an intellectual person. They are of a father, it is the family of his ethnic group that the respected heirs of ancient traditions of Malay holds the kenduri to celebrate his death not his and Srivijaya Empires who are fond of trading and wife and children, that is (mamak) uncle and his living dynamically. The Minangkabau tramp is a nephews and nieces. The wife and children do not term for Minang people living outside the Province have the right to decide anything in relation to the of West Sumatera, Indonesia. Tramping (or some kenduri since their present is simply to help. As people called ‘out migration’) is an interaction described in the quote above, during the kenduri process of Minangkabau people with the outside celebration, the wife of the deceased will stay in world, and also an experience and adventure. The her in-laws’ house and help her in-laws preparing tramp tradition usually comes from the families of anything needed. At least she must stay for seven traders, crafters and religious learners. According days before going back to her own house. Because to Golden (2012, p. 162), the Minangkabau system this kenduri is held by the ethnic group (clan), the of matrilineality was instrumental in facilitating ethnic group will try to celebrate it as good and the changes in migration. Men were not tied to the glorious as they can to keep their dignity in front village in the same way women were. The position of the other ethnic groups. By this, they will not be of men in a matrilineal system are more free, but thought lightly. less secure. They make tramping (often translated The Minangkabau society has a tradition of merantau) an appealing option, both for economic helping each others especially in heavy works and personal reasons. such as harvesting rice field, building a house, In the novel, it is also told that how Midun building a mosque and other activities involving wants to work outside his village. Yet, unlike the many people. This novel tells a situation when a major reason for tramping, Midun’s leaving is family wants to harvest their field. This harvesting to avoid spiteful attitude of Kacak (the head of activity eventually ends up as a kenduri, working together, having fun, and celebrating a feast. village’s nephew) which makes him jailed. The Midun’s family is not a trader, crafter or religious “Pada suatu malam Pak Midun berkata kepada anaknya, “Midun! beritahukanlah kepada leaner, but a farmer family whose job is to work on kawan-kawanmu, bahwa hari Ahad yang akan land or farm. datang ini kita akan mengirik padi di sawah. “Tentu saja kalau ia pulang Kacak tidak Begitu pula kepada Pendekar Sutan dengan bersenang hati, dan mencari ikhtiar supaya murid-muridnya. Orang lain yang engkau rasa ia binasa juga. Midun berkata dengan lemah patut dipanggil, panggillah! Sekali ini biarlah lembut sambil memohon permintaan, katanya, kita memotong kambing untuk penjamu orang “Jika ada kemurahan Engku kepada saya, harap yang datang mengirik ke sawah kita. Saya rasa Engku mengizinkan saya tinggal di sini. Saya takkan berapa bedanya menyembelih kambing tidak hendak pulang, biarlah saya mencari
64 The Society of Minangkabau in Tulis Sutan Sati’s Sengsara Membawa Nikmat: Between Local Traditions and Islamic Teachings Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam
penghidupan di kota ini saja. Dan kalau tak Halimah bought tickets, go to her town.” (p. 144). ada keberatan kepada Engku, saya bermaksud The tramping tradition to look for experiences hendak keluar sekarang.” and fulfill basic needs of life is reflected as well in “Tidak boleh, karena orang hukuman yang sudah bebas mesti pulang kembali ke kampungnya.” this novel. The characteristics of Minangkabau “Atas rahim dan belas kasihan Engku kepada people who are dynamic and adaptable to new saya, sudi apalah kiranya Engku mengabulkan environments along with having strong will to permintaan saya itu. Saya takut pulang, karena learn something new are also intensively reflected. saya dimusuhi orang berpangkat di negeri saya. Yang menghukum saya kemari pun, sebab orang The followings are the quotations described in the itulah. Oleh sebab itu, saya berniat hendak tinggal novel regarding the made-up mind of a Minang di Padang ini saja mencari pekerjaan.” tramp doing various professions to look for a Karena Midun meminta dengan sungguh- better life. sungguh dan dengan suara lemah lembut, maka timbul juga kasihan sipir kepadanya. Ia pun “Setelah sampai di stasiun Betawi, Midun pergilah berkata, katanya, “Sebetulnya hal ini tidak boleh. bersama Syeikh Abdullah al-Hadramut, ke Tetapi sebab engkau sangat meminta, biarlah rumahnya di Kampung Pekojan. Maka tinggallah saya kabulkan…” Midun bersama-sama, dengan dia di rumahnya. “Of course when he came home Kacak was Ada sebulan lamanya Midun berjalan hilir mudik unhappy and tried to get him killed. Midun said saja menurutkan Arab itu berniaga. Dengan hal gently while asking, he said “should Engku (an demikian, ia telah mengetahui jalan-jalan di kota honorable Mister) feel generous to me, hopefully Betawi. Bahasa negeri itu pun sudah mahir pula Engku allows me to stay here. I do not want to go kepadanya. Begitu pula tentang hal berniaga, ia home, let me have a life in this town. And if Engku sudah agak paham.” does not mind, I want to go out.” “After arriving at Betawi station, Midun went “No, because whoever is free from his sentence together with Shaikh Abdullah al-Hadramaut to his must go back to his own village.” house in Pekojan village. Thus Midun stayed with “For Engku’s generosity to me, should Engku grant him at his house. For a month, Midun followed that my wish. I am scared of going home because I am Arabian and learnt to trade. Therefore he had been opposed by a powerful person in my home town. familiar with the streets around the Betawi City. He was the one who sentenced me. Therefore, I He also spoke local language fluently. As well with wish to stay in Padang, looking for a job.” Since trading, he quite understood.” (p. 151). Midun asked earnestly and with gentle voice, the “Selama Midun dalam penjara itu, ada seorang warden felt sorry for him. He then said “Actually, hukuman bekas orang yang bersekolah juga, it is not allowed. But since you asked tenaciously, I yang mengajarkan menulis dan membaca dan then grant it…” (p. 115-116). menceritakan berbagai-bagai ilmu pengetahuan, As a Minang who is used to tramping sehingga banyaklah tokok tambahnya tradition, the character of Midun is also described pengetahuan Midun selama dalam penjara itu. as a nomadic living from one town to another. Orang itu Mas Sumarto namanya. Ketika ia akan meninggalkan bui itu, maka ditemuinyalah The majority of Minangkabau tramps choose Java orang itu. Sesudah mengucapkan terima kasih Island as their destination, because Java Island has atas nasihat-nasihat dan kesudian Mas Sumarto a Betawi City which is the administrative capital as mengajarnya menulis dan membaca selama well as trading center at that time. dalam bui, Midun memberi selamat tinggal kepada gurunya itu.” “Dengan tidak kurang suatu apa, kedua mereka pun sampailah ke Tanjung Priok, di pelabuhan “During Midun was jailed, there was an inmate, kota Betawi. Midun dan Halimah turun dari an educated one, who taught writing and reading kapal, lalu terus ke stasiun. Karena hari masih and told him knowledge, so that Midun learned pagi dan kebetulan ada kereta api ke Bogor, maka many things when he was jailed. That person Halimah pun membeli karcis, terus ke negerinya.” was Mas Sumarto. When he got out, he met him. “Safely, both of them arrived in Tanjung Priok, a After saying his gratitude for the advices and Mas port of Betawi City. Midun and Halimah came Sumarto’s willingness to teach him how to write down from the ship and then continued to the and read in the jail, Midun said his good bye to his rail station. Since the day was still early and teacher.” (p. 171). coincidentally there was a train to Bogor, thus
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““Tabik, Midun, ada baik?” kata given and the royal family was established (Golden, Hoofdcommissaris. 2012: 157). Taufik Abdullah (1972: 184) explained “Baik juga, Tuan,” ujar.Midun dengan sopannya. that Tambo provides both ‘mystical sanction to the “Kemarin kamu katakan, kamu tidak bekerja. existing order’ and ‘categories for the perception of Mau kamu bekerja di sini?” reality’. It is not only a recounting of the history of “Kalau Tuan mau menerima saya, dengan segala the Minangkabau world, but also a template with suka hati saya terima.” which events in modern times may be interpreted. “Baiklah. Sekarang boleh Midun mulai bekerja.” Setelah Hoofdcommissaris bercakap beberapa Tambo is one of the important Minangkabau lamanya di telepon, Midun dibawa ke dalam cultural inheritances. It is a story delivered orally sebuah kamar besar. Di situ dilihatnya amat by a kaba (like a tourbadour in Europe travelling banyak orang bekerja. Maka Midun pun to show his expertise in storytelling across the mulailah bekerja sebagai juru tulis di kantor Hoofdcommissaris. country) told by an announcer in a local customary Dengan rajin dan sungguh Midun bekerja di ceremony. At least there are two types of Tambo, kantor itu. Di dalam dua bulan saja, sudah namely Tambo Alam telling about the history of kelihatan kecakapannya bekerja. Ia selalu hati- ancestors and Mingkabau kingdom buildings, and hati dan hemat dalam pekerjaannya. Tidak lama Tambo Adat telling about custom or system and Midun disuruh mengambil pekerjaan mata-mata. Sebabnya ialah karena masa itu amat banyak the rules of Minangkabau government in the past penggelapan candu. (Navis, 1985: 45). This tradition strongly practiced Di dalam pekerjaan itu pun Midun sangat in the Mingkabau society is also reflected in the pandai. Tidak sedikit ia dapat menangkap candu novel. The Tambo described in the novel is Tambo gelap. Pandai benar ia menjelmakan diri akan Alam, the following is the quotation: mengintip orang membawa candu gelap itu.” “Konon kabarnya, menurut cerita orang: pada “Greetings Midun, how are you?” said zaman dahulu kala orang Jawa datang ke Hoofdcommissaris Minangkabau akan menyerang negeri itu. Melihat “Yes, Sir!” told Midun kedatangan orang Jawa yang sangat banyak “Yesterday you said you had no job. Do you want itu, orang Minangkabau khawatir, takut akan to work here?” kalah perang. Oleh sebab itu, dicarinya akal akan menghindarkan bahaya itu. Maka dikirimnya “If you are willing to accept me, I will gladly accept seorang utusan oleh raja Minangkabau kepada it.” panglima perang orang Jawa itu membawa “Fine. You may work here.” kabar, mengatakan: bahwa jika berperang tentu After Hoofdcommissaris talked for quite sometimes akan mengorbankan jiwa manusia saja. Oleh on the phone, Midun was taken to a spacious room. karena itu, dimintanya berperang itu dihabisi There, he saw many people working. Then Midun dengan jalan mengadu kerbau saja. Manakala started to work as a clerk at the Hoofdcommissaris’s kerbau orang Minangkabau kalah, negeri itu akan office.” diserahkan kepada orang Jawa. Tetapi kalau Midun worked diligently and earnestly at that office. menang, segala kapal-kapal dengan muatannya In two months, he already seemed competent. In harus diserahkan kepada orang Minangkabau. Permintaan itu dikabulkan oleh orang Jawa no time, Midun was asked to be a spy, because at dengan segala suka hati. Maka dicarinya that time many people smuggled opium. seekor kerbau yang amat besar. Tetapi orang Midun was very competent with that job. He Minangkabau mencari seekor anak kerbau yang captured many opium smugglers. He was quite sudah tiga hari tidak diberinya menyusu. Pada clever disguising himself to identify the opium moncong anak kerbau itu diberinya berminang smugglers.” (p. 175). yang amat tajam. Setelah datang hari yang Besides, the Minangkabau society has different ditentukan hadirlah rakyat kedua kerajaan itu. Ketika orang Jawa melihat anak kerbau orang traditions from other ethnic groups’ traditions Minangkabau, mereka tertawa dengan riangnya. in Indonesia, i.e. Tambo. The Tambo recounts Pasti kepada mereka itu, bahwa ia akan menang. the beginnings of Minangkabau history, the time Tetapi setelah kedua kerbau itu dilepaskan ke before memory, in which the rules of adat were tengah gelanggang, anak kerbau itu pun berlari- lari kepada kerbau besar orang Jawa itu, hendak
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menyusu... sehingga perut kerbau itu tembus oleh accompanied by special music. minang yang lekat di moncongnya. Kerbau orang In addition to Tambo, this novel describes Jawa itu mati, maka menanglah kerbau orang Minangkabau itu. Demikianlah ceritanya. Benar as well the construction of classical traditional tidaknya cerita itu, wallahu alam.” Minangkabau house barely existed at the time. “Reputedly, a long time ago the Javanese people This house construction is called balairung sari. came to Minangkabau to attack this land. Seeing “Midun dan Maun sampai di pintu gerbang itu. so many Javanese people came, the Minangkabau Dengan heran mereka melihat keindahannya. people were worried, afraid of losing the war. Agak ke sebelah dalam sedikit ada sebuah Therefore, many means were sought to avoid rumah yang amat kukuh, bangun rumah itu that danger. Thus, a messenger was sent by the tak ubah dengan balairung sari buatan orang King of Minangkabau to the War Commander of Minangkabau zaman dahulu. Sungguh tertarik the Javanese people to bring news, stating that hati melihat bangun rumah itu. Atapnya dari war only brought death. Therefore, he was asked ijuk, berdinding papan berukir. Di tengah-tengah to end the war with buffalo fighting. Should balai itu ada sebuah pintu masuk yang amat the the buffalo of the Minangkabau people lost, besar. Jika orang hendak melihat pasar malam, the Kingdom would be surrendered to the the harus melalui pintu balai itu. Di atas pintu agak Javanese people. However, should they won, all sebelah atas, ada kepala kerbau yang bertanduk. Kepala kerbau itu ialah menjadi suatu tanda ships along with their loads should be handed kebesaran orang Minangkabau.” down to Minangkabau people. That request was granted by the Javenese people gladly. Then a “Midun and Maun arrived at the gate. Curiously very big buffalo was sought. Yet the Minangkabau they saw its beauty. Not far inside, there was a people sought a calf that was not breastfed for sturdy house, the house construction was similar to the balairung sari of Minangkabau people in old three days. On the snout of the calf, they put a very times. It amazed many those who saw it, the roof sharp minang (a small pointed object like horn). was made from ijuk (natural fibre of palm tree), On the appointed day, the people of both kingdoms and the wall was made from carved wooden board. came. When the Javanese people saw the calf of In the middle of balai (hall) there was a giant the Minangkabau people, they laughed loudly. entrance. Should people wanted to see the night They confidently thought of winning. But after the market, they must go through this entrance. On two buffaloes were released to the arena, the calf the right side of the entrance, there was a horned ran towards the big buffalo of the Javanese people buffalo head. This buffalo head was the insignia of for breastfeeding,…in which the buffallo’s stomach Minangkabau people. (p. 69). got stabbed by the Minang on the calf’s snout. The buffalo of the Javanese people died, thus the calf of Although there are many traditions of the Minangkabau people won. That was the story. Minangkabau society which are not contradictory Whether the story was true or not, wallahu alam to Islamic teachings, yet there are some traditions (only God knows). (p. 69). that are strongly contradictory. However, there are Tambo Alam told in the novel was also some people who support the traditions and some described by Koentjaraningrat (1975), Vreeland support the Islamic teachings leading to horrible et.al (1977), and Golden (2012). But, Golden added, dispute. The description of the dispute in applying this story is told more for its charm than out of a the traditions in society is also shown in the novel. sure sense of truth, the buffalo’s horns can be seen This novel is not only documenting but also in the unique sweeping roof points of traditional criticizing people’s faith in those traditions. One of architecture and the hornlike projections of them is the sacred stone tradition of Pagaruyung women’s ceremonial headdress. A more prosaic kingdom which today is known as batu angkek- explanation is that Minangkabau is derived from angkek. pinang kabu which means ‘an original home’. ““Batu apa ini, Mamak? Bagaimanakah, maka kita dapat menentukan nasib kelak dengan batu (Golden, 2012: 154) According to Esten (1993: ini?” 32), Tambo is one of the traditional Minangkabau “Batu ini ialah batu keramat, pusaka dari Raja literatures (kaba) delivered by singing. This Pagaruyung yang telah berabad-abad lamanya,” storytelling by singing (also called bakaba) was jawab orang itu. “Jika orang muda dapat
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mengangkat batu ini sampai ke atas kepala, Should we dislike him or otherwise he might leave tandanya orang muda akan berbahagia kelak. anytime. Therefore your father stayed temporarily Tetapi bila tidak dapat, boleh saya pastikan, at this house. We could make him go or he might bahwa nasib orang muda tidak baik akhir leave if he wanted to. Thus, Sutan Manindih said it kelaknya. Dan barang siapa yang tidak percaya was such a shame that his mamak was sick at this akan perkataan saya, tentu ia dikutuki batu temporarily house.” keramat ini.” “But was it not my father sick at his own children’s Midun dan Maun amat takjub mendengar house? It was we who treated him when he was sick. perkataan orang itu. Karena ia seorang alim pula, It was another matter should we were strangers, bersalahan sungguh pendapat orang ini dengan therefore it was common of what he said.” ilmu pengetahuannya. Pikirnya, “Ini tentu suatu “In this matter, you, Juriah, was not mentioned,” tipu untuk pengisi kantung saja. Mengapakah said Datuk Paduka Raja who was shocked by his hal yang semacam ini kalau dibiarkan saja niece’s question.”Your question was quite difficult. oleh pemerintah? Bukankah hal ini bersalahan According to the custom “adat bersendi syara’, dengan ilmu pengetahuan dan agama? Orang syara’ bersendi adat” (custom founded on syara’, ini barangkali tidak beragama, karena batu syara’ founded on custom), this meant that our disangkanya dapat menentukan buruk baik syara’ and custom relied to each other or in line. untung orang.” Should based on syara’ it was the children that “What kind of stone is this Mamak (uncle)? How must be prioritized but based on custom it was come this stone decide our destinies?” the nephews and nieces. Thus, this was quite contradictory.” (p. 161). “This stone is a sacred stone, an heirloom of the King of Pagaruyung from centuries ago,” answered The biggest impact of this kinship pattern that man. “If you, young man, can lift this stone is inheritance matter. The dispute as described over the head, it means that you will have a happy life. But if you cannot, I guarantee that your destiny above is getting worse regarding the inheritance will be miserable. And whoever has no faith in my allocation between clan relationship and sibling words, certainly he will be cursed by this sacred relationship. stone.” “Sehari sesudah menujuh hari, Sutan Menindih Midun and Maun were very amazed listening dan beberapa orang saudaranya datang ke to what the man said. Since he was a religious rumah Ibu Juriah. Setelah sudah makan minum, person, he had sinned for abusing his knowledge. dan setelah dianjurkannya dengan perkataan He thought, “This was certainly a fraud for his yang panjang lebar, Sutan Menindih berkata, money. Why was this kind of thing allowed by “Ibu, saya harap Ibu jangan gusar dan jangan the government? was this not abuse of knowledge pula berkecil hati. Kedatangan kami kemari and religion? This person was probably irreligious ini, ialah menurut sepanjang adat, yaitu akan because he thought a stone may decide one’s mengambil harta peninggalan mamak kami.” destiny whether it was good or bad luck.” (p. 72). “Benar, Sutan,” ujar ibu Juriah, “tetapi apalah The most prominent tradition of Minangkabau peninggalan mamak Sutan. Uang tak ada, hanya society is its kinship pattern. In the novel, the main pakaiannyalah yang ada.” story is the relationship between an uncle and “Ah, rupanya Ibu bersembunyi di balik lalang sehelai. Yang terang saja hak kami, sawah dan his nephew and family clan that is Tanjung clan. huma. Bukankah itu mamak saya yang membeli This novel describes the practice of this kinship in dan peninggalan beliau?” society. Mendengar perkataan itu ibu Juriah sangat “…Juriah said to her mamak (uncle), she said, terkejut… Maka ibu Juriah berkata pula, katanya, ‘Mamak! Why did Sutan Manindih say, it was such “Itu jangan Sutan sebut-sebut, sebab pencaharian a shame father was sick here?” kami berdua. Berdikit-dikit kami menyimpan “Apparently you do not understand yet, said Datuk uang; setelah agak banyak kami belikan tanah Paduka Raja (His majesty the King-clan customary untuk kami usahakan. Pendeknya, yang Sutan title), listen to what I say! Your father, according sebutkan itu usaha kami berdua, yang sudah kami to the custom, was “abu di atas tunggul” (ash on untukkan bagi anak kami. Pak Midun sendiri a stump) at our house. It means that it would fly, sudah mengatakan waktu ia hidup, bahwa segala should it blown away by the wind. Your father was pencahariannya diuntukkannya kepada anak- part of the kinship of our clan. Thus he was a family anaknya.” because of the marriage of your mother and father. “A day after the seventh day, Sutan Manindih and
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some of his siblings came to Juriah’s mother house. Frey (1986, p. 84) suggests that the distinction After having drinks and food and after talking for between a man’s roles as father versus as mamak quite long, Sutan Manindih said, “Ma’am, I hope you will not be worried and hopeless. Our coming is perhaps best expressed by the adage that he here is according to the custom that was to take our ‘holds his children in his lap, but guides his nieces mamak’s (uncle) inheritance.” and nephews with his right hand.’ “You were right Sutan,” said Juriah’s mother, “but The ownership and inheritance of what Mamak Sutan (Sutan’s uncle) left, there was no money, only clothes.” Minangkabau property is governed by adat. There “Ah, apparently you were not very thoughtful. What are two types of property governed by different become our rights were the rice field and huma rules. Harto Pencarian (also called Tanah Pusako (private-owned lands). Were they not bought by Rendah, Taruko), acquired goods, are inherited by and the inheritances of our Mamak?” either sons or daughters, and the mandate are more “Hearing this conversation, Juriah’s mother was flexible. Harto Pusako (also called Tanah Pusako quite shocked,…Then Juriah’s mother also said, she said, “dit not you mention them, because they Tinggi), ancestral property, however has much were belong to both of us. We saved money for more stringent rules, it is always the possession quite some times, after it was enough, we bought of women, passed from mother to daughter lands to be worked on. Shortly, what Sutan said, and never sold. Such ownership contributes to was both of our work, which we decided to be left for our children. Midun’s father himself already women’s socio-economic autonomy. It is through told it when he was alive, that all of his inheritances their wives that most men have access to land, by were for his children. (p. 163). farming it and eating what they have grown. Still, Minangkabau social structure, as written in the some men will receive gifts of some proportion novel, is guided by adat law, which sets forth the of the land’s yields from their sisters or nieces, in rules of matriliny regarding village organization, recognition of their special bound (Golden, 2012: group membership, residence, and inheritance of 166; Thalib, 1985: 5; De Jong, 1980: 87-88). property. In the case of most matrilineal systems, While sometimes prescribing conflictual a man is differently responsible for his children, actions, there are many fundamental ways in who are not a part of mamak-kemenakan (uncle- which adat and Islam resemble and reinforce niece/nephew) network. The mamak, generally one another. Both traditions place great stock in the oldest male member of the suku, is the head the ideal of mufakat, consensual agreement. Both of the family and is responsible for the welfare possess value reciprocity and social obligations, of his sisters’ children. He represents the family and stress compassion and loyalty (Golden, 2012, in suku affairs (Abdullah, 1972, p. 196). Mamak p.160). In the novel, it is described how to find a has to be consulted in all kinds of actions; before solution of the dispute through deliberation among a house is built or a wedding is arranged; before the penghulu suku. The deliberation among the any important financial transaction, etcetera. As penghulu suku is commonly conducted when a the saying, ‘pai tampek batanyo, pulang tampek penghulu suku finds a certain problem among his babarito’ (on going he must be asked, on returning clan relating to other clans. It is as proposed by he must be informed) (De Jong, 1980: 118). Dobbin (1974: 322), ‘It was the penghulu suku who Despite the fact that they are not members of had the most authority and influence in a nagari the same clan, fathers have a close and important and it was this penghulu who settled disputes relationship with their children. Abdullah (1972, p. arising in the nagari, either by himself within his 196) writes that although mamak is responsible for own suku or within the rapat penghulu (council) the material welfare of his niece/nephew, it is the if his decision was disputed or more than one suku father who is expected to see to the spiritual growth involved.’ of his children and mamak to his sisters’ children, “Datuk Paduka Raja lalu menerangkan duduknya is expected to fulfill both sets of responsibilities. pusaka yang ditinggalkan Pak Midun. Bagaimana penghidupan Pak Midun laki istri sejak mulai
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kawin diceritakannya dengan panjang lebar. police their districts, to ensure law enforcement Kemudian diterangkannya pula pendakwaan and order, and to oversee both coffee and rice orang Tanjung hendak merebut pusaka itu. Setelah cultivation (Kahn, 1980: 167). berkata pula, katanya, “Penghulu seadat, Tuanku (‘alim) sekitab. Datuk sendiri sudah maklum, The village unit is inhabited by a number of bahwa di Alam Minangkabau ini pusaka turun clans (suku) and administered by the clan heads kepada kemenakan. Bukannya dia, melainkan (penghulu). To be regarded as a true negeri, a Datuk sendiri rupanya yang mendakwa, padahal Datuk sudah mengetahui. Sungguh heran, saya village must possess a balai or council-hall for the kurang mengerti dalam hal ini. Orang Tanjung assembly of the penghulus, and also a mosque, itu sekali-kali tidak merebut, melainkan mereka pathways, a cock-pit and a bathing-place. Each berhak mengambil pusaka kaumnya yang telah nagari was inhabited by six or more suku, made up meninggal.” of a number of sebuah perut (a womb) or extended “Benar kata Datuk itu,” ujar Datuk Paduka Raja. “Tetapi lupakah Datuk akan kata adat: Harta families. At the end of each family branch within pembawaan pulang, harta tepatan tinggal, harta a suku stood a penghulu kecil, and at the head of suarang (pencaharian) dibagi? Dan sebuah lagi each suku a penghulu suku, thus giving the average menurut kata adat: adat bersendi syara’ dan nagari about sixty penghulus (Dobbin,1974: 322). syara’ bersendi adat?” The novel tells that although a certain problem “Datuk Paduka Raja then explained the inheritances matter left by Midun’s father. How the in a clan relating to other clans is decided through life of a man and woman since they married was the deliberation among the penghulu suku. Yet, the told for quite long. Then it was also explained the result of this deliberation may not reflect justice, intention of Tanjung people who wanted to take particularly relating to supporting the Islamic the inheritances. teachings and overcoming the custom. “After saying such thing, one said, “Penghulu seadat, Tuanku (‘alim) sekitab (Leader of the “Maka kerapatan itu pun ramailah clan, the wise one) Datuk yourself already membicarakan bagaimana duduk pusaka itu understoodthat in this Minangkabau land, the dan ke mana jatuhnya… Melihat kepada keadaan inheritances were inherited to the nephews and rapat itu, nyata ada berudang di balik batu yang nieces. It was neither him or Datuk yourself datangnya dari seseorang yang berkuasa di determine, and Datuk knows it. Curiously, I did kampung itu… Kesudahannya maka diputuskan not quite understand of this matter. The Tanjung bahwa pusaka itu dijatuhkan kepada kemenakan people did not forcefully take but they took for Pak Midun… Sungguhpun rapat adat di negeri what to be their rights of their deceased family.” itu sudah memutuskan demikian, tetapi Datuk “It was true of what this Datuk said,” said Datuk Paduka Raja belum lagi bersenang hati. Maka Paduka Raja. “But do you forget of what custom says: ia pun membawa perkara itu kepada Hakim Harta pembawaan pulang, harta tepatan tinggal, Pemerintah. Dimintanya kepada Tuanku Laras, harta suarang (pencaharian) (inheritances of supaya perkara itu dibawa ke Bukittinggi, baik the deceased, house, and inheritances resulted pihak anak, baik pun kemenakan sama-sama from work during the deceased was alive) must be memakai pokrol. Beberapa hari perkara itu divided? And there is another thing according to the ditimbang di Landraad, kesudahannya menang custom: adat bersendi syara’ dan syara’ bersendi juga di kemenakan… Ibu Juriah dengan anak- adat? ” (custom founded on syara’, syara’ founded anaknya terpaksa memindahkan rumahnya ke on custom) (p. 168). tanah kaumnya sendiri.” “Then the deliberation was getting crowded, talking The colonial government systematized nagari about the inheritances and to who they were going administration by creating three new ‘native’ to be inherited… Judging from the condition of administrators: the Laras, the Nagarihoofd or the deliberation, clearly there was ulterior motive from someone powerful in the village….afterwards Panghulu Kapalo and the Panghulu Suku Rodi. it was determined that the inheritances were to be The first two heads of specific territorial units, the inherited to Midun’s father’s nephews and nieces…. first of the district and the second of the village. Even though the rapat adat (custom deliberation) Their main tasks are to conduct all government had decided as so, but Datuk Paduka Raja (His directives which affect their territories, to majesty the King) was not happy yet. He then took this matter to the government judge. For several
70 The Society of Minangkabau in Tulis Sutan Sati’s Sengsara Membawa Nikmat: Between Local Traditions and Islamic Teachings Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam
days that matter was discussed in Landraad, the orang menumpang di rumah ini. Boleh diusir dan verdict was the same, favored to the nephews and dia pun boleh pergi bilamana ia suka. Karena nieces…. Juriah’s mother along with her children itu tentu Sutan Menindih mengatakan ‘memberi were forced to move their house to the land of their malu’, mamaknya suka di rumah penumpangan.” own clan.” (p. 169). “Tetapi bukankah ayah sakit di rumah The alignment to custom over syara’ in the anak kandung beliau? Kamilah yang menyelenggarakan beliau dalam sakit. Lain deliberation of the penghulu is a common thing, perkara kalau kami orang lain, sudah patut ia as proposed by Dobbin (1980), ‘In the rapat berkata begitu.” penghulu decisions are normally determined “Dalam hal ini Juriah tidak disebut-sebut,” ujar by adat or custom. The office of penghulu is Datuk Paduka Raja yang agak tersentak oleh confined to a particular line within the suku and pertanyaan kemenakannya. hereditary within a penghulu’s maternal family, “Pertanyaanmu itu memang sulit. Menurut kata adat, ‘adat bersendi syara’, syara’ bersendi adat.’ passing either to his sister’s son or his mother’s Artinya, syara’ dan adat kita sandar menyandar brother’. Furthermore, the penghulus’ alignments atau sejalan. Jika menurut syara’, anaklah yang to the adat are fully supported by the government, diutamakan, tetapi menurut adat, ‘kemenakan’. especially the Dutch government that still has Jadi hal itu nyatalah sudah berlawanan. Oleh sebab itu, saya sendiri ragu-ragu, entah mana great power at the end the 1920s. This is in line yang benar kedua perkataan itu. Perasaan with Kahn’s inscription (Dobbin, 1980: 161-162). saya itu sudah saya perbincangkan dengan ‘It is not therefore surprising that a Muslim beberapa penghulu di sini. Banyak mereka movement known as the Padri began agitating yang mengatakan, bahwa anak dengan bapak, menurut adat, tak ada pertaliannya. Sebab orang against adat authorities and the royal lineage. The semenda itu adalah sebagai orang diselang dari Padri movement took the form of a struggle against suatu kaum kepada kaum yang lain. Sebab itu the corruption of Islamic beliefs and practices by kemenakan pulang kepada mamaknya, tidak local customs or adat. Nor is it surprising that kepada bapaknya. Tetapi menurut pikiran saya tidaklah demikian. Pada hemat saya, anak itu the Dutch chose to intervene on the side of the pulang kepada bapaknya. Artinya bapaknyalah adat authorities as an excuse to move into the yang harus menyelenggarakan anaknya. Begitu Minangkabau highlands’. pula si anak wajib membela bapak bilamana perlu. Anak itulah yang lebih dekat kepada bapak This novel describes the anxiety of the author, daripada kemenakan. Tulis Sutan Sati, related to custom rules applied Manakala sudah demikian, sudah sesuai dengan in Minangkabau, especially on inheritance and kata adat: adat bersendi syara’ dan syara’ relationship between the child and father. Through bersendi adat. Banyak lagi hal lain yang bersalah- the figure of Datuk Paduka Raja, the author salahan orang memakainya. Mereka melakukan attempts to sue the practice of inheritance that his adat itu banyak sesat, agaknya karena salah pengertian jua. Bahkan saya sendiri pun banyak thought is not in line with the hereditary law in yang kurang paham, sebab kurang selidik.” Islam. That anxiety is illustrated in the following “Mamak! What the reason Sutan Manindih said ‘it dialogue: was ashamed if my father was sick here?” “Mamak! Apakah sebabnya Sutan Menindih tadi “You apparently did not understand yet,” said mengatakan ‘memberi malu kalau ayah sakit di Datuk Paduka Raja, “Hear I explained to you! Your sini?” father, according to the customary words, ‘ashes on “Kau rupanya belum mengerti,” ujar Datuk the stump’ in our home. It meant, when the wind Paduka Raja, “dengarlah saya terangkan! Adapun blown he flew. Your father was semenda (a person ayahmu itu, menurut kata adat, ‘abu di atas related by marriage) to us. So he became family by tunggul’ di rumah kita. Artinya, bila ditiup angin marriage of your mother and him. If we did not like ia terbang. Ayahmu adalah orang semenda bagi him or otherwise, he can leave any time. Therefore, kaum kita. Jadi ia famili karena perkawinan ibu your father was staying person in this house. Could dan ayahmu. Jikalau kita tidak suka kepadanya be expelled and was allowed to go wherever he atau kebalikannya, boleh pergi sembarang likes. Because of that Sutan Manindih surely said waktu. Oleh sebab itu, ayahmu adalah sebagai ‘ashamed’, his uncle (mamak) preferred at the ride
71 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 59-74
home.” the elders of the ethnic group or the authorized “But, was not my father sick at his biological parties to find its solutions. children house? It was we who held him when he was sick. It another case if we were others, it was Although the society described in the novel is th worth it to say so.” the Minangkabau society in the early 20 century, “In this case you (Juriah) were not mentioned,” yet with the universal literary characteristic and said Datuk Paduka Raja somewhat struck by his the Minangkabau people capabilities in preserving niece’s question.” the traditions, this major description still can be Your question was difficult. According to the seen in today’s Minangkabau society. Though, this custom word, ‘custom founded on syara’, syara’ founded on custom’, it meant syara’ and our research still limits its scope to the years when the custom was leaning away. If according to syara’, novel published, because the society which became the children who come first, but according to the inspiration to the author is the society in the custom, ‘nephew/niece’. So it was obvious already end of 1920s. the opposite. Therefore, my own hesitation, which was true whether the two words. I feel that I have talked to some penghulus here. A REFERENCES lot of them said that the children with their father, Abdullah, Taufik. 1972. “Modernization in the according to custom, no affinities. For this person who related by marriage was punctuated of a kaum Minangkabau World”. In Claire Holt (ed.) to another kaum. Therefore, nephew came to his Culture and Politics in Indonesia. Ithaca: mamak, not to his father. But, according to my Cornell University Press. pp. 179-245 mind was not so. In my opinion, the child came to his father. This meant his father that should hold Amir, M. S. 1997. Adat Minangkabau: Pola dan him. Similarly, the child should defend his father Tujuan Hidup Orang Minang. Jakarta: Citra when necessary. Child that was closer to father Harta Prima than a nephew. When it was in line with customary words: ‘custom founded on syara’, syara’ founded Atjeh, Aboebakar. 1977. Aliran Syi’ah di Nusantara. on custom’. Lots of thing, people was wrong when Jakarta: Islamic Research Institute used it. They did custom with many misguided, Benda-Beckman, Franz von. 1979. Property in presumably because of misunderstanding. Even I myself was much less understood, for less Social Continuity: Continuity and Change searchingly.” (p. 161-162) in the Maintenance of Property Relationship Through Time in Minangkabau, West CONCLUSION Sumatera. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff The Minangkabau traditions are not easy De Jong, P. E. De Josselin. 1980. Minangkabau to preserve. Especially, it is about the traditions and Negri Sembilan: Socio-Political Structure which are contradictory to the Islamic teachings, in Indonesia. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff the religion followed by the majority of population. Dobbin, Christine. 1974. “Islamic Revivalism in Nonetheless, the efforts to preserve these ancestral Minangkabau at the Turn of the Nineteenth traditions are still performed, even though Century” in Modern Asian Studies Journal. sometimes they lead to a dispute among its people pp. 319-356 due to the tendency for prioritizing religion Esten, Mursal. 1993. Minangkabau Tradisi dan compared to custom and tradition. Perubahan. Padang: Penerbit Angkasa Raya The novel of Sengsara Membawa Nikmat Golden, Holly Peters. 2012. Culture Sketches: describes comprehensively the implementation of Case Studies in Anthropology. 6th Edition. traditions and the Islamic teachings side by side in University of Michigan the Minangkabau society. Some traditions in line Graves, Elizabeth E. 2007. Asal Usul Elite with the Islamic teachings remain to be developed; Minangkabau Modern. Jakarta: Yayasan meanwhile some of them which are contradictory Obor Indonesia to the Islamic teachings are set to be discussed by Haddler, Jeffrey. 2010. Sengketa Tiada Putus.
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Matriarkat, Reformisme Agama, dan Kolonialisme di Minangkabau. Jakarta: Freedom Institute Kahn, Joel. S. 1980. Minangkabau Social Formations: Indonesian Peasant and The World Economy. London: Cambridge University Press Laurenson, Diana and Alan Swingewood. 1972. The Sociology of Literature. London: Collier MacMillan Publisher Naim, Mochtar. 2013. Merantau Sepanjang Masa. Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu Navis, Ali Akbar. 1985. Alam Takambang Jadi Guru. Jakarta: PT. Grafiti Press Peletz, Michael Gates. 1981. Social History and Evolution of the Inter-Relationship Adat and Islam in Rembau, Negeri Sembilan. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Sati, Tulis Sutan. 1991. Sengsara Membawa Nikmat. Jakarta: Balai pustaka Thalib, Sajuti. 1985. Hubungan Tanah Adat Dengan Hukum Agraria Di Minangkabau. Jakarta: Bina Aksara Tim Penyusun Kamus Pusat Bahasa. 2008. Kamus Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Pusat Bahasa Departemen Pendidikan Nasional Yasid, Abu. 2014. Islam Moderat. Surabaya: Penerbit Erlangga Zeraffa, Michel. 1973. “The Novel as Literary Form and as Social Institution” in Elizabeth and Tom Burns (ed.) Sociology of Literature and Drama. Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd.
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74 Analisa Journal of Social Science andTracing Religion The Vol “Cultural 01 No.01 Changes” June 2016 in Sundanese Local Incantations Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaAsep Nahrul Musadad DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.244
TRACING THE “CULTURAL CHANGES” IN SUNDANESE LOCAL INCANTATIONS
ASEP NAHRUL MUSADAD
State Islamic University (UIN) Abstract Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta Jl. Marsda Adisucipto Yogyakarta 55281 One of the key terms employed in exploring the story of Islamization in the Indonesia archipelago is the acculturation between Islamic spectrum and local genius, Email : [email protected] through which the fine grain of Islamization flows. This paper aims to discuss this acculturation with special reference to the “cultural change” mechanism that Paper received: 13 Oktober 2015 Paper revised: 27 February - 1 March 2016 reflected in Sundanese local incantations. To some extents, it has reflected the Paper approved: 16 May 2016 indigenous articulation of Islamic spectrum. In the tradition of Sundanese oral- literature, particularly those are widely used by “pananyaan” (local shaman), there are several magical spells that creatively assimilate with the Islamic symbols. Using the ethnographic method and Haviland’s notion of the stages of “cultural change”, it provides a preliminary exploration on how they adopted as supplement or even transformed into local incantations and how the cultural change, in turn, synthetically happens. The research shows the various form of incantations; from hybrid incantations to pure Arabic “amalan”. They reflected the presence of three kinds of mechanism as follows: (1) “the innovation” that reflected in several mixture incantations, (2) “the diffusion” as represented by several incantations which indicated to have their origin from outside region, and (3) “the cultural loss” which represented by incantations in the Arabic formulas. This kind of assimilation has shown the reception of Sundanese people which also established by local determinations. In one sense, it also reflected – in Ricklefs term – the “mystic synthesis” which regarded as the one of the “major gate” for Islamization of the archipelago.
Keywords: Sundanese Local Incantation, Pananyaan, Cultural Change, Reception.
INTRODUCTION court circles, which had long been familiar with The Sundanese Islam – and Indonesian the mystical speculations of Hinduism and Islam in general – is a story of an array of creative Buddhism (Ricklefs, 2001: 6). Islam would first hybrid, in which Islamic spectrum and local gain adherents from the pasisir (northern littoral). genius interact each other. One of the earliest However, started from the reign of Sultan Agung Islamic legacies in the archipelago is mystical (1613-1646 AD.) of Mataram-Islam, the first major insight as well as magical powers. The transition reconciliation took place and the intensification from mystical Hindu-Buddhism to mystical Islam of Islam in Java land began to arise. This is what was presumably eased by conceptual continuities Ricklefs refers as “the mystic synthesis” (Ricklefs, (Ricklefs, 2007: 3). Mystical Islamic teachers, 2007: 3). perhaps claiming supernatural powers, seem a One of the major characteristics of that more plausible agent of conversion in Javanese synthesis is the “acceptance” of an array of local
75 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 spiritual forces (Ricklefs, 2007: 6). From the their incantation, as the medium through which opposite view, the articulation efforts of Islamic Sundanese people adapt to changes and solve the account is also represented within the indigenous problems of existence. local customs. For that reason, the Islamization of Research Question and Previous Studies archipelago was widely regarded as a fine grain and Up to present day, the existence of pananyaan the peaceful one. In Sundanese context, the living in Sundanese culture remains the important one. culture of “pananyaan” (local shaman) has shown Some of rural Sundanese indigenously regard the presence of an acculturation of Islam and local the extrasensory experiences as the sacred and culture, which in turn also recorded the story of otherworldly forces that have vital roles for their Sundanese culture with its primordial nature from life. In this case, the existence of that old local past periods until now. shaman is the continuation of what had been going Sundanese people – especially in Priangan on before pre-Islamic times. The local “hybrid region – consider pananyaan (literary means incantations” is one of the representative features “who is asked or the place/someone to ask) as of the acculturation of both, Islamic spectrum and someone who has ability to reveal the world of local genius. Therefore, the question that becomes unseen and give advices on all problems brought the main focus here is “how Islamic spectrum and to him. The ultimate meaning of pananyaan local genius interact each other, as represented in today encompasses the significance of shaman, various Sundanese local incantations?”. traditional healer, spiritual practitioner, astrologer, and – in turn – Islamic priest (ahli hikmah). Many researchers have conducted studies on The reconciliatory moments between Islamic the local incantations in the archipelago. Heru expressions and Sundanese account were reflected Saputra in his book which previously originated in their incantations or magical spells (mantra), from his Magisterial Thesis in Gajah Mada State especially that of pananyaan, which is believed University, Memuja Mantera: Sabuk Mangir to have the significant influences. It is proven by dan Jaran Goyang Masyarakat Suku Using plenty of spell’s compositions which creatively Banyuwangi (Saputra, 2007), has provided a deep combine the Quranic verses and Sundanese anthropological explanation about two famous language. In this case, Qur’anic verses and Islamic (Banyuwangi) incantations, Sabuk Mangir and expressions were adopted as a supplement and Jaran Goyang. Both are well-known as spells for even transformed into local incantations. This gaining people’s affection (pengasihan) which are indigenous articulation of that Islamic holy text used not only by a shaman or sorcerer, but also has represented such a picture of local aesthetic casted by ordinary Using people, those who don’t reception in the occult term. Indeed, the living possessed certain magical expertise. He concluded phenomenon of pananyaan and their magical that using the incantations, in spite of their role as spells have also reflected a continuation of what the living oral-literature, has indigenously become had been going on before pre-Islamic Sundanese the feature of daily life practices. culture. Sundanese incantation in particular, has also This paper aims to provide a preliminary become the interesting field to be explored. There exploration of some aspects of the acculturation are several representative studies in this field. between Islamic spectrum and Sundanese local Asep Yusuf Hudayat in his study entitled Tinjauan customs. It focuses on the traces of “cultural change” Fungsional Mantera Sunda (Hudayat, 2010), has that reflected in Sundanese local incantations; in provided the anthropological examination on the which the Qur’anic text and Islamic expressions realm of the user or the caster of the incantations. were adopted as supplement and even totally It principally discusses the functional relation transformed into an incantation. It would like to between the incantations and its casters, with describe the living-culture of pananyaan, through the case study of ritual practices held by the rural
76 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad
Sundanese in rice farming procession, starting Scope and Method of Research from the first planting race in irrigated rice fields The scope of this research is limited to the (sawah) until the harvest season, the magical incantations in Sundanese-Priangan culture. environment, and the external determination. The classification of Sundanese culture can be It also deals with the textual analysis of the hypothetically divided into four major clusters: (1) incantations, in which the surrounding context Sunda Buhun (Sunda Wiwitan, Kanekes) people, provided the main determination through the who still exclusively hold the Sundanese primordial metaphorical ways. way of life in South Banten and Sukabumi. (2) Elis Suryani’s investigation of Sundanese Sunda Priangan or Parahyangan culture which Incantations (Mantra Sunda), entitled Eksistensi has been influenced by Javanese-Mataram Sultan dan Fungsi Mantera Dalam Kehidupan Agung culture, including the region of Bandung, Masyarakat Sunda (Suryani, 2001), also tends to Cianjur, Sumedang, Garut, Tasikmalaya and explain the function of incantations in Sundanese Ciamis. (3) Sunda Pakaleran which has spread society. The existence of incantation (mantera) over Karawang and Subang. (4) The culture of Pakidulan [the southernmost part throughout can be seen both in positive and negative sense Sunda region] (Sumardjo, 2003: 301-302). in the mind of Sundanese society. Accordingly, she maintains two classification of Sundanese The research also limited to the incantations incantations based on the purpose of the user which are collected in Kawalu village in Kota into “white” and “black” incantation. The study Tasikmalaya, a city in southeastern part of West entitled Mantera Guna-Guna Dalam Kehidupan Java, Indonesia. It was previously a part of Masyarakat Sunda, wrote by the same author has Tasikmalaya regency (kabupaten Tasikmalaya). The history of Tasikmalaya goes back to provide the elaboration on the Sundanese “black Galunggung as one of the spiritual centre of incantation” (Suryani, 2003). Sundanese Kingdom before Pajajaran era with Yusep’s study entitled Pelestarian Tradisi Queen Batari Hyang (12th century) as the sacred “Jampe” Pada Masyarakat Kampung Naga figure. After the intensification of Islam in Sunda Tasikmalaya (Yusep, 2014), has preceded the region, the center was moved to Pamijahan with study of incantations in Tasikmalaya context, with Syekh Abdul Muhyi (17th century) as the sacred special reference to “Kampung Naga”, one of the saint. Afterwards, the Islamic centre spread out traditional villages that still maintains the original over the pesantren (Yahya, 2013: 8). local customs and mostly refuses modern stuffs. It In spite of accepting modernity, the people of focuses on the preservation of jampe or local spell Tasikmalaya still don’t fully discard the occult belief. for traditioal healing. Functionally, it concluded The belief on the Supernatural beings remains the three kinds of jampe: sasalad (spell for physical/ nucleus of their believe system across generation. medical illness), kabadi (spell for magical illness) They believe in such invisible matters and ask the and pamake (spell for various activities). pananyaan to solve the various problems such The study of Sundanese incantations seems to as healing the ilness, seeking a job, rediscovering be dominated by pure linguistic and anthropological the lost items, gaining rank and power in the concerns in Sundanese local context. Therefore, bussiness, familiy welfare, etc. Accordingly, there the intersection between Islamic elements and are various occult knowledge which are usually Sundanese local genius remains neglected and possesed by a pananyaan including; paririmbon needs more exploration in a lot of terms. (horoscope), implengan (prophecy), kinasihan (spells to win affection), singlar (spells to expel the evil creatures), jampe (spells for healing),
77 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 jangjawokan (spells for various activities), amalan only in the form of a dialogue between text and (special Islamic prayers), and many others. reader (Habib, 2005: 721). In the context of Kawalu village, particularly, is regarded as one cultural transformation, aesthetic reception also of the most “occult” places in Tasikmalaya. In this has a major role. According to Milton L. Grahm, case, Tasikmalaya people also recognise several the aesthetic has a preconditioning effect on places as being “the most occult”, comparing to latter judgement. The appreciation of aesthetic is other places, such as Kawalu, Pancatengah, villages a creative act, similar to the act of creation itself located nearby mount Galunggung (Singaparna, (Grahm, 1969). Cigalontang, Cihanjuang, etc.), and villages in Levi Strauss’ notion about structural analysis southernmost part of Tasikmalaya (urang kidul), on myth would also relevant to explain the inner such as Pamijahan, Karangnunggal, Cikalong, etc. relation between the incantations and Sundanese The majority of occult knowledge was believed culture as a whole. Strauss states that mechanism originated from mount Galunggung and Sancang of human mind is the major accentuation in forest (leuweung Sancang) in Garut district as explaining the myth. In this case, he emphasizes two major magical sources, and from numerous the “unconscious nature of collective phenomena”. pesantren (traditional Islamic boarding school) In this case, he juxtaposes language in the one hand in Tasikmalaya as the Islamic origins. It is also and myth in the other hand (Ahimsa-Putra, 2013: important to highlight that almost all villages 75). He also maintains that structural linguistics in Tasikmalaya have their own local shaman or shift from the study of conscious linguistic pananyaan. phenomena to the study of their unconscious infrastructure (Strauss, 1963: 33). This research uses an ethnographic method. According to James Spradley, ethnography is the General Context: The Intensification of work of describing culture. The central aim of Islam and Cultural (Mystical) Challenge in ethnography is to understand another way of life West Java from the native point of view (Spradley, 1980: In the early 15th century, Syekh Hasanuddin, 3). Participant-observation and depth-interview also well-known as Syekh Quro from Campa are methods used to collect the incantations or (Vietnam) was reported to be the first Islamic magical spells and all the material related to the propagator who has established a pesantren-like purpose of this research. institution in Karawang, northern littoral of West To analyze the data (incantations, magical Java. It has paved the way for Islam to penetrate the spells), the researcher uses several theories. First core of the Hindu Pajajaran Kingdom. At the same and foremost, John Haviland’s theory of “cultural period, Syekh Datuk Kahfi also established the change” would be applied to construct the stages similar institution in Pasambangan, Amparan-Jati, of acculturation as reflected in selected pattern which has provided a way for the establishment of of incantations. According to Haviland, there are an Islamic kingdom (kraton). In return, pesantren three mechanisms of change; innovation, diffusion, gained full recognition, legitimation and political and cultural loss (Haviland, 2008: 347-352). To support from the kraton (Muhaimin, 1995: 205- trace the native’s ability to grasp another culture 206). Hence, this attempt was also continued by (Islamic account; Qur’anic verses), the reception Sunan Gunung Jati who established a pesantren in theory would also be applied. On the other hand, Dukuh Sembung. In the late 15th century, Cirebon Hans Robert Jauss, insists that the audience of has become the center of disseminating Islam in literature doesn’t merely play a passive or formal West Java, under the leadership of Sunan Gunung role. Indeed, the historical life of a literary work Jati as the religious and political leader. is unthinkable without the active participation The intensification of Islam in Sunda region of its addresses. Literature is “dialogic”, it exists begun after the fall of Sunda Kingdom in 1579.
78 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad
The Sultanates of Cirebon, Banten, and Mataram part as the culture of pakidulan, in which the played the key roles in this process of Islamization. mystical life and believe are naturally high. They Between 17th and 18th century, the influence of also demographically regard the Southernmost Javanese culture also flows into Sundanese region part as the place where local shaman (dukun, along with the massive Islamization. Therefore, tukang teluh) concentrated. Accordingly, similar Sundanese literary forms, like dangding or to Ricklef’s argument on the “mystic synthesis” guguritan and wawacan, is highly influenced by in the Islamization of Java, the negotiation, Javanese culture (Rohmana, 2012: 9). The first reconciliation, and acceptance of an array of local stage came from Demak and the second was from spiritual forces and the indigenous articulation Mataram-Islam (Yahya, 2013: 10). From Northern effort of Islamic account in the Islamization of littoral, the Islamic propagators continued to Tasikmalaya can also be traced. penetrate the “back country” of West Java. In In this case, with Cirebon and Banten, – which this case, Syekh Abdul Muhyi in Pamijahan, was established with the support from Demak South Tasikmalaya, is one of the most important – and lately Mataram, as three major agents of supporter who penetrated the Southern part of Islamization, the identity of Sundanese-Priangan Priangan in late 17th and early 18th century AD. mystical culture, especially Tasikmalaya, has (Christomy, 2008). already dealt with Javanese Islamic account, which Particularly, the history of Tasikmalaya goes is the product of such “mystic synthesis”. Thus, it back to mount Galunggung as one of the spiritual can probably be explained that the intensification centre of Sundanese Kingdom before Pajajaran of Islam in West Java was “politically” and era with Queen Batari Hyang (12th century) as the “culturally” continuation of the of Sultan Agung’s sacred figure. After the intensification of Islam in legacy of the “mystic synthesis” in penetrating Sunda region, the center was moved to Pamijahan Islam from the North littoral of Central Java with ‘Abdul Muhyi (1640-1715 M.) as the sacred (Demak) which represented the “putihan zone” to saint. Afterwards, the Islamic centre spread out the “back country” of Java-land which is regarded over the pesantrens. (Yahya, 2013: 8). as the “abangan zone”. The following section deals In this stage, the case seems to be different primary with the traces of that synthesis through from Syattariyah sufi order (tarekat) legacy local incantations. that can be found in Abdul Muhyi’s connection. Sundanese Puisi-Mantra: The Poetry of The Syattariyah connection is one of the early Power major sufi orderstarikat ( ) in the archipelago. Native Sundanese in Kawalu, – before the Although there is no reliable information about its advent of the “paradigm shift” – consider some origin, the Syattariyyah adherents have claimed words in Sundanese language to be powerful and ‘Abdullah al-Syattar as the founder of tarikat. In have the significant influences. Thit shift means the archipelago, most of the genealogical order a lately paradigm in which the occult beliefs, are originated from ‘Abdurrauf al-Sinkili (d. 17..), especially regarding the use of local “incantation”, one of ‘Abdul Muhyi’s teacher. He was regarded were henceforth generally left behind. It is not my as one of the major Syattariyah propagator in the intention here to discuss how this shift occured; archipelago. In the case of Tasikmalaya, ‘Abdul which determined by complex reasons. Although Muhyi’s Syattariyah order also connected to al- it is too difficult to demarcate them, based on Sinkili as his teacher (Arifin, 2015). my field informations, in the case of Kawalu, for In another case, the Southernmost part of example, the years 50’s until 70’s as the last West Java, particularly Tasikmalaya, is widely period of the occult belief, due to the advent of regarded by most – until recent times – as the so-called “modern stuff”, such as electricity and “occult zone”. Tasikmalaya people recognize this modern medicine in that village. Nowdays, with
79 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 kampung adat and certain people (elderly people, water, one of major elements in life, that will exist pananyaan (shaman), paraji (local midwife), throughout the time. She also has a collection of etc.) as the exception, local incantation is not used incantations that is still in use until today, namely anymore in daily life. the jajampean or spells for healing. One of the The identification of a speaker is also popular examples is a spell for a passive baby who important. The words, uttered by those who is late to learn to walk. While massaging the baby’s possess a higher social and spiritual position (like knee, she casts this spell repeatedly: elder people, dukun, pandita, lately pananyaan turuluk lutung and ahli hikmah, etc.) are believed to be more tuur monyet powerful. The identification reflected what (be fast like lutung,1 Michael Johnstone refers as “low magic” and “high with the knee of monkey) magic”. The former, is also called “natural magic”. Aki Saripudin (77), also an elder in Kawalu, It was widely practiced in the Middle Age, and still states that using incantation was common in his in some parts of the world. It combines the arts of youth among rural people in the sidelines of their withcraft, spellcraft, hexcraft, which utilizes herbs, activity, and he did it long time ago. Along with amulets, and other simple objects along with the stronger influence of Islam and the advent incantations to bring about the desired results. of “modern” tools such as the electricity, these The latter is performed to bring about union with incantations were slowly replaced by pure Islamic the divine. The power of nature, conceived as expressions and some prayers, such as bismillah, being either angelic or satanic, is controlled by syahadat, shalawat, ayat kursy, and others. Now spirits, using words and the names of sacred gods days, he uses these Islamic prayers while doing (Johnstone, 2006: 27). various activities. He states that the absence of pure These special words had originally become a Islamic prayers in the past is due to the ignorance “living oral-literature” (sastra lisan) of Sundanese of most people at that time. Unlike recent days, people and generally expressed in poetical form. someone having Arabic and Islamic knowledge Confirming Pattrick Dunn, every culture in the was very limited at that time. world has poetry, even cultures of those who do In addition to the pure Islamic prayers, the so- not have writings, and they regard their poetry as called domestic Islamic prayers can also be found. sacred and magical thing. Poetry is designed to To expel the Satan and other evil creatures, Aki produce a magical effect called – in English – the Amir (1935-2013) used to cast the following spell “incantation” (Dunn, 2008: 47). called Kulhu Geni when entering such “haunted” In case of Kawalu, various local incantations places: are well-remembered by some elder people, and Bismillahirohmanirohim in the name of Allah certain incantations are still used today. In the kul huwalohu ahad say He is Allah, the time of youth, Nini Itoh (64) was regularly casted One the following spell (jangjawokan) before taking a kun payakun “be” – and it is bath while patting the water repeatedly: masa Alloh as God has willed jaya aing jaya cai, kodiron abadan abada who has power, jaya cai jaya aing forever, forever (my glorious is water’s glorious, These incantations, which have previously water’s glorious is my glorious) become the oral literature, are what today called as “puisi-mantra” in the study of Sundanese modern She got the spells from her grandfather, Aki literature. According to Yus Rusyana, an expert of Sarjuki (born in the late 19th century and died around 60’s). She believed that the spell was casted to reach the longevity and welfare of life like the 1. Black long-tailed monkey
80 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad
Sundanese modern literature, there are at least six mentioned puisi-mantera – and the following types of puisi-mantera in Sundanese literature incantations in this paper – are used the “new (Rusyana, 2009: 109): Sundanese” language that are largely influenced by Javanese Mataram. They imposed its influence 1. Asihan (spell for gaining people’s affection) in Priangan area since 17th century AD. Before that 2. Jangjawokan (spell casted in various daily activities) one, the so-called “old Sundanese” (Sunda Buhun/ 3. Ajian (spell for invoking supernatural powers) Kuna), in both of language and script had existed 4. Singlar (spell to expel the evil) as a distinct language in West Java (Moriyama, 5. Rajah (spell casted when starting to build a house 1996: 153). and the others) The following incantation is the Sundanese pre- 6. Jampe (spell for healing) Islamic magical spell which used “old Sundanese language” (Sunda Kuna). it is usually casted in the Due to its nature as the living hereditary and ritual of cleansing the soil/area (Gunawan, 2010: the difficulty – if not impossible – to confirm the 159): first composer, the authorship of puisi-mantra, it is rather regarded as collective living literature Ong paksa ma Guru pun Ong, the owner of will is Guru, forgive across generations. The spells are not spoken in Pasaduan kami di na li(ng)ga Si Jaja, vain, but specifically used in magical behavior to we beg permission to bring about the desired results with supernatural Lingga si Jaja forces. They are casted with the aim of mastering li(ng)ga si Jantri Lingga si Jantri and using the magical powers for certain purpose. Bawa tamah Batara Kala put away the darkness In addition to above-mentioned types of puisi- of Batara Kala mantra, there are also spells that used to harm or Tinggalkeun sarining lemah destroy other people, such as the spells of tukang to leave the essence of soil teluh/witches (Rusyana, 2009: 109). Along with Apan gawe sang pandita by the labor of Pandita the dawn of academic purpose of Sundanese literature, the so-called “written puisi-mantra” has Accordingly, it can probably be described that been collected by several researchers in specialized the vast majority of Sundanese incantation, not books and then become the subject for the lesson to mention all of them, after the intensification of Sundanese modern literature. However, my of Islam through three major political agents intention here is to provide the “living puisi- (Cirebon, Banten, Mataram), uses the “new mantra” which is still used by certain people, Sundanese” language which is widely applied in particularly by the pananyaan. the post-17th century AD. In anthropological view, however, language is From “Hybrid” Incantation to Pure Arabic- not simply a matter of combining sounds according Amalan to certain rules to come up with meaningful According to Federspiel, Islamic mystical utterances. It is important to remember that practice is an important expression of religion languages are spoken by people who are members among Southeast Asian Muslims during early of distinct societies (Haviland, 2008: 100). The stage. Traditional shamans were in place when most important symbolic aspect of culture is Islam arrrived and the new religion did not language-using words to represent objects and essentially change their roles. Regarding “power” ideas. Through language, Sundanese people, for as residing in religious objects and language, example, are able to transmit culture from one the traditional shamans converged with Islam generation to next generation for its “continuity” in a fragmentary way, even as they had been and “change”. merged with Buddhism and Hinduism in their It is important to note that all above- time. Accordingly, some shamans attempted to
81 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 incorporate Islamic knowledge, symbols, and divided into several “creative” ways: prayers as part of their practice. However, it was 1. Pure Arabic incantation (amalan/wirid) a specialized extraction without regard to the core 2. Pure Sundanese language with Islamic content meaning of the religion itself and concentrated on (theme) the use of religious terms and expressions in an 3. Mixture of Sundanese language and Arabic attempt to draw power from their use (Federspiel, Islamic expression 2007: 68-70). 4. Mixture of Sundanese language and special Accordingly, when describing the earliest Qur’anic verses attitude of Javanese to the initiation of the newly 5. Sundanized Qur’anic verses established Islam, Ricklefs offers three kind of appreciations; (a) for some Javanese, a new faith First and foremost, such basic assumption may have been a means of gaining another source can be employed with fully consideration to the of supranatural power, (b) for some, it was the “lingustic composition” as the ultimate measure. key for salvation., (c) for others, it was anathema That the transformation of the incantations (Ricklefs, 2006: 2). In the first case, the tradition (from pure Sundanese, Sundano-Arabic, to of casting incantations is the main tradition. pure Arabic) is juxtaposed with the “cultural Malinowski argues that the most important change” of Sundanese mystical tradition. This element in magic is the spell. It is part of the magic led us to assume that; the more Qur’anic verses which is occult, handed over in magical filiation, transformed, the more syncretic stage took place, known only to the practitioner (Malinowski, 1948: and local custom hence regarded as superior to the so-called Islamic mysticism, and neither is the 4). exact opposite, nor the “pure” Arabic incantation However, Islam unwittingly gave these pre- (amalan) has shown the superiority of so-called Islamic local practitioners some new material. Islamic mysticism. In Haviland’s chronological Arabic expressions, particularly the key Islamic sense of “culture change”, mechanism, innovation ones, such as “the confession” (syahadah), “the and diffusion stages are reflected in that “hybrid” remembrance” (dzikr), the “opener” (bismillah) to incantations, and the cultural loss is marked up by the Qur an, and the “magnificent” (takbir), have the domination of “pure” Arabic incantation. replaced some incantations; sometimes replacing Although it has such linguistic plausibility, but more often supplementing the Sanskrit this way of chronological thinking, however, expressions (Federspiel, 2007: 65). In many ways, has a blind spot for several reasons. The first this stage of “combining” Islamic expression with and foremost, due to the absence of the “dating” the local incantation has representatively recorded of incantation’s composing for the first time, the development of assimilation of both elements. constructing the chronological stages based on Regarding the mystic as a culture, there is a mere “linguistic composition” without regarding “change” in the construction, from one period to to the historical symbol in the content, is unfairly another one. In this section, the preliminary sketch leading to the state of disarray. Besides, as it will on the stages of depelovement would be explored be mentioned later, replacing incantations with through the linguistic-anthropological analysis Arabic expression or Qur’anic verses, is not always in various pattern of the “hybrid” Sundanese equivalent to replacing the full account of local incantations. Several “hybrid” incantations mystic tradition itself. were gathered during my fieldwork from The following section deals with the several pananyaan and elder people in Kawalu examining several pattern of incantations and village, Tasikmalaya. In regard to the language historical contents. Using Haviland’s idea of composition, the way of mixing the spells can be three mechanism of “cultural change”, selected
82 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad incantations will be divided under three kinds that widely practiced by pananyaan, it is true of mechanisms; an innovation stage, a difusion that there are Sundanese people practicing the so- stage, and a cultural loss stage. It is important called black art by weaving malicious spells which to note that this categorization is built on “the then widely known as the “black magic”. There are ways” or “mechanism” in which mystic synthesis also spells used to harm other people, such as the takes part either as representation of the linguistic spells of tukang teluh or sihir (witches, withcraft). composition or the historical information. In this case, it can probably be described that local 1. The Innovation Stage shaman, which had long been familiar with the mystical speculations of Hinduism and Buddhism, According to William Haviland, the ultimate perhaps adopting Islamic expression, pieces of source of all cultural change is innovation; any Qur’anic verses and several Islamic teaching to new idea, method, or device that gains widespread gain such new supranatural power in their “black” acceptence in a society. Primary innovation is the incantation. creation, invention, or discovery of completely new idea, method or device. Secondary invention In above magical spell, the special pieces of is a deliberate application or modification of an Qur’anic verses are used as supplement for the existing idea, method or device (Haviland, 2008: “black” incantation. Moreover, the Islamic portion 348). seems to dominate all the spells composition; It contains Islamic expression (bismillah and This way of innovation is seemingly reflected lailahaillalloh) and teaching of the several angel in several mixture incantations, in which Islamic names. Three separated words; munir, basir, expression and Qur’anic verses are adopted as nadir, is seemingly reflected Q.S. al-Ahzab: 45- supplement without regard to the core meaning 46. The next section was clearly referred to QS. of the religious account. The following is a al-Baqarah: 243. The chosen pieces, however, “Sundanese-Qur’anic malevolent incantation” used by several Sundanese local shaman and is the “cruel” phrase; in fear of death, God said pananyaan, to harm other people: to them: Die! This has obviously indicated the consciousness of the suitability of the meaning, Spell to Taking Over People, Either to although with the absence of historical sense of the Harm or Something Else verses and religious motives. Bismilahirohmanirohim In this sense, the local shaman’s reception of in the name of Allah the verses can be explained. They choose these Munirun .. illuminating … Islamic expression and Qur’anic verses in the light Basirun .. Nadirun .. of local occult tradition without regarding to the giving good news … warning people “white” and “black” purposes. In the context of Hadarol maot, pakola lahum mutu the intersection between pananyaan’s magical in fear of death, God said to them: Die! spells and Islamic account, there is such unique Dina arah-arah opat jihat interpretation concerning “the malevolent spells” on the four directions and “the black magic”. According to Ki Ade Atis, Malaikat Jibril, Mikail, Isropil, Ijro’il angel Jibril, Mikail, Israfil and Izrail a pananyaan in Kawalu village, the nature of all Robi Gusti, Abdi Gusti of magical knowledge has actually a neutral status. o my Lord, Due to the absence of clear standard between Nyanggakeun si .... “white” and “black” spells, the measurement is i hand over (name of targeted person) eventually back to the intention (pamaksadan) of La ilaha Illaloh the spell caster. there is no God but Allah In this case, the emergence of the “black” In addition to the so-called “white magic” Quranic incantations can be explained. There are
83 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 some Islamic expressions and Quranic verses that by one of the the most common expressions in used as supplements for the “malevolent” spell the Islamic tradition, namely the opener of the to harm people. To the contrary, there are also Qur’an (basmalah) and closed by the statement of several witchcraft practices which actually have a tauhid (oneness of God). Apart from this Islamic good purpose. Accordingly, this kind of “paradox” confession, the spell has also asserted another incantation has reflected the early stages which symbol concerning the “totemic figure” which in Federspiel refers as “the incorporating” Islamic turn indicated the difusion of the incantation in knowledge, symbols, and prayers as part of local Tasikmalaya. This is what Malinowski refers as the shaman’s practice in specialized extraction without “mythological allusion”; the reference to ancestor regarding to the core meaning of the religion itself and culture heroes from whom the magic has been (Federspiel, 2007: 68-70). recieved (Malinowski, 1948: 155). The phrase “nu ngadeg di Gunung Jati” (who dwelled in Gunung 2. The Difusion Stage Jati) seems to make a reference to Sunan Gunung The spread of certain ideas, customs, or Jati, one of the Nine Saints in Java land (Wali practices, from one culture to another is known Songo) who spread Islam in West Java. Thus, it as difusion (Haviland, 2008: 350). The spreading can probably be described that this incantation of certain incantations in several different regions was composed by Sunan Gunung Jati’s followers has also become a part of cultural difusion in the , and hence it gained widespread usage during the web of mystic-synthesis in West Java. In the case intensification of Islam in West Java. of Kawalu village, there are several incantations Another shared incantation in all over Java coming from outside region. The following is a land is the aji-kulhu which also reflects such Cirebonese-origin incantation which is also used intersection between Q.S. al-Ikhlas and local occult by several pananyaan in Tasikmalaya region; tradition. The word kulhu is from the first verse of Spell for Long Trip Q.S. al-Ikhlas and simply become the name of the Bismilahirohmanirohim surah (Mustapa, 1998: 186). Sundanese people in the name of Allah – and Javanese in general – have a very simple Indit abdi jeung Kanjeng Nabi Ibrohim way to give a name of something. Most of them i am going with prophet Ibrahim are based on the similar sound according to the Leumpang abdi hearing, such as ketuk, because it is herad as tuk. i am walking ... Likewise, goong, according to the sound of these jeung Kanjeng Nabi Muhammad with prophet Muhammad instruments, bedug, kendang angklung, lesung, Dipayungan abdi ku Gusti Alloh etc. all based on their sound. Accordingly, the first i am sheltered by Allah word of Q.S. al-Ikhlas simply became the name of Dudu pujiningsun the surah. it is not my commendation There are at least 7 kinds of aji kulhu; kulhu pujine Kanjeng Sinuhun Yahu geni, kulhu komara geni, kulhu nangtung, kulhu it is for his eminence ... absor, kulhu derga-agung, kulhu buntet and Nu ngadeg di Gunung Jati who dwelled in Gunung Jati kulhu sung-sang. Most of aji kulhu use Javanese or Anggala cahyaning hurip Cirebonese language, except kulhu geni (Qur’anic as the light of the prosperity pieces) and kulhu nangtung & kulhu absor La ilaha illalloh ... (Sundanese). The most famous one among them There is no God but Allah is kulhu geni that is believed to have an influence The composition of the spell consists of the fo rexpelling Satan and other evil creatures. The compound expressions of Sundanese, Javanese spell goes as follows: language and Arabic expression. It is started
84 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad
Aji Kulhu Geni the evolution of its meaning; science, philosophy, Bismillahirohmanirohim and the others (Goichon, 1986: 3,377). However, in the name of Allah people of Kawalu simply conceive this word in the kul huwalohu ahad occult term as “Islamic supernatural knowledge”. say He is Allah, the One This sense of meaning most likely has its kun payakun “be” – and it is legacy from some Arabic “occult” books which masya Alloh are studied in pesantren. it should be mentioned, as God has willed particularly, al-Buny’s Manba’ Ushul al-Hikmah kodiron abadan abada (al-Buny, 1999)2 from 13th century AD – one of who has power, forever, forever the major hikmah books for advanced student in The spell maker choses some piece of Quranic many pesantren in Tasikmalaya, in addition to verses to be arranged as a magical spell. The Syams al-Ma’arif, Khazinat al-Asrar, al-Aufaq, spell consists of Quranic pieces and some Islamic Taj al-Muluk, etc. – as one of the determinations expressions. It is started with basmalah, the spell responsible for shaping such meaning for hikmah. is continued with two Qur’anic pieces. Firstly, According to Mustapa’s late 19th century kulhuwallohu ahad, the first chapter of QS. al- reports concerning on Sundanese local customs, Ikhlas which is the major Qur’anic verse to the the double roles of religious propagator and establishment of Islamic monotheism (tauhid). supranatural practitioner that possesed by Secondly, kun payakun (the last pieces of several an ajengan have gained more popularity in suras; al-Baqarah: 117, Ali ‘Imran: 47, 59, al- Sundanese-Priangan society (Mustapa, 1998: 215). Nahl: 40, especially QS. Yasin: 82 and the others) In this stage, the so-called Arabic occultism began that is famously recognized as the “creative” to flow into Sundanese speaking area and grasped word of God when He wants to create something. by Sundanese Muslim. Some of those Arabic occult In a sense, there is no direct meaning-relation sciences are domesticated. Mustapa mentions the between the spell and the “expelling” the evil. “aji saepi” (saepi angin, saepi banyu, saepi geni) This incantations, however, has gained popularity as one of the high-level domestificated Islamic among spiritual practitioners all over Java land supernatural sciences at that time. However, most and hence it becomes the most representative of them are transmitted and practiced in their sample for the stages of difusion of incantations. Arabic formulas. Some people call them amalan or The “Cultural Loss”? aurod. The most popular example is “hijib” (hijib Most often people look at a cultural change nawawi, hijib sadili, hijib akbar, etc.), and “hirz” as the accumulation of innovation. Frequently, (hirzul yamani, etc.) which are considered as well- however, the acceptance of a new innovation known Islamic supernatural powers possessed by results in cultural loss – the abandonment of the ajengan or ahli hikmah and they are from Muslim existing practice or trait (Haviland, 2008: 352). In saints (para wali). For quite lower degrees, there Sundanese mysticism context, the emergence of are also a lot of amalan for various purposes, such the lately established Islamic term ahli hikmah has as ayat tujuh (seven verses of the Qur’an) and ayat played a major role in shaping and determining lima belas (fifteen verses of the Qur’an). the direction of Islamic mysticism. This in turn leads one to except that the stage Ahli hikmah – as understood by Tasikmalaya people – has been identical to those who expert in Islamic occultism, which is different from that 2. The title itself is reflecting the framework of occultism; The of ajengan or Sundanese Islamic propagator Source of Hikmah; major four treatises on ‘ilm al-hikmah concerning the science of the secret of letters (al-‘ulum al- in many ways. The ancient usage of the Arabic harfiyyah), telesmology (al-wifqiyyah), special prayers (al- “hikmah” which refers to “wisdom”, lent itself to da’awat), and the others
85 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 75-90 of “cultural loss” in Haviland terms as mentioned between word and world. The wedding of both has earlier, has come to the scene. Although it is ultimately brought something into being. Linguists plausible with fully regarding to the “lingustic” such as J.L. Austin, classified the “verbal act” matter; the Arabic usage has replaced local like those above-magical spells as performative language, however, the receptionary practices utterances which is a part of doing something is not represent the complete “loss” of culture in (Hale and Wright, 1998: 64). It is a phrase that practical dimension. Thus, replacing the “word”, doing something and making some changes of for instance, does not always mean to replace the the world at the moment of its being said. It is not grand narration on which someone based their a report of an event, but the event itself (Patrick activities, as represented in previous section. Dunn, 2008: 48-49). The search for how magical Neverthless, Hodgson’s notion on the term spells work is still enigmatic. Malinowski states “Islamicate” is highly relevant in this elucidation. that all obsessive desires in magical purposes It refers not directly to the religion, Islam, itself, are based on the universal psycho-physiological but to the social and cultural complex that is mechanism (Malinowski, 1948: 62). According historically associated with Islam and Muslims, to Leidgh Mudge, the influence of subconscious both among Muslims themselves and even among forces stimulated by suggestion is the main force non-Muslims (Hodgson, 1974: 1,59). for all occultists and those who believe in them In the case of Kawalu, for instance, A Anwar (Mudge,1920: 291-292). According to Levi Strauss, (43), a pananyaan who represents the most there are at least, three complementary conditions “puritanical” character among ahli hikmah or in the efficacy of shamanic practices: (1) the belief pananyaan, has generally abandoned all previous of shaman in their practices and techniques to shamanic practices, such invoking ancestral spirit have a significant influence, (2) the belief ofa and using local incantation. The practices have patients to the magical power of a shaman, and (3) generally become Islamic. He leads a majelis dzikir the collective beliefs and hopes of a community as held at home and uses the special Islamic prayers a gravity field (Strauss, 2006: 97,73). for the purpose of his practices in overcoming Performative utterances are therefore said to various problems brought to him. Nevertheless, he have “illocutionary force”, simply means that the still defends the local identity, beside water (cai) as power of the words is not in its interpretation or its the main device, some kind of local herbs are still being brought by another person, but in the words used for healing some diseases and the “exorcism” themselves (Patrick Dunn, 2008: 49). For that practices. reason, many pananyaan in Sundanese speaking Contesting Language, Power, and Culture area, are not posssesed a proper knowledge of Malinowski mentions that the foundation of Arabic phonology (makharijul huruf). According magical belief and practice is not taken from the air, to proper Arabic pattern, most of pananyaan’s but is due to a number of experience actually lived Arabic speeches might be totally wrong. But the through, in which man recieves the “revelation” of case seems to be different, due to the arbitrary his power to attain the desired end (Malinowski, aspect of word. In the context of the meeting of 1948: 62). Accordingly, the magical power, either diverse cultures, it is a collection of sounds upon high magic, as possesed by a pananyaan/shaman which all people agree referring to certain object or low magic which contained in various local or idea. In magical spells, pananyaan make a link Sundanese incantation (puisi-mantera) casted by between words and idea. This obviously affirms rural farmer for instance, is actually determined that the relation between words and power is by experiences and series of practical activities, in always shaped by such local determinations. which they engaged. In this sense, the reception role finds its The spell caster believes in natural relation momentum. Based on Ki Ade’s explanation, called
86 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad
“the subconscious forces stimulated by suggestion” composition of that incantation indicates the same – in Mudge’s term – is equivalently comparable to pattern as the indigenous Sundanese incantation. the faith (kayakinan) or the attitude of expectancy. Each has a suggestion, power allusion, and purpose. It is true that the spell’s composition is ultimately In this case, the difference of the linguistic surface very important in making the efficacy, but above does not always mean the difference in the inner all, he states that all of magical spells, whether it structure. In the level of unconscious linguistic, is Arabic (amalan), Sundanese, Javanese, or even all local Sundanese spell and hybrid incantations Sanskrit incantation, mainly depend on the faith (Sundano-Arabic), are actually the same. They (kayakinan) and the qualified power possessed by have the same structural pattern and functionally the casters. He states that sometimes, the result used for the same purposes. of amalan or Arabic spells is not better than the The structure below is the composition of old efficacy of local incantations due to the unqualified Sundanese incantations: caster. The so-called “Sundanese-Qur’anic malevolent spell, ” for instance, is representatively a “hybrid” Structural No Phrase incantation composed by local practitioner in Composition syincretic way. Thus, it is fairly clear that such 1 The Opening Ong paksa ma Guru pun incantations are ultimately shaped by local The Intention and Pasaduan kami di na li(ng)ga 2 determination engaged in both spell of composer Suggestion Si Jaja li(ng)ga si Jantri and caster. The usage of Qur’anic verses for “black” Bawa tamah Batara Kala purposes is a part of the shamanic reception 3 Purpose regarding that verses, without paying attention to Tinggalkeun sarining lemah the religious motives. 4 The Closing Apan gawe sang pandita In the light of Strauss notion of myth and It can be concluded that pure Sundanese language, all of the incantations represent the incantations (old Sundanese and new Sundanese) inner linguistic-structure that are equivalent to and the hybrid one (Sundano-Arabic) have the the grand narration of Sundanese culture in its same structural pattern. The case seems to be intersection with the Islamic spectrums. This different from the pure Arabic amalan. There kind of inner structure can be found through the is at least, a shift in linguistic pattern into more structural analysis of the composition, as follows complex forms. The following Arabic phrases are (case of Sundano-Arabic malevolent spell): the representatives of several basic form of Arabic Structural ‘amalan: No Phrase Composition 1. Fifteen Verses of The Qur’an 1 The Opening Bismilahirohmanirohim Ayat Lima Belas (fifteen verses of the Qur’an) Munirun, Basyirun, Pakolalahum is one of the most famous ‘amalan that consist of Mutu special fifteen verses of the Qur’an. Each verse has Dina arah-arah opat jihat, several merits and functions. The fifteen verses are 2 The Suggestion Malaikat Jibril, Mikail, Isropil, the pieces of the following surah: Ijro’il a) Ali Imran:1-2 and 18 (gaining forgiveness from Robbi Gusti Abi Gusti God) b) Al-An`am: 95 (realizing what is required) 3 Purpose Nyanggakeun si ..... c) Ar-Ra`d: 31 (gaining respect) 4 The Closing La ilaha Illallah d) Yasin: 82 (self-defense) Since the language is juxtaposed with the e) Al-Fatihah: 2 (realizing what is required) culture as a matter of human mind, the structural f) Qaf: 15 (poison antidote)
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g) Al-Hadid: 4 dan 25 (poison antidote) can be found in Arabic occult sciences, does not h) At-Taghabun: 13 (avoiding the danger) mean to completely replace the grand narration i) Ath-Thalaq: 3 (avoiding the danger and of local mystic tradition. Thus, the incantations forgiveness from God) of ayat lima belas, for instance, have been widely j) Al-Jinn: 28 (realizing what is required) used for various purposes among Sundanese k) Al-Muzzammil: 9 (overcoming anger) people which in many ways are “out” of its original l) An-Naba: 38 (realizing what is required) Arabic purposes; as a magic whereby a person is m) Abasa: 18-19 (overcoming the robber, criminal) made to fall in love (pelet), spell for the power of n) At-Takwir: 20 (weakening the dispotic ruler) invulnerability (kabedasan), spell for opening the 0) Al-Buruj: 20-22 (opening the locked) locked door, and others. In this sense we have to place such local Islamic tradition in cosmopolite 2. Islamic Prayer for The Sick term; that is a certain and distinct part of tradition in the web of Islamic world as a whole.
CONCLUSION The preliminary exploration on these incantations has representatively shown the presence of such “Islamicate” culture in Sundanese- speaking area; that is the social and cultural “Oh Allah! The Sustainer of Mankind! Remove complex historically associated with Islam and the the illness, cure the disease. You are the One Who Sundanese muslims. In spite of the nature of their cures. There is no cure except Your cure. Grant us a religious spirituality, The belief on supernatural cure that leaves no illness. (Recommended to touch being remains the important one and becomes the area of pain with the right hand while reciting this supplication” one of the primordial natures. The existence of pananyaan remains significant in their life. 3. ‘Amalan For Getting the Wealth and The creative “hybrid” incantations has also Property reflected such a fine grain in the acculturation of These three basic Islamic account and Sundanese local customs. In forms have also reflected turn, it has become one of the keywords employed three kinds of pure Arabic ‘amalan, according to in providing the peaceful way in the Islamization their source and material: (1) Qur’anic verses, (2) of archipelago. Through the brief investigation on various incantations, three mechanism of cultural changes can be traced, from innovation, diffusion Prophetic prayer, and (3) ‘amalan composed and the the challenge of “cultural loss” stage in by certain Islamic ascetics. I this case, the the intersection between Islamic teaching and incantations or the spells are apparently replaced Sundanese local genius. by these kind of texts and also regarded as certain part of a prayer (al-du’a), which is one of the Islamic teaching. To some extents, not only the REFERENCES language, words and linguistic structure have Arifin, Miftah. 2015. Wujudiyyah di Nusantara: developed, the essential doctrine has also changed, Kontinuitas dan Perubahan. Yogyakarta: from incantations (mantra) to the prayer (dua’a/ Pustaka Pelajar. amalan). In this spot, the religious demarcation of Ahimsa-Putra. Heddy Shri.2013. Strukturalisme heretical claims took place. Levi Strauss, Mitos dan Karya Sastra. The usage of “pure” Arabic incantation which Yogyakarta: Kepel Press.
88 Tracing The “Cultural Changes” in Sundanese Local Incantations Asep Nahrul Musadad al-Buny, Abu al-‘Abbas. 1999. Manba’ Ushul al- 1996. Hikmah. Dar al-Jil li al-Nasyr wa al-Tauzi’. Mudge, E. Leidgh. 1920. “Occultism: Old and Christomy, Tommy. 2008. Signs of Wali: New”, in The Biblical World Journal. Vol. 54. Narratives at The Sacred Sites in Pamijahan, No. 3. West Java. Canberra: ANU E Press. Dunn, Muhaimin, A.G. 1995. The Islamic Traditions of Pattrick. Magic, Power, Language, Symbol: Cirebon; Ibadat and Adat Among Javanese A Magician’s Exploration on Linguistic. Muslim. Canberra: ANU E Press. Minnesota: Llwellyn Publication. Pusat Studi Sunda. 2010. Perubahan Pandangan Federspiel, Howard M. 2007. Sultans, Shamans, Aristokrat Sunda. Bandung: Pusat Studi and Saints; Islam and Muslims in Southeast Sunda. Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Ricklefs, M. C. 2001. A History of Modern Grahm, Milton L. 1969. “Aesthetic and Cultural Indonesia. Palgrave . Transformation”, in Boston University School ------. 2007. Polarising Javanese of Education. The Journal of Education. Vol. Society: Islamic and Other Visions (c, 1830- 152. No. 2. 1930). Singapore: NUS Press. Habib, M.A.R. 2005. A History of Literary Rohmana, Jajang A. 2012. “Sundanese Sufi Criticism; From Plato to The Present. Malden: Literature and Local Islamic Identity: A Blackwell Publishing. Contribution of Haji Hasan Mustapa’s Hale, Bob and Crispin Wright (ed.). 1998. Blackwell Dangding”, in UIN Sunan Kalijaga. Journal Companion to The Philosophy of Language. al-Jami’ah. Vol. 50. No. 2. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publisher . Rusyana, Yus, et al. 1997. Ensiklopedi Sastra Hasan Mustapa, R.H. 1998. Adat Istiadat Sunda. Sunda. Jakarta: Depdikbud. trans. Maryati Astrawijaya. Bandung: Penerbit Saputra, Heru S.P. 2007. Memuja Mantera: Sabuk Alumni. Mangir dan Jaran Goyang Masyarakat Suku Using Banyuwangi. Yogyakarta: LKiS. Haviland, William A. 2008. et. al. Cultural Anthropology; The Human Challenge, 12th Soemarjo, Jakob. 2003. Simbol-Simbol Artefak edition. Belmont: Wadsworth. Budaya Sunda. Bandung: Kelir. Hodgson, Marshall. 1974. The Venture of Islam. Spradley, James P. 1980. Participant Observation. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wilson. Hudayat, Asep Yusuf. 2010. Tinjauan Fungsional Strauss, Levi. 2006. Mitos, Dukun, dan Sihir. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Mantera Sunda. Paper presented in Pembekalan KKL Sastra Sunda. Jatinangor: ------. 1963. Structural Anthropology. New Universitas Padjadjaran . York: Basic Books Inc. Johnstone, Michael. 2006. The Ultimate Suryani, Elis. 2001. “Eksistensi dan Fungsi Encyclopedia of Spell. London: Capella Mantera Dalam Kehidupan Masyarakat Sunda”, paper presented in Konferensi Lewis, B. et al. 1986. (ed.). Encyclopedia of Islam. Internasional Budaya Sunda. Bandung. Leiden: Brill. ------. 2003. “Mantera Guna-Guna Dalam Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1948. Magic, Science, and Kehidupan Masyarakat Sunda”, paper Religion. Boston: Beacon Press. presented in Seminar Nasional Tradisi Lisan Moriyama, Mikhiro. “Discovering The Language Nusantara IV dan Festival Pesisir. Semarang. and The Literature of West Java”, in Journal Yahya, Iip D. 2013. “Dari Galunggung ke Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 34. No. 1. June Tasikmalaya”, in Majalah Historia
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Soekapoera. Vol. 1. No. 1. Yusep. 2014. Pelestarian Tradisi Jampe Pada Masyarakat Kampung Naga, Tasikmalaya. Under Graduate Thesis. Sunan Kalijaga Islamic State University. Yogyakarta. Interview: Interview with Aki Amir, (1935-2015), Kawalu, Tasikmalaya, West Java, March 2014. Interview with Wa Enji Samji (75), Ki Ade (66), and A Anwar (43), Kawalu, Tasikmalaya, West Java, c. 2014-2015. Interview with Nini Itoh, 64 years old, Kawalu, Tasikmalaya, West Java, September 15th-17th 2015. Interview with Aki Idin, 76 years old, Kawalu, Tasikmalaya, West Java, March 12th 2015.
90 Analisa Journal ofThe Social Uses Science of Religious and Religion Symbols Vol to 01Represent No.01 June Islam 2016 (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Website Journal: http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaSiti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.242
THE USES OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS TO REPRESENT ISLAM (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”)
SITI SHOLIHATI1, HEDDY SHRI AHIMSA PUTRA2, HERU NUGROHO3
1Walisongo State Islamic University Abstract [email protected] This study is entitled “The Uses of Religious Simbols to Represent Islam (A Study on 2Gadjah Mada University Religious Soap Opera ‘Bukan Islam KTP’)”. The background of the research is based Jln. Sosio Humaniora, Yogyakarta on the facts of the arbitrary use of symbols in representing Islam which are shown [email protected] on Indonesian televisions. The pattern of the use of religious symbols, either verbal 3Gadjah Mada University or non-verbal, symbols are generally explicit, but when they are examined using Jl. Teknika Utara,Yogyakarta appropriate methods, they actually contains some implicit meanings. The purpose of this study was to discover how Islam is represented on television religious soap Paper received: 30 November 2015 opera using religious symbols and to find out the dominant ideology behind the Paper revised: 27 February – 1 March 2016 representation techniques. To analyze the soap operas which consisted of twenty Paper approved: 16 May 2016 episodes, the researcher used a semiotic approach of John Fiske on television codes. The results of this study are: (1) the use of verbal symbols to represent Islam potentially creates multiple interpretations when they are spoken by different characters, (2) some religious terminologies are often used by antagonist players to express anger and disappointment, (3) the soap opera is dominated by verbal violence used by both protagonist and antagonist players, while antagonist player use violence both in verbal and non-verbal forms. The findings about ideology embedded in the soap opera are: (1) capitalist-materialistic ideology, (2) ideology of patriarchy, and (3) violence domination. Keywords: representation, religious symbols, ideology
A. INTRODUCTION media nature that, to some extent, causes the 1. The background of the study religious teaching to be subtly mixed up with The development of communication media culture. As there is a mixture between technology has inevitably caused a new demand media and religious symbols, therefore, it could for every elements of society to make an adaptation be understandable that the content of religious to the rapid movement of media culture. As a part portrayal on television may raise multiple of social system, Islam especially feels the needs of interpretations among the people. Before appropriate media as potential tools to transfer portraying religious programs, television usually Islamic values to the wider audiences. Amids the takes a religious consultant as its reference variety of modern media, so far, television has concerning the on-going issues. In this case, become the reasonable choice, it seems to be the religious consultant referred by the television has most popular and the most widely accepted among a certain pattern in interpreting the teaching, so the people compared to other types of media. that it makes the multi-process of interpretation The way television uses religious symbols to becomes more complex matter. There are at least represent Islam has been carried out in various three steps of interpretation occur in religious
91 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 91-104 programs on television. First, the interpretation work system existing in media institutions. The by the messengers toward the normative religious multi interpretation about television contents symbols is potentially faceted as their beliefs. can be understood as a way of working system in Second, the result of this interpretation is the media that generally has a complex process. transformed to the media practices in such a way According to van Dijk (1985: 18) the media which also may result another faceted knowledge. performance is shaped by several factors such as Third, based on messengers’ legitimation on the interests of the owners, the interest of market, the matter, television uses all the mean of art, and the pressures from an outsider faced by media aesthetics, and the market demands to create organizations. Meanwhile Irianto (2005: 520) another form of Islamic symbols which has been suggests that television does actually like to play naturalised in the media culture. around in the realm of representation of reality in The diversity in the use of religious symbols in depicting Islam, so that the viewers have a picture representing Islam can at least be seen on religious of Islam in an artificial form. Religious phenomena television shows in the forms of entertainment, which are artificially displayed in the media can be for example on religious soap operas. In general, seen on some religious programs represented by representation of Islam by using religious symbols television during the month of Ramadan using in religous soap operas can be identified from the religious symbols that creates an artificial reality way in which the religious attributes are used, the about Islam. sacred texts are exploited, the dialogue are spelled In fact, television is only one form of media out, and in a problem is solved at the end of the existed in Indonesia, but for some Indonesian whole narration. The uses of religious symbols in Moslem community television has become representing Islam in such a way, to some extent, not only an important source of information could lead to the simplification of the substance but also become source of entertainment. The of religious values so that it would be easier for media, therefore, take the advantage of people’s the audience to understand religious teachings. dependence on it to sell products in the form of The uses of religious symbols either on television information package. By doing so, television has soap operas or movies could not be separated established its strategic position as an agent of from the media construction of religious teaching distributing cultural issues among the society. As to represent in such a way so that it becomes an an agent of distributing cultural issues, television easy consuming program. By doing so, the idea strives to include as many elements of culture as of Islamic teaching could be more easily accepted possible into the audience needs, including about by the audience from various levels of religious religion in cultural perspective. Television seizes knowledge. opportunities of people’s need for information The use of religious symbols in such a simple as well as entertainment by presenting popular way to represent Islam seems to be inevitable as programs to attract as many viewers as possible naturally television has its own way to convey a so that it can convince more advertisers to get into message to its viewers. Based on the contents, bussiness (Burton, 2008: 96). In this case, the Indonesian private televisions have actually given cultural aspects of society embedded on television a relatively large portion in portraying Islam. This programs has only served as an object of media can be seen especially on television shows during commodity using the principles of demand and the month of Ramadan as well as on some special supply. Popularity concept complements the claim events concerning Islamic holy days. Regarding that television is a form of popular culture, which the claim that some television programs have is according to Storey, has appeared in the early tended to discredit Islam which bring about multi 20s (Storey, 2007: 11). interpretation at any rate, it is important to note Accordingly, the event portrayed on television here that it could be one of the side effects of the show can be seen as an attempt to narrate and
92 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3 visualize ideas through a program on the screen b. What are the ideologies behind the uses of using construction techniques in such a way, in religious symbols in representing Islam? order to give the impression of the real for the sake 3. Literature Review of its viewer interest. Recently the programs offered in Indonesian private television have showed the Some researches on television content notion toward resemblance to each other. When concerning the uses of religious symbol are hardly a certain station has succeeded in portraying a found. In this part, the author classified previous particular theme, then it is immediately followed research into three categories. First, there is a by other stations in presenting a program with research which corresponds with study objection similar theme. Religious-themed soap opera tends on television content using semiotic approach done to follow this trend as well, beginning with Rahasia in 2013 by Feralina. In her research, Feralina tried Ilahi in TPI (now MNCTV) in early 2004, which to find out the meaning of non-verbal symbol used is soon followed by other stations using slightly in cigarette advertising using semiotic approach similar materials. of Peirce. She defined non-verbal symbols into In these religious-themed soap operas the three areas: facial expression, gestural move, image about Islam is, more or less, determined and postural appearance (Feralina, 2013: 359). by the way the media use the religious symbols. The finding of her research was that every non- The use of religious symbols to represent the verbal symbol used in the advertising portrayed image of Islam can also be seen in religious soap on television has actually conveyed certain opera “Bukan Islam KTP” SCTV. The efforts of the meaning in various ways. Second, a research medium to represent the reality of Islam in this that corresponds to the focus of the study on soap opera becomes an interesting object to study, representation, it was carried out by Yohana (2013) especially because these symbols are presented in who studied film representation about polygamy. a comedian format. Based on previous experience The aim of Yohana’s study was to find out how in observing the fact of how religious symbols are the film represents the practice of polygamy. She used to represent Islam on television religious- employed discourse analysis by Sara Mills. Yohana themed soap opera, the writer feels an urge to did not specifically make a clear definition about conduct a close study to the main theme on the the terminology of representation. Using Mills representation of Islam using religious symbols on approach on discourse analysis Yohana found out soap opera entitled “Bukan Islam KTP” in SCTV. that the way film represented polygamy was based 2. Research Questions on women’s perspective. (Yohana, 2013: 53) When Islam is conveyed through television Third, the study about religious content on as a mean of mass communication in the form of television using religious symbols has been done an entertainment program, the use of symbols to by Syahputra (2011). According to him television represent Islam is potential to cause a different has been relatively powerful in creating certain image about it. Through this study, the writer image about religious phenomena. The images is trying to take a close look on how television about religion are represented through religious represents the image of Islam in the religious fictions using symbolic codes, either verbal or soap opera, the uses of religious symbols, and the non-verbal. Studying soap opera “Rahasia Ilahi”, ideology hidden behind it. In order to get a clear Syahputra (2011: 298) found out that the reality picture on media reality about Islam as well as how about Islam has been intrinsically co modified by this reality is represented on television, the writer television. Through this co modification, there is proposes the main questions as followed: a significant change where information values on a. How is Islamic teaching represented on a message are constructed become marketable television using religious symbols? symbol systems.
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This previous researches relating to symbolic emotions, and spirit”. Although the symbol is not paradigm showed that television uses certain solely regarded as a cultural artefact, it can be used religious symbols as a manifestation of political to convey a message of culture (Liliweri, 2009: representation to create an image about certain 180). Liliweri argues that symbol is “a sign to religion. The difference of these previous studies mean something” which could provide more than from the recent lays on the treatment towards one meaning (for example: the ring is a symbol of religious symbol itself. In this study, the author marriage). focused on not only how religious symbols are It is obvious that actually human life can not used to represent Islam, but also the attempt to be separated from the world of symbols, and that close look closely at the meaning of each symbol all aspects of human life consists of not only the by studying its literal meaning. production but also the consumption of symbols. 4. Theoretical Framework Discussing about symbol, it is worth to notice the thesis made by Cassirer that is “man is animal The word symbol is sometimes percieved in symbolicum” (quoted in Verene, 1979). In this some different ways in accordance with the context study, the word “symbol” is defined as everything in which it is used. In Collin Cobuild dictionary, related to the product such as the form of images, symbol is defined as: (1) “a shape or design that speech, writing, attitude, and people behavior, as used to represent something such as an idea”, representation of all aspects of human life. The (2) “something that seems to represent society or definition of symbol used in this study refers to aspects of life, because it is very typical of it “(Collins the terminology used by Turner (1983: 19), that is Cobuild, 1987: 1482). While in the dictionary “objects, activities, relationships, events, gestures, of Sociology (Jary and Jary, 1991: 645) symbol and spatial units” which empirically has been used is defined as: (1) a sign, in which the connection as instruments to observe the ritual community of between the meaning and the sign is conventional Ndembu that were filled by symbolic events. rather than natural”, (2) an indirect representation of an underlying meaning, syndrome, etc, as in A symbol can also be used to distinguish the religious symbolism and ritual”. Because of the type of human activities, for example, whether relationship between meaning and sign of a more the activity is considered as being natural or conventional nature, therefore, a symbol not supernatural, as well as whether a symbol is always contains universal meaning, but it depends profane or the sacred one. According to Beattie on the communities where the symbol is used. (1966: 202), all symbols can be considered as a According to Morris, the terminology of the kind of language used by the people to express symbol was often used to mean everything from about something, and to express human behavior signs that are very simple to use to describe a that are considered to have important social complicated picture of a story often used for values. Symbols are also used as a means of human philosophical arguments (http://www.fiu.edu/~ expression in explaining their behavior that could Morriss). Furthermore, Morris explains: “a symbol mean either they ‘want something’ or ‘prevent and is any sign which also inherent connection to that reject anything’. greater thing or image to which it points”. In this Beattie (1964: 224-229) explains that the case the term symbol is also used in graphic design, meaning of symbol can be classified into three, the myth, the events, even so a picture of people namely personal meanings, cultural meaning, and and places. In explaining the definition of symbol, universal meaning. Personal and cultural meaning Morris uses Fontana’s argument which states that of symbol are based on different experiences of “symbols are more than just cultural artefacts in the people, the way of their feeling, and their their correct contexts as they still speak powerfully perception of certain symbols, while universal to us, simultaneously addressing our intellect, meaning of symbol based on human characters
94 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3 who have a common sense as well as a shared more than a form of image about Islam. perception about certain things. For example, the Religious life is not only manifested in the symbol of human expression which is associated form of symbols and attributes, but also in the form with ghosts and human soul may vary due to of religious attitudes and behavior. Therefore, to different spiritual experiences of each individual. describe Islam in its context, rigorous studies Cassirer emphasized that basically people do not on religious symbol need to be established. In have the ability to understand the whole world in this study, Islamic symbol is divided into two a coherent way, but rather human understanding categories: (1) the normative symbol including the of the world is fragmented into the area of thought verses of Quran and the hadith, and (2) cultural as well their cutural domain. Therefore, people’s symbols in the form of religious attitudes and understanding about the world is carried out by behavior as well as the attributes used by Muslims. marking every area of thought in a particular way When a religious symbol is represented in so that they form activities and some object of the media, it gives a chance to anyone to do the lives into certain symbols. Cassirer’s conception interpretation. This interpretation may vary from of symbolic forms of human life is divided into one person to another, as a result of differences of aesthetic and scientific forms (in Verene, 1979: their belief system. In addition, the interpretation 28). At the beginning, the movement of human of religious symbols is also influenced by the consciousness emerges from their expression of process of its production so as to make the circuit anxiety in line with the aesthetic concerns of their of symbol interpretation more complex. religious myth, which arises from philosophical Regarding the description of the complexity and scientific awareness. of symbol production in the media, David Morley Based on previous dicussion about symbol, (2007: 284) explains that there are at least three the term ‘religious symbol’ in this study means all things worth to consider: attributes, phenomena, and signs which are used to notify the presence as well as the characteristics 1. Production of the message is a problematic of a religion, including the system of values and work, as the events can be encoded in different belief systems. Beattie (1964) proposes that in ways by message producer, so it could produce religious practice, religious symbols are often faced different meanings with social and cultural practice so that the form 2. The message made by the media is an open text of religious practices may vary in accordance with which more lilkely to be interpreted differently it. This also stated by Broos (1987) that religion by the recipients and religious symbol is supposed to be the oldest 3. The process of decoding is problematic symbol created by human kind. because the message can be interpreted in Symbol in Islam is defined in permanent forms different ways by different people that it is less likely to be changed in accordance with According to Bungin (2001: 5) basically the perspective of symbols interpreters (Ridwan, people are creative actors. Human creativity is 2004: 132). Islamic symbol has been changed in manifested by a variety of capabilities in creating such various way, that to some extend has caused social construction of reality that exists where the the shift of meaning from the original teachings. truth of it is relatively obvious to find. While social The changes of meaning becomes apparently clear reality is shaped by the convention or common and more diverse as a result of media encounters in sense on the local community, and it depends on the case that religiuos symbols are mixed up with the time and place of the social reality imposed. popular culture of media products. Irianto (2005: In order to dissect the social reality through social 520) argues that the depiction of Islam in the construction process, it is important to note the media (especially on television) is not essentially a thesis proposes by Jacobson (in Fiske, 1987: 47). relfection of true Islamic teaching, rather, it is no Jacobson argued that a message (text) will only be
95 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 91-104 meaningful if it is viewed from three aspects: front of television audience can be regarded as a (a) Context (in terms of what, when, and where it ‘constructed reality’ or pseudo-reality because it is used). It means that a message could have has undergone a few modifications in the name of different meaning if it is used in different aesthetic and the market reasons. social contexts The main story of religious-themed soap (b) Contact (the relationship between the sender opera is generally made with the concept of and the recipient). It means that a message easy consuming so that the embodied religious can be interpreted differently depending on messages can be accepted easily by the viewer, the intensity of the relationship between the without having to use complex thought. Easy sender and the recipient consuming concept in representing religious teachings by using religious symbols (Islam) in the (c) Code (symbol used). It means that the message form of entertainment program, to some extent or sign language (icons, symbols) either verbal has resulted this program becomes an enjoyable or non-verbal also affects the meaning of a viewing. message. The example of religious symbols that have D. Method undergone a process of social construction is as such presented in religious television soap opera. Object of Study Terminology “soap opera” is generally understood The data of this research is the television serial as a short term of electronic serial cinema shown of religious soap opera entitled “Bukan Islam KTP” on television. Indonesian television soap opera which consisted of twenty episodes. This soap is basically a duplication of the soap opera that opera is portrayed daily at 18:30 on SCTV channel, has been aired on foreign television. Soap opera started on November 18, 2011. This soap opera is a continuation of the electronic cinema that is a unique viewing because it is presented using means a copyright work of art and culture made by comedy format so that religious messages are cinematographic proffessionals which is recorded conveyed in a way that looks ridiculous and funny. on video tape through electronic processes and Besides the comedic aspect, another interesting aired through television stations (Endah, 2008, thing in this soap opera is the contradiction Arimbi, 2009: 202). The term ‘religious soap between the content of the message about Islamic opera’ in this study is, therefore, means electronic teachings and its narration which is dominated cinema products which is televised using religious by scenes of verbal violence. The scenes of verbal symbols, either it explicitely mentioned in the form violence are apparently not only demonstrated of the program or it is manifested in its content. by antagonist players but also by the protagonists It is obvious, therefore, that a critical study in who are supposed to deliver the main ideas of order to understand how religious symbols are used Islamic teaching. to represent Islam on television entertainment This research was qualitative, using the need to be conducted. Burton proposes some ideas constructionist paradigm. According to Pawito about how a message is culturally constructed so (2008: 48) the type of qualitative research is as to form a new reality (2007: 37) by using several rooted in the tradition of philosophical thought key concepts such as by looking at the ideology, the which aims to understand human behavior. In concept of co-modification, the representations studying film, then the so-called human behavior and the modes. In understanding the reality of here is applied to the way human speak, the religious teachings it is important to take a close sentence pronounced, as well as how to dress and look at the object especially by observing the how to use accessories. This approach is applied structure of an icon, a symbol, and a sign system. to the study film content as well as to interpret on On the other hand, religious realities presented in how the message was delivered. The study was
96 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3 started from understanding the meaning and the symbols is assumed as an open text, so that it can way of constructing it, then finding the dominant be interpreted differently by different researchers. ideology embodied in the content. In order to keep the consistence of the study, It is important to make a limitation to the so that it would not out of the methodological area of the study in order to keep the research on framework, the researcher used semiotic approach the track. This study focused on the uses of these adopted from John Fiske on television codes. Fiske religious symbols, either in the form of verbal (1987: 13) explains that to assess the meaning of the television text, it is important to underpin or non-verbal, to represent the image of Islam. television and its program as a potential meaning Some religious symbols used in this soap opera instead of its aspects of commodities. including the quotation of Quranic verses of and its translation, some Islamic terminologies which An effort to see how television represents are defined as verbal symbols. While clothing used Islam using religious symbols, therefore, should by the players, accessories, and worship utensils be equipped with a tool of analysis includes the such as rosarrio and praying carpet are defined as analysis of political representation, such as a camera and lighting technique as well casting techniques. non-verbal symbols. This type of analysis is meant to show not only how Data Collecting religious symbols are used in representing Islamic This study used recorded soap opera as teaching, but also to discover the ideology behind the primary data, therefore the process of data the use of symbols. In this regard, this study collecting was based on the type of the data. requires semiotics for cinematography that could a. Documentation. Documentation technique explain about inter-textual study in the film show was used to get the data straight away from (soap operas). Television codes initiated by John television when the program was aired. To Fiske (1987) explains that the ideology contained in an actual movie could be known of how to use make easier for the research process, the the symbol, players selection, the tone of voice, as recorded soap opera were transferred into well as camera techniques used. compact disk as a raw data. Documentation technique was practiced through writing up Television code is a rule-governed system every dialogue used as an access of verbal of signs which shared among the member of community and is used to distribute the meaning symbols. The script was collected and used as among members of the community. Fiske (1987: raw data for analysing verbal symbols. 4) argues that “codes are links between producers, b. Observation. Observation technique was texts, and audiences, and are the agents of inter- used in form of close watching for the textuality through which texts interrelate in recorded soap opera. During this process, the a network of a meaning that constitutes our researcher noted carefully every gesture, facial cultural world”. The concept of the structure of the expression, clothing, camera shoot, and the television code begins from social realism which, setting. Through this process, the researcher according to Fiske (1987: 23), should be presented collected all information that were needed for by the television in the form of a narrative of the non-verbal symbols. events that are personal, where the event must contain a social problem and there must be the Data Analysis solutions. Besides, the narrative also must show an In order to find the appropriate answer to easily recognizable figure and use a natural setting the research questions stated earlier, this study and the present time. employed semiotic approach to find out the Fiske explained that an event or a reality meaning of the text. As a media text, soap opera presented on television has before undergone a that presents Islamic teachings using religious social code and has become a common sense. The
97 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 91-104 codes are then formed as dominant meanings Betawi people. The people live in poverty and and are distributed to the audience. The structure bad behavior. The people do bad things for living of Fiske’s television code consists of three levels: such as becoming thieves, pick pockets, burglars, (1) reality which shows player performance, gamblers, and drug users. People always live in which are technically presented in the form of (2) some kinds of conflicts between them. Therefore representation which is arranged coherently to this supposed to be soap opera is dominated with be accepted socially or representational codes, in violence scene. The conflict happens in every the form of (3) ideology or ideological codes. The level, such as internal conflict within families and structure of television code can be explained in the external conflict between the rich and the poor. following chart: Every conflict can be solved by a man whose Figure 1: profession is as a religious book seller, and often preach the people about how to be good Moslems. Level 1 Reality This man has a unique character because often Appearence, dress, make-up, behavior, speech, gesture, expression, sound mocks and underscores people while speaking (these are encoded electronically by technical codes such about religion. as those of :) In the poor village, lives a very wealthy man (antagonist) who has gone pilgrim for 7 times with
Level 2 Representation a beautiful wife (protagonist). The husband is a bad Camera, lighting, editing, music, mannered, mean, snobbish, arrogant, egoist, and sound non-religious person. On the other hand, the wife (which transmit the conventional representational codes, is very nice, good mannered, helpful, and religious. which shape the representations of: narrative, conflict, The man is a trouble maker and always out looking actions, character, dialogue, setting, casting) for trouble with everyone, and this is contradictory with his wife. Using religion as a legitimation, he
Level 3 Ideology treats his wife as a slave. He speaks in high tone Individualism, patriarchy, race, class, materialism, and rude sentence to everyone he meets. This capitalism man treated the poor people in the way he likes. (which are organized into coherence and social acceptability On the contrary, those people always ready to do by the ideological codes ) whatever he said. It seems that those poor people Source: Fiske (1987: 4) are economically dependent on him. He has half- bother who lives in poverty who becomes his E. The Findings and Discussion routine enemy. Soap opera entitled “Bukan Islam KTP” is a Among this society, there is a 10 years old boy religious program which tries to bring forward the who is looked after by his poor grandfather. This aspect of religio-comedy as a dominant narration. boy has an obsession of becoming a preacher, and Some normative aspects in Islamic teaching are he tries to preach every time he meets people who represented in an easy form as well as a light absurd have the wrong doing. He acts like a professional dialogue. The techniques of representation Islamic preacher on stage, and always uses rude words in teaching using arbitray religious symbols which reminding other people without considering their rise to multiple interpretations. Representation ages. techniques used in this soap opera is manifested in There is a book seller who promotes the book the use of religious symbols, either in the form of by walking around the village. He is actually a very verbal symbols or non-verbal symbols. rich man from the town who pretends to be a book The main story of “Bukan Islam KTP” seller in order to be able to help the poor people The main theme of this soap opera is multiple and to do the preaching. He appears where ever conflicts among poor society in small part of there is conflict, and he always gives his tidings
98 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3 with a rude words. This makes people cornered 1. Representation using verbal symbols and feel under pressure, but the people who are a. One of verbal symbols used in this soap opera narrated as uneducated seem to be dependent on is religious terminologi. In using religious his religious knowledge. terminology, there are some terms used Apparently, this soap opera makes a clear cut differently between players based on their about the character of people, that is good people character, for example: and bad people. There are three main ideas which 1) The sentence assalamu alaikum, which has can be concluded from this film narration; they are meaning as a greeting and good wishes given (1) rich people have the power to control the poor to the other, in this soap opera is sometimes in every way they would like to, (2) well educated pronounced with a high tone, rough voice, people have the power to control the uneducated and unfriendly facial expression. The other in every way they would like, and (3) man can difference is the matter of word completion use religious teaching as an excuse to dominate in which sometimes it is used in incomplete women. sentences. According to Daud (2014: 427) the function of the word salam in Islam The uses of religious symbols is not merely as a wish of safety for other Looking at the types of religious symbols used people but can be used as social function by the players, there are two phenomena that could to eliminate the hatred and build love be explained here: feeling between moslems. By the way of a) The types of non-verbal symbols are apparently representing this religious terminology and represented by all categories of players, either the functional use of these symbols, then the the protagonist or antagonist characters. Non- greeting sentence is constructed as a cultural verbal symbols in the form of dress such as symbol in which its functions is no more head cap and koko, for example, can be worn as a wish prayer for the safety of the other by men of both antagonist and protagonist person, but as a sentence for opening and character as the type of clothing is culturally closing a conversation. worn by Betawi people. While muslim’s dress 2) The sentence astaghfirullah al-adzim for women such as long dress and veil our has terminological meaning “I ask for apprently worn by muslim. forgiveness to God the supreme”. In this b) The types of verbal symbols in the form of soap opera the word is used in a different verses of the Koran are used by the protagonist context by different players, in accordance characters. In each scene, the majority of the with the character they are supposed to verses are delivered using the original language perfom. This sentence is represented in (Arabic) and partly delivered by citing its three kinds of facial expressions, that are (1) translation, while religious terminologies an expression of regret, (2) an expression are used by both antagonist and protagonist of dissappointment, and (3) an expression characters. of harassment. Expression of regret is After studying closely about religious soap represented by protagonist characters, opera package containing twenty episodes, the whereas expression to show the anger and author find out four domains in the use of religious the abuse are represented by the antagonist symbols, both verbal and non-verbal symbols, to character. represent Islamic teaching. The same symbols can 3) The religious terminology in the form of create different meaning when they are used by phrase Allahu Akbar which means Allah is different people, in different ways and different the Greatest, is used not only in different objectives.. contexts by different characters but also
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for different objectives. The differences in which is supposed to mean as the “punishment” using this word can be seen in the cast of from God for the people who have done some characters who use it, the way how they use evil doing, is simply presented on this soap this word includes the tone of voice and opera by exemplify a scene to show a kind of facial expressions, the purpose of the use, “shame” experienced by a family who have been and the setting of the uses. The protagonist fighting in front of other neighbors. characters exclaim the word Allahu akbar Furthermore, the verses are pronounced in with facial expressions that indicate a an awkward voice as well as facial expression, sense of admiration, as well as using soft which shows that the characters who used them tone of voice. While antagonist character are eventually lack of fluency and do not seem pronounces this word with loud tone of to understand the meaning of the verses. In voice, facial expression that indicates anger other words, religious symbol in form of the (upset), and follows it with rude words verses of the Koran seems to be used as merely addressed to other people. an accessory on this soap opera in order to give 4) The sentence laa haula wa laa quwwata an image that this soap opera would be looked illa billah which terminologically means ‘no by its audiences as a real religious program. power and no strength except it only belongs to Allah’ is supposed to be the expression 2. Representation using non-verbal symbols of a submission as well as resignation of In using non-verbal symbols, the emergence human toward their creator. This sentence of multiple interpretations of meaning as a result is used in different way, by different people of technical representation is manifested in two in different contexts and different objectives. areas related to the clothing and accessories worn Antagonist character used this sentence by the players, including the make-up for women in an effort to release the pressure from players. the strength of another human being with a. The use of the symbol of fashion (the kind of a loud tone of voice and cranky face, while dressing) and the make-up by the (female) protagonist characters used this sentence as players in this soap opera shows the way of a submission to the power of God with a soft presenting the reality of Muslim fashion as a tone of voice and a soft facial expression. differentiator of social identity. Nice and fancy b. The verbal symbols in the form of verses of the dress is used by the rich female players as their Qur’an are sometimes used out of context as daily clothing which is worn in all places and well out of content. In one occasion, the verse almost all the time, like when they are cooking is arbitraryly used by a 10 years old boy when in the kitchen, washing the dishes, and going he passed through the place where four older to Islamic events. The embeded meaning that men are gambling. The boy quoted the verse in could arise in the use of the religious symbols such a way so it looks like he was at the stage of this dress is that a beautiful and rich woman of public speech. This representation could should wear nice and beautiful clothes to be interpreted that some one could quote any enhance the beauty and to show off their wealth. verse and address it to other people without considering whether it is done in a proper place While the poor women are depicted by using a and in a proper way of expression. In addition, simple of clothes and a simple (almost without) the meaning of the quoted verse is sometimes make-up, with a simple model. Therefore, by used to refer to something on surface and simply looking at the clothing, it will be easy for physical that could mean a different thing, and other people to differentiate between the poor therefore shows something banal. For instance and the rich women. the context of the word adzab in one of the verse b. The description of the use of religious symbols
100 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3
in the form of fashion and accessories worn by fun of religious symbol. One of the scenes shows an male characters is manifested in the form of element of comedy represented on this soap opera turban worn by Muslim men who are described is depicted though the symbol which is performed as have already performed the pilgrimage (the by a player in a funny and ridiculous way, as if he hajji). The narrative tries to urge the audience is joking instead of praying. By using the symbol that only the hajji is allowed to wear the turban. in such a way, the symbol creator tries to create As the common sense in social live proves that an image that prayer can be performed by playing only the rich could be possibly become the hajji, around. Accordingly, prayer means an expression therefore, this way of using religious symbol of people needs towards their God and that people led to the meaning that the turban is a type of are willing to ask for help and the mercy from God. accessories which serve as a symbol of social When people do the prayer it means they ask for identity among male Muslim, whether or not blessing, therefore, as suggested by Abdurrahman they have the title of hajji and whether they are (2014: 5) that prayer is about submission to God rich or poor. The way of representing people and should be done in sincere way. Nonetheless, clothing in this soap opera seems to correspond the scene of prayer on this soap opera tries to tell with Barnard (2011) who argues that actually another side of prayer, that the people who pray the clothing can be used to identify social status could also make fun on their God. of the people. In these endeavors, the figure of Meanwhile, messages containing about Hajji is described as an arrogant rich man, so religion (Islam) is generally delivered with a turban (scarf) has become one of the signs of patronizing tone by using sharp sentences, where wealth as well. While religious accessories in the a messenger was in a position to be more educated form of beads carried by one of the player are and more competent about religion than his not used in accordance with its basic function interlocutor. It seems unavoidable that the main as calculators for a Muslim to do wirid, but concept in comedy film, is making fun of the others. only indicated as a complementary fashion Hayward (2006: 91) argues that there always be accessories. On this soap opera eventually the a sense of domination in comedy film where the actor who brings the accessories has never been weaker is being sacrificed as the victim, while the described of how to use these tools. Such way of stronger always dominates the stage. Moreover, if depictions can also be seen in the use of symbols it looked from its content, a comedy film usually in the form of turban that has been constructed close to violence which is known as an aggressive as a cultural symbol and social status symbol. humour. 3. Representation in Comedy Format in 4. Representation of Violence Religious Program The violence aspect (especially verbal The religious soap opera entitled “Bukan violence) that became the main point in the soap Islam KTP” that conveys some important religious opera has become one of many consequences to messages can be categorized as a religio-comedy the selection of comedy format, as stated earlier. show. Comedy element is visible in several aspects It has been common that Indonesian television such as the selection of the player which is visually programs gererally dominated by violence, evident in their physical appearance and facial without considering who the audience are. In so expression, the use of the contents (material for far, the stage of comedy is identical to the stage of conversation) of funny and silly dialogue, as well violence with the main purpose to create pleasure as the behavior of the players in each scene which by the way of bullying others both in physical and looks like being in a stage of stand-up comedy. verbal. In the name of cinematographic art, it may There are some examples of scene that show be understandable if the violence is represented indications of how this soap opera seems to make through antagonist characters to give the effect of
101 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 91-104 stronger impression in characterising. Ironically group is economically dependent. Rich people in this soap opera, the violent behavior is not only are represented in a certain way using certain represented by antagonist character but also by symbols such as fine and looks expensive protagonist characters who are supposed to play clothings, good housing, well mannered, well their roles as the messengers of islamic teaching. educated, fine tone of voice (for the protagonist The dominant aspects of violent behavior character), and fine make-up for women in religious soap opera done by both antagonist character. On the contrary, the poor people and protagonist characters could create negative are represented using certain symbols such image not only about Islam but also of how its as: ordinary (almost poor) clothings, rough teaching is delivered. Through the uses of violent housing, rude tone of voice, uneducated, symbols, Islam is constructed the media as no shameless, greedy, plain and rough (almost more of the religion of peace. This representation without) make-up for women characters. is itself contradictory with the concept of non- Figure 2: violence communication in which the nature of communication is supposed to be a tool to build understanding with other people and not to hurt the others (Liliweri, 2011: 987). The following is the depiction of violent behavior in representing Islam using two groups of characters: (1) For the purpose of delivering islamic teaching the protagonist players use verbal violence as well as verbal abuse, and (2) antagonist players perform both verbal and non- verbal violence. The verbal violence is used one after another with religious terminologies by both b. Another aspect which can be used as a tool to antagonist and protagonist characters. find out the ideology of this soap opera isto 5. Ideology take a close look at the way it represents the relationships between men and women. In By using the structure of Fiske’s television a patriarchal type of society, men have every codes in looking at the contents of messages (that is the television reality) and the representation mean to be dominant in nature, while women techniques, it can be known the dominant have every mean to be in submission toward ideologies embeded in religio-comedy program them (Walby: 1990). The dominant idea in “Bukan Islam KTP” in SCTV. These dominant representing the relationships between man ideologies embeded in this soap opera are: and woman is that by using religious doctrines as an excuse, man (husband) tends to dominate a. Through the whole episodes observed, it seems his wife and demands for her total submission. clear that this religious soap opera tries to make In this case, Islamic teaching has been used as dominant of the rich in some ways. The rich a mask for man to take control over his wife. people are represented to be undefeatable in their relationships with the poor. Therefore it In observing this, there are two interesting can be said that the produser tries to devote facts found in this representation: (1) the this product to the materialistic capitalist relationships established within the rich family ideology. Rich group is represented to have the follows a man dominated culture, and (2) the power to win public devotion as they are able relationships within the poor family is much to control and regulate the poor in the way more egalitarian. they like by using their wealth, while the poor Using Fiske’s structure, it can be found that
102 The Uses of Religious Symbols to Represent Islam (A Study on Religious Soap Opera “Bukan Islam KTP”) Siti Sholihati1, Heddy Shri Ahimsa Putra2, Heru Nugroho3
there is a patriarchy ideology embodied in researchers exploiting better methods. this representation. This can be seen from REFERENCE the representation of the way men dominate Abdurrahman, T. 2014. Do’a, Dzikir, dan women’s lives. Male was described as being Shalawat. Yogyakarta: Fortune. superior in the name of religion to gain compliance and obedience of women. Arimbi, D.A. 2009. Representation, Identity and Religion of Muslim Women in Indonesian Figure3: Fiction. Amsterdam: ISAC. Barnard, M. 2011. Fashion Sebagai Komunikasi: Cara Mengomunikasikan Identitas Sosial, Seksual, Kelas, dan Gender. (terj. Idy Subandy Ibrahim dan Yosal Iriantara). Yogyakarta: Jalasutra. Beattie, J. 1966. Other Cultures: Aims, Methods and Achievements in Social Anthropology. London: Routledge. Broos, A. D. J. 1987. Creating Culture: Profiles in the Study of Culture. Sydney: Allen Unwin. F. Conclusion Bungin, B. 2001. Imaji Media Massa: Konstruksi The encounters between Islam and modern dan Makna Realitas Sosial Iklan Televisi media is unavoidable, as Islam needs to be spread dalam Masyarakat Kapitalistik. Yogyakarta: out in every means of tool. The things that need Jendela. to be reconsidered is how to find an appropriate Burton, G. 2008. Membincangkan Televisi: form so that negative image about Islam as a Sebuah Pengantar Studi Kepada Televisi. result of the intervention of media culture could be (terj. Laily Rahmawati). Yogyakarta: Jalasutra. minimalised. It’s understandable that the nature Cassirer, E. 1987. Manusia dan Kebudayaan: of media is tended to be more concerned with Sebuah Esei Tentang Manusia. (terj. Alois A. market interest rather than moral as well as social Nugroho). Jakarta: Gramedia. cost aspects. Therefore, it obviuosly becomes a Cobuild, C. 1987. English Language Dictionary. collective homerwork for all muslems in charge. London: Collin Publisher. The finding of this research is only one of Daud, A. I. A. 2014. Ensiklopedi Dakwah: Bekal the many facts that eventually become media Juru Dakwah (terj. Munirul Abidin). Jakarta: phenomena. Islam has become one of media Adz-Dzikr. commodities, so that it should be represented in such away to fill the market place. Unfortunetely, Endah. 2008. “Sinetron sebagai Media Dakwah” the efforts to represent Islam using religious (makalah tidak diterbitkan). symbols has resulted a different image as it should Fiske, J. 1987. Introduction to Communication have been. The nuance of entertaining people of Studies. Routledge: London. the media constructions has shifted Islamic values Hayward, S. 2006. Cinema Studies: The Key towards a new look as well as a new image about Concept. London: Routledge this religion. Irianto, Y. 2005. “Menjaga Iman dengan Literasi At last, based on these facts and the findings Media“. Dalam Ibrahim, I. S. (2005), Media of this study, the author keeps big hope that there dan Citra Muslim, dari Spiritualitas untuk will be many other studies done by many more Berperang menuju Spiritualitas untuk
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Berdialog. Yogyakarta: Jalasutra. http://www.fiu.edu/~morriss. Jary, D. and J. Jary. 1991. Collins Dictionary of Sociology. London: Collins Publisher. Liliweri, A. 2009. Makna Budaya dalam Komunikasi Antarbudaya. Yogyakarta: LKiS ------, A. 2011. Komunikasi Serba Ada Serba Makna. Jakarta: Prenada Media. Morley, D. 2007. The Nationwide Television Studies. London: Routledge. Pawito. 2008. Penelitian Komunikasi Kualitatif. Yogyakarta: LKiS. Ridwan, N. K. 2004. Agama Borjuis: Kritik Atas Nalar Islam Murni. Yogyakarta: Ar Ruzz. Storey, J. 2007. Cultural Studies dan Kajian Budaya Pop: Pengantar Komprehensif Teori dan Metode (terj. Laily Rahmawati). Yogyakarta: Jalasutra. Syahputra, I. 2011. Rahasia Simulasi Mistik Televisi. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Turner, B. S. 1983 . Religion and Social Theory: A Materialist Perspective. London: Heinemann Educational Books. Van Dijk, T.A. 1985 . Discourse and Communication: New Approaches to the Analysis of Mass Media Discourse and Communication. New York: Walter de Gruyter. Verene, D. P. 1979. Symbols, Myth, and Culture: Essays and Lectures of Ernst Cassirer. U.S.A: Yale UP. Walby, S. 1990. Theorizing Patriarchy. U.K.: Blackwell.
JOURNAL Feralina, N. “Analisis Semiotika Makna Pesan Non- Verbal dalam Iklan Class Mild Versi “Macet” di Media Televisi. Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi. Vol. I (4). Pp: 353-365. Yohana, N. “Representasi Poligami dalam Film Berbagi Suami”. Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi. Vol. 2. No. 2. September (2013). Pp: 47-56
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104 Analisa Journal of Social Science andValue Religion Rationality Vol 01of PeopleNo.01 June Living 2016 on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman Website Journal : http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisa DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.201
VALUE RATIONALITY OF PEOPLE LIVING ON THE SLOPE OF MERAPI IN YOGYAKARTA
1 2 2 NAPSIAH , BUDHI GUNAWAN , OEKAN SOEKOTJO ABDOELLAH 3 AND MUNANDAR SULAEMAN
1 Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social ABSTRACT Sciences and Humanities, State Islamic University (UIN) Sunan Kalijaga This study aims to describe rationality of the people who live in the eruption- Yogyakarta. Indonesia prone areas of Mount Merapi and who refuse to be relocated. A qualitative Phone: 0274-519571 research method with interpretative phenomenological analysis is used in this Email:[email protected] research. Informants are selected by snowball sampling technique. The location 2 Graduate Program, Faculty of Social and of research is in Pangukrejo village which is a village in the southern slopes of Political Sciences, Padjadjaran University Merapi. The results show that people think Merapi as a place of origin where they Bandung. Indonesia obtain senses of comfort and safety. Merapi is also a place where they acquire Phone: 022-2510275 and preserve community value system. Merapi is a symbol of their dignity that Email: [email protected] must be maintained. In this relation, eruption is interpreted as destiny, eruption Email: [email protected] is interpreted as destiny of God that can not be circumvented. At that time, their 3 Sociology and Counseling Laboratory, living conditions were on the bottom and could be overcome by means of mutual Faculty of Animal Husbandry, Padjadjaran cooperation to return to normal condition. The value rationality motivate them to University. Bandung. Indonesia resettle in their homes after the great eruption of Merapi. Phone: 022-7798241 Email: [email protected] Keywords: rasionality value, people’s action, Merapi disaster, resattlement.
Paper received: 10 September 2015 Paper revised: 26 February - 1 March 2016 Paper approved : 16 May 2016
INTRODUCTION areas should be relocated. Meanwhile, using the Disaster management, especially settlement, objectivity perspective, people perceive disaster as is an important thing which requires attention something dangerous, but an attempt to leave their (Bookshire et al., 1985). It is because people who residence after the disaster is not something they live in disaster-prone areas have a high degree have to do. Such difference in rationality exists, of vulnerability (Ozdemir, 2000). Therefore, an according to Kholiq and Arum (2011), is caused effort to relocate people living in disaster-prone by the fact that the government does not take the areas is a primary effort taken by the government. value system of people who live in disaster-prone However, in practice, such relocation effort is areas into consideration. According to Nygren often not responded well by a group of people. (1999) the value system of the local population According to Triyoga (2010: 158), Singarimbun is often regarded as traditional so that it is not (1980), Dove (2008), Dynes (1993) and Lane considered in the disaster management. In line (2003), this is due to the difference of rationality with that views, Carter (1991:27) suggests that the between government and local residents. The difference of rationality results in the exclusion rationality of governments perceives that disaster, of local residents in the disaster management using scientific perspective on disaster, is a ranging from pre-disaster phase, when the danger so that all people living in disaster-prone disaster is happening, to the rehabilitation phase.
105 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120
The difference of rationality significantly affects eruption of Merapi. Pramono (2012) investigated the disaster management so that it requires an the relocation conflicts in Central Java, while understanding of the rationality of people living in Herianto and Wicaksono (2012) investigated disaster-prone areas. performance by people in Cangkringan, In regard to the efforts to understand the Yogyakarta. Different from those two studies, rationality of people, various studies on disaster Amiruddin and Widyanto (2010) focused on phenomenon, particularly volcanic disaster, which solidarity and disaster tourism business. prioritized the perspective of the people have been Investigating the disaster phenomenon of conducted by experts, among others are Chester Merapi by using sociological perspective, previous et al. (1999), Dibben and Chester (1999), who studies generally focused their attention on the investigated public perception of the eruption of issues of conflict and the issues of social capital. Mount Etna in Italy. All of the research on disaster phenomenon The experts’ research focused not only on the associated with the eruption of Mount Merapi did not specifically examine the issue of the rationality people living around the volcanoes in Italy, but of the people behind the return of people living in also people living in other mountains, for example, a place declared dangerous by the government. in Costa Rica, where Sheet (1999) investigated the Such research is important in order that the perception of Indian communities in the vicinity rationality of people living on the slopes of active of Mount Arenal. In Hawai, Gregg et al. (2004) volcanoes will be considered important by the investigated the perceptions of people in the vicinity government in disaster management, especially of Mount Mauna Loa and Mount Hualalai. In East in terms of resettlement, and also to avoid the Africa, Morin and Lavigne (2009) investigated unilateral decision made by the government the perception of people who live in the vicinity (Ahimsa: 2012, Indiyanto: 2012). According to of Mount Karthala, Comoro Islands. Njome et al. Tyler (2006), a minimum number of studies that (2010) focused on the perception of people of the focus on the rationality of people will result in eruption of Mount Cameron in Central Africa. incomprehensive understanding in studying the The studies on the volcanic disasters at the phenomenon of volcanic disaster. Therefore, it international level above focused on the people’s is necessary to conduct a research that focuses on perception of the disaster. These studies revealed the understanding the people about the disaster, that people living in disaster-prone areas of which eventually combines the rationality of the volcano followed the instructions from the the government and the rationality of people government to leave their homes during the (Tyler, 2006) as a consideration in the disaster disaster. However, after the disaster ended they management, especially the issue of settlement for returned to their native places because they thought people in disaster-prone areas. that the eruption of volcanoes existing close to After the 2010 eruption of Mount Merapi, the them would be of a long duration to reoccur, so regional government of Yogyakarta attempted there was no reason to leave their native places to relocate people who live in the disaster prone forever. area III to the places provided. However, a group In the context of volcanic disaster in Indonesia, of people refused the relocation and rebuilt their particularly related to the disaster phenomenon house in their place of origin. Accordingly, this of Mount Merapi in Java, various studies have study is aimed at identifying the value rationality been conducted. Some of them used sociological of people who returned to their native places on perspective and focused on the conflict and the slopes of Merapi, which were categorized as solidarity, such as the studies of Pramono (2012) the Disaster Prone Area III by the government and Herianto (2012). These studies investigated after the huge eruption of Merapi which according the conflict that arose as a consequence of the 2010 to the Research and Technology Development
106 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman
Agency for Vulcanology (BPPTK) the eruption by selecting people who were considered knowing, that occurred in 2010 was more powerful than the being involved, and having information related eruption of Merapi in 1872 (Kompas, 9 November to the research topic and problems (Patton, 1990 2010). quoted Barker dan Gentry, 2006: 322-333). The theoretical framework used in this study Therefore, the informants in this study were refers to the rationality of social action proposed those who knew the required information related by Weber. According to Weber (1978) rationality to this study. The informants were divided into of social action is action taken to achieve the goal. three categories, namely: first, the parties who Thus, the rationality of social action is subjective. had a close relationship with the community so Rational or irrational action is very dependent that they had information about the disaster. on who is doing and understand. Further Weber The informants who were included in this group (1978) differenciated the rationality of social were: Head of the Disaster Management Agency of actions into the instrumental and value rationality. Yogyakarta Special Region Province, Head of the Both rationality are interrelated. Because the value Disaster Management Agency of Sleman Regency, rationality is an abstract thing and could not be Head and Secretary of Cangkringan Subdistrict proved objectively, such as proving the success of Sleman Regency, Head of Umbulharjo Village, of the action of instrumental rationality, then Secretary of Umbulharjo Village, Head of value rationality is used as a means to achieve Pangukrejo Hamlet. Second, informal figures such instrumental rationality. as prominent religious leaders, youth leaders, village elders. Third, the parties who were involved The value rationality proposed by Weber in the in the process of post-disaster economic activities. form of values that bind people to perform actions The informants included in this group were based on the capacity of rational self-possessed. merchants/owners of stall/store, cottage owners, Kalberg (1980) confirmed the Weber’s opinion tourist guides, tourist transport services and other that the actions of a person through profit or loss residents. are taken into account, so when someone makes a Based on the three groups of informants, the decision then the decision is a rational choice. informants were selected using snowball sampling Rational choice is an action taken because they (Groenewald, 2004), by first visiting the Head of are bound by social value in the form of cultural the Disaster Management Agency of Yogyakarta values inherent in society (Susetiawan, 2000). In Special Region Province to find out information line with these opinions, Schmuck (2000) states related to the state of location used as the research that local values espoused by someone serve as site. Other relevant informants were obtained guidelines for its action. from the interviews in order to obtain the required Based on the theoretical description above, a data in this research. proposition built in this study is the shared values Data was also gathered through participant of citizens into a subjective rationality to return to and non-participant observation. The participant the village, despite it was decided into the Disaster observation was conducted in order to explore Prone Region III of Merapi. data that could not be disclosed during the interview. In addition, a variety of secondary data RESEARCH METHODS were also collected from the office of the Disaster The qualitative research methods using Management Agency of Yogyakarta Special interpretative phenomenological analysis was Region Province and Sleman Regency, various conducted to identify the rationality of people who reports of Cangkringan Subdistrict and reports of resettled in their native places categorized into the Umbulharjo Village. disaster-prone areas of Merapi. Informants were The qualitative data were analyzed using taken purposively (purposeful random sampling) a model developed by Huberman and Miles
107 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120
(1994:428-444), known as the interaction. This Monthly meeting is conucted regularly by model starts from data collection, data reduction, the residents in the form of RT (Neighborhood presentation of analyzed data, and conclusion. The Association) meeting and RW (Community research was conducted at Pangukrejo Hamlet, Association) meeting. Moreover, the formal one of the hamlets in which people refused to meeting also include meeting of local associations be relocated although their settlement area was such as Dairy Cattle Association, Cottage categorized the Disaster Prone Area III after the Association, and Sand Association. Such meeting 2010 eruption of Merapi. strengthen their togetherness. As mountain people, they utilize the mountain RESEARCH RESULTS AND DISCUSSION resources as a source of livelihood. Prior to the Pangukrejo Community, Land, and Merapi 2010 eruption of Merapi, the livestock was the Environment leading sector. The availability of grass and cool Pangukrejo people belong to Javanese ethnic air was used to keep dairy cattle. Their expertise group who live at Pangukrejo Hamlet located on in dairy farm had created a fixed cow’s milk the southern slope at a distance of 6 km from the marketing network. The production of cow’s milk peak of Mount Merapi. They have inhabited this was collected by local cooperation and then sold to hamlet for generations. PT. Sari Husada in Yogyakarta. As a result, their Religion serves as a guide in their life. area earned the epithet of “white gold mine”. Therefore, religion is an important thing for them However, after the 2010 eruption of Merapi it (agama mergene aji). Pangukrejo people practice seems that the livestock sector has not been a Islamic teaching faithfully, either individually or leading sector due to the inadequate availability of in groups. Religious gathering is held every month grasses and cow pens. which is not only limited to the mosque existing in After the eruption of Merapi, people take their neighborhood, but also in resident’s houses advantage of the disaster condition as a source of which is scheduled alternately. They are mostly livelihood. They create disaster tourist destination affiliated with Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) by making the disaster-affected areas, destroyed They grow in environment of Javanese homes and sand-buried villages to be disaster tradition that respect ancestors. One of the tourist destination. This way makes them survive forms of respecting ancestors is upholding and in their villages after the eruption of Merapi. maintaining ancestral property bequeathed to In addition, they rely on sand mining sector them. Land is inheritance or gift from parents after the eruption of Merapi. The availability of which is commonly accepted by Pangukrejo abundant sand scattered into Kuning River, Opak people. The estate is given to heirs who still belong River, Gendol River and lands encourage them to to one lineage. Therefore, the ownership of land own truck to transport sand and sell them directly in Merapi nowadays has changed. The changes in to consumers. As a result, they have access to land ownership provide evidence that inheritance markets and also determine the price of sand in and change of generations have taken place. the market. Living in the mountainous village, they still Carpentry sector is also a reliable sector prioritize togetherness in many ways. It can be because after the 2010 eruption of Merapi their seen from life attitude that they always work neighborhood suffered extensive damage. Houses together in any activities. Social activities are and public facilities were destroyed and in need performed weekly and monthly in the form of of renovation in order to be functioned again. mutual cooperation activities. They jointly clean Accordingly, carpentry sector is a sector that also up the environment in their own houses and in the provides a source of livelihood for those who work hamlet where they live. in the carpentry sector.
108 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman
Living on the slopes of Mount Merapi, which is also officially changes its ownership to the heirs. very active, they form an agglomerated settlement The Heirs who receive such land are entitled patterns. They built house next to one another to give the land to their descendants. Thus, the without being separated by fences. All houses are ownership of lands in Merapi has changed from built facing south, east and west. No houses are built one generation to the next. facing north directly to Mount Merapi. According The change of land ownership continues to to Javanese philosophy, building a house facing exist as the change of generations. However, there Mount Merapi means opposing Mount Merapi. It is no change in the system of the division of the gives bad impact for the residents of the house such estate. The adopted system refers to the teachings as long illness. In addition to the philosophical of Islam that a female child gets half of a male meaning, it is a strong reason for the Pangukrejo child. In practice, it is not rigid as in religious people not to build houses facing Mount Merapi system. Sometimes a male child receives much that it is difficult for them to get to the main roads smaller inheritance because the male child hands when the status of Merapi is increasing. Therefore, over his inheritance to the female child. Thus, the they decide to build houses facing south and east female child receives more land for more than the which connect to the main roads. male child. Living on the slope of Merapi, they have a set of The size of land received by each heir is highly value concerning the interaction with Merapi. They dependent on the size of the land area of the original have knowledge of Mount Merapi as gugon tuwoh owner. It is certain that people who have a large that contains prohibitions and suggestions related area of land have a relationship with those who to Merapi. Not cutting down trees, not entering firstly came at Pangukrejo Hamlet. The pioneers prohibited areas, not grazing in prohibited places of the hamlet had a vast area of land because at and not moving sacred objects are forms of respect that time the land belonged to no one. Although for Merapi. the land had been divided to the heirs, it seems In addition, they also have ilmu titen to that the size of land turn out to be different with recognize the symptoms of the eruption of Mount people who came later. Thus, the estate is evidence Merapi, such as animals coming out from the that they are the descendants of the pioneers of the forests of Mount Merapi, earthworms coming out hamlet. from the ground, the leaves withering around the The land handover system is very diverse. forest of Mount Merapi, very hot weather even at There are those giving land to the heirs when night. their children get married, or long before they get Such signs of eruption serve as a local married. There are also those who have daughters mitigation effort so they can minimize the impact have prepared the land for them although they are of the eruption of Merapi. Therefore, whatever the still under the responsibility of the owner of the condition is in Merapi, they will feel comfortable land. living in the vicinity of Merapi although Merapi The division of estate to the descendants is erupts frequently. intended that the descendants of Pangukrejo Land in Merapi as Symbol of Self-Esteem people will live in their hamlet even after getting Although lands in Merapi are owned by married. For them, if there is one who marries individuals, the origin of the lands is acquired someone who is not a resident of Pangukrejo from the inheritance for generations. Handover Hamlet, they are required to live at Pangukrejo to the heirs is done by showing the location and Hamlet, especially for daughters. Therefore, it boundaries of the land to heirs entitled to receive. can be said that there is only a small number of The handover of estate is witnessed by relatives. Pangukrejo people who live outside the hamlet. After the handover process is completed, the land Even if they live outside, one day they will return
109 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120 by reason of being bound to the estate inherited In fact, sand miners are not only them, but also from their parents at Merapi. many other miners are around the mining arena. They were born and raised in Javanese culture Although leaving for days, they never lost their at Merapi. They also form a residence that later sand excavation results. became their settlements for generations. In The security guarantee felt by Pangukrejo the meantime, a relationship is also established people is not just limited to guarantee of non- between them and the environment of Merapi. material, but also material. This can be seen in Thus, they have adaptability in order to live security and safety guarantee for those working as in harmony with Mount Merapi. They have handymen. Although there is no security and safety knowledge to keep Merapi because Mount Merapi insurance, they can obtain such guarantee flexibly. is the source of their livelihood. In addition, they They get help from neighbors and house owners in have local knowledge of the dynamics of Mount the form of safety funds if they are injured on the Merapi which can be used as a local mitigation job. effort. All of that are the value systems of the Silaturrahim culture is done through mountain people agreed for generations and do meeting of local associations such as groups of not change although generations have changed. religious gathering, social gathering, RT and RW Furthermore, the agglomerated settlement meetingsand business association meeting which pattern and the houses next to one another without serve as a medium for knowing the condition of fence facilitate people to meet each other under any each residen and even resolving life problems circumstances, either in happiness or sadness. It satisfactorily. In such meeting, they express their can be seen when they are disaster victims, caring problems being faced in various situations, so that attitude among them get stronger by helping each it is not uncommon that a life problem of a resident other among fellow residents. becomes a shared responsibility. Therefore, these Accordingly, strong social control over their problems can often be solved because residents neighbors is a way to obtain security guarantee. A help providing a solution, either advice or real sense of caring among each other unites them to assistance. have a sense of belonging. This can be seen when Furthermore, for Pangukrejo people the land they leave their houses for everyday activities or at Merapi is also a means of power for its owner. for a long time. They never hesitate to leave their The decisions to function the land into productive houses and cattle all day even within weeks if facilities, either for local businesses such as they have some errands to do outside the hamlet. building cottage or keeping cattle or also used as They entrust their house and cattle to the nearest a means to access capital in financial institutions neighbor with full trust. Meanwhile, the residents become the power of the land owners. who are entrusted have the responsibility do tasks Furthermore, the land at Merapi is used as a as the house owners such feeding cattle and even means to identify the lineage. This also implies that keeping the house. Such responsible attitude the land is an evidence to show their social status. strengthens trust and brotherhood among fellow This is closely related with their predecessors of the residents. tenure which can be traced until their offspring They can also obtain security guarantee not today. For those who have large area of land it is only around the neighborhood, but also in their certain that they are descended from ancestors workplace. It can be seen from the results of who settled in the environment of Merapi. materials excavated by sand miners. They are At Merapi, people develop skills like mining not afraid to lose the results of the excavation sand, building houses, and raising cattle. As a materials placed in the mining arena, without result, they become cattle farmers, builders and strong evidence to show that the sand is theirs. sand miners which then become their source of
110 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman livelihood. They do not specially acquire such Governor of Yogyakarta threatened that if they did skills, but from experience of seeing and following not leave their place, the governments would force their family members or relatives who are in their them by flattening their settlement using heavy houses. equipment. The news spread immediately and all There are various life comfort values attached Pangukrejo people knew about it. to the land at Merapi, so that the land at Merapi However, the news from the daily newspaper is sedumuk bathuk senyari bumi which implies apparently was not yet done by the government that an inch of land is a self-esteem that must because the residents received the registration form be maintained in any conditions. Accordingly, of relocation from the head of RT. The government various measures are taken to preserve the land of gave relocation the registration form through the heritage, albeit using local actions. hamlet head which was then forwarded to every RT. RT then gave to the residents to fill in their Local Action as a Form of Resistance to willingness to join the relocation. Relocation Program Pangukrejo people still did not respond When Mount Merapi erupted in 2010, to efforts of picking up the ball made by the Hamlet Pangukrejo suffered severe damage and government. For them, maintaining their hamlet is were later declared as the Disaster Prone Area much more important than following the relocation III which must be emptied. Its inhabitants were although various facilities were provided by the encouraged to move to another place through the government, including compensation for land and relocation program. In regard to the relocation freedom of citizens to manage their previous land plan, Pangukrejo people openly rejected the before it was officially declared by the government relocation offered by the government. However, closed to people because it was converted into as they silently returned and survived in Pangukrejo a protected forest. by working hard to repair the entire public Submission Attitude Toward Merapi facilities and their houses so as to be livable. In Disaster addition, they also worked hard to make economic Pangukrejo people believe that life is arranged efforts by opening up business opportunities in by God. Accordingly, they believe that everything sand mining, carpentry, cottage, cattle farming happenned at Mount Merapi has been arranged by and tourism business. As a result, in 2011 overall God, including the time of the eruption, the size of houses of Pangukrejo people had been rebuilt and the eruption, any losses that will be experienced, livable. The economic activities gradually have and who will be the victims. All have been arranged also become their source of livelihood. by God. The attitude of resistance to the relocation Such belief in fate forms a submission plan shown by Pangukrejo people was not simply attitude towards the eruption of Mount Merapi, expressed in a silent manner as mentioned above. including the impacts they receive. This condition They responded to the government’s insistence in is analogous to the rotation of the wheel of life another way. They took action by placing billboards (Javanese: cakra mangilingan), sometimes we at the side of road leading to their village as a form are down, sometimes we are up. They accept of of resistance to the relocation plan offered by the (Javanese: nerima) what is going on, although in government to them. this case it does not mean they are silent and do Approximately after two months, the nothing. They try to regain their living conditions billboards were removed because the government as prior to the 2010 eruption of Merapi. They did not return to offer the relocation program. accept living conditions by working hard and Such calm attitude of the government made people motivating themselves to immediately rise from panic because one read a daily newspaper that the deterioration of life due to the eruption of contained their settlement. From the news, the Merapi (nerima ing pandum).
111 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120
In line with the awareness that life is always the eruption of Merapi. They are grateful to be rotating like a wheel, they always aware and alert able to deal with the conditions after the eruption (eling lan waspodo) in acting and also ajo dumeh in healthy condition and no family members died and ajo aji mumpung. The moral message becomes as a result of the eruption of Merapi. more meaningful when they have to start living from Emphasizing the role of God in the eruption the bottom again. A prudent attitude to maintain of Merapi, they perceive disaster as a form of balance of relationships with fellow human beings trial from God on them. Accordingly, they think and God becomes absolutely necessary to be done that what is experienced today as the disaster to emerge from the deterioration of life as a result victims does not always happen, one day the life of the eruption. like before the eruption definitely will return in an People’s Theological Expression in Merapi unpredictable time. Disaster. The perception of disaster as a form of trial The sincerity (Java: accept) and gratitude gives impact on everyday behavior in various concepts are a form of expressions to indicate the activities. They do not feel inferior because they level of submission to God. Although it is difficult do not have any property and have to start their to describe the level of expression of sincere life from the beginning. They also earnestly work, because it is very abstract, one of the expressions develop the spirit of cooperation and the spirit of can be detected in the way they respond to events helping to share with other people. that happened to them by not regretting or being Religious Action sad towards changes in their lives that occur Pangukrejo people had taken the submission quickly, either before, at the moment of and after attitude when the disaster occurs because the the eruption of Merapi. eruption is the destiny of God. Accordingly, people In the days before the disaster, they followed realized they could not avoid such event because the government’s instructions to evacuate to places the power of God has arranged the eruption. considered safe by the government. At the same The awareness has long been established so that time they were separated from their economic they rely on the power of God when the eruption or social activities. Meanwhile, in the event of a occurred. disaster they relied on external parties. After the The submission attitude to the disaster disaster, they faced major and sudden changes expressed in sincerity and gratitude are due to the eruption impact that caused the loss strengthened with religious activities in their of houses and jobs which used to be the source residence. Through religious gathering they of their livelihood. Such condition is the most perform religious activities carried out once a week difficult living condition for them. on Friday at 08:00 pm until finished. The religious The changes in life due to the eruption of gathering is followed Pangukrejo people. It is held Merapi are returned to God. They assume that regularly once a week at Al-Mujahidin Mosque. there is nothing to do but surrender themselves It is led by a local figure who is a former head of by letting the lost property go. Accordingly, they RW. It opened with the reciting Al-Quran of Yasin do not waste positive energy to rise after the chapter and doing the prayer together. The activity eruption. In addition to the sincere expression to is then continued with a religious lecture. It is indicate submission, Pangukrejo people express delivered by a cleric coming from Al-Qodir Islamic their submission by gratitude during the eruption Boarding School, one of the schools located near of Mount Merapi. In this case the gratitude is Pangukrejo Hamlet. The presence of a cleric at the expressed because they survive from the disaster. mosque is a form of assistance from the school to There are no family members or neighbors who give religious reinforcement for people, the victims died or suffered physical disability as a result of of the disaster.
112 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman
Mental reinforcement for disaster victims related to what they experience and what should is important to anticipate that they will not sink be done in accordance with the Islamic teachings. into prolonged sadness which will eventually The religious activities are conducted to lead to psychological disorders. In addition, the strengthen them who are victims of the disaster presence of cleric is to anticipate the attempt of in order to rise from the deterioration. The cleric Christianization to Pangukrejo people, because teaches them to work teach is them to work hard this area is a destination of assistance from and not to despair easily. The concept of religious various parties who have various interests which teachings can be manifested into the work ethic of are not only limited to humanitarian, but also Pangukrejo people. From the religious value the other interests. residents are motivated to work hard to get a good Religious activities in the form of religious new source of livelihood or to manage a business gatherings are conducted monthly. In practice that has been previously occupied. They do not the religious gathering involved Kinahrejo despair and do not give up too quickly and do not people. This is because Kinahrejo people are depend on outside parties in the long term. Thus, also involved in the tourism economic activities. working is the key to get out of the problems they Establishing not only limited to the business encounter. relation, Pangukrejo people deem it necessary Solidarity of Pangukrejo People involving Kinahrejo people in religious activities. When the residents returned to Pangukrejo In addition, Pangukrejo people also wish that the Hamlet after the eruption, the condition of hamlet relationship (silaturahim) between people of the was filled with Merapi’s materials such as sand and two hamlets is well maintained although they have stone. Likewise, Kuning River located just west of been separated because Kinahrejo people join the their settlement which was originally used as a relocation. source of clean water after the eruption, is covered Pangukrejo people do not have a special with the sand and rocks materials, the trees around method to remind members to attend the event. the river also had been burned. Coinciding with They spread the information orally (Javanese: the rainy season in November, heavy rainfall can gethok tular), so do Kinahrejo people. They remind drain the sand at Pangukrejo hamlet. Gradually, each other orally. The religious gathering is held paved main roads, land and frame of houses began monthly on every Tuesday at 08:00 pm. There to appear. However, it seems that the rainfall has are more members of monthly religious gathering not fully reduced sand thickness at Pangukrejo because it involves not only Pangukrejo people but Hamlet because there are still sand and rocks and also Kinahrejo people. Therefore, Al-Mujahidin uprooted large trees that are scattered. mosque is used because of its larger space. In such condition, people start to work together The religious gathering activity is not much to resolve the problems they face one by one. They different from the weekly religious gathering. worked together (Javanese: gugur gunung) to However, the monthly religious gathering is not clean up the remaining sand, rocks, uprooted trees opened by reading Yasin Chapter, but reading and debris from buildings. Activities of mutual Al-Fatihah. Then, it is continued with religious cooperation were helped by a team of volunteers. lecture. The religious lecture also takes different One of the teams of volunteers was from Bantul. topics from that are given on a weekly religious The presence of a voluntary team from Bantul is gathering. In addition, monthly religious gathering interesting because a number of Merapi people is conducted in dialogue. The residents are given were sent to Bantul to help the people affected opportunity to ask questions about the problems by the 2006 earthquake. It seems that the they encounter. This session receives many cooperation and mutual help existing among the responses because people ask many questions victims have been established well. When Merapi
113 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120 people suffered from the disaster, Bantul people distributes the assistance helped by other residents. provided help for Merapi people to clean up Merapi The entire assistance is reported to the residents materials from Pangukrejo Hamlet. through the RW meeting which is held monthly. In addition, they also worked together rebuild The assistance is used as working capital, and people’s houses. Such mutual cooperation has it is useful to accelerate the restructuring of their made people’s houses rebuilt quickly although it lives after the eruption. There is still some relief still rudimentary. The mutual cooperation is also that has not been used until now by the residents conducted to provide water. Although they get such as skills to make livestock feed concentrates. clean water assistance, it seems that they are not This type of assistance cannot yet be used satisfied with the condition. They utilized water because of unfavorable condition and situation pipe they received and worked together to install to maximize the assistance because they still lack the water pipe directly to spring water. The work is the dairy farmers. In addition, those who return done together by the residents until the water can to be livestock farmers can easily obtain fodder in be distributed at the household level. the cooperation that facilitate them. Nevertheless, Water pipe installation work directly to the this skill assistance will not be in vain because the spring water of Mount Merapi is not something skills to make fodder can be practiced when the new for them because they have ever done it. Such condition is favorable. experience is reused when they installed water pipe Value Rationality Behind the Resistance to to the spring water and distributed it to houses. Since the water pipe was installed, Pangukrejo no Relocation longer relied on clean water assistance. Water for Pangukrejo people rejction on the relocation household needs have been fulfilled; even they also offered by the government is not without reason. supplied water to public facilities in the arena of They believe that the rejection is one of their Merapi Exploration Tour. rational actions. Weber mentions (1978: 22 ) that The arrangement of Pangukrejo Hamlet is rational action is action taken to achieve the goal done together by Pangukrejo people. They think and highly subjective which it depends on who that everything can be solved together and the is doing. Furthermore, according to Karberg, hard work becomes light by means of mutual person’s action is based on the rational choice cooperation. They also think that the mutual and the capacity of themself. In other words, the cooperation does not require enormous cost. In rational action is taking into account the gains and addition, the activities of mutual cooperation losses of its action. reunite fellow residents who have separated The action of Pangukrejo people to keep because of living in the refuge camp for months. living in the Merapi area is related to some of The assistance from external parties as a form the values that they believe or feel. Merapi is of concern for the victims of the disaster are still their birthplace. They acquire a sense of comfort accepted after they returned at the hamlet. Such and obtain security guarantee, mainly because assistance includes not only consumables, but also they still have and feel attached to the land. They long-term assistance, such as cattle farming, skill grow and develop with the value system of the training to make livestock feed concentrates, and mountain people that make them different from economic empowerment and religious assistance. others. Whatever the environmental conditions at The material or non-material assistance are Merapi is, the land they have should be retained. managed in groups. According to Winangun (2004: 74), local actions The assistance from the external parties is are used to retain the land because for resident it received through “one-door” system which is is not only a source of livelihood but also a source accepted by the head of Pangukrejo Hamlet. of comfort of life. In line with Winangun’s view, In practice, the head of Hamlet receives and Weber (1978: 24) also states that one perform an
114 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman action to achieve the goal of the comforts of life. of life, Pangukrejo people consider the disaster Although, according to Weber, such comfort is as God’s destiny which cannot be avoided. The abstract and relative because it depends on who condition is like hitting the bottom because life performs and interprets such action. always analogous to a rotating wheel (Javanese: For Pangukrejo people, land at Merapi is a cakra manggilingan). They accept it sincerely, source for enjoyment of life, because they are born but that does not mean they are passive, they try to and grow up to be citizens in the mountainous work hard and let God determine the results. region. Moreover, the life values of the mountain The concept of sincerity and nerima ing people was formed long time ago. In addition, pandum, according to Imron and Hidayat (2012 the land becomes heritage from generation to : 207-228), is the value existing in the public generation, so that his estate becomes evidence mind that comes from the religious values which to determine the family tree. Thus for the citizens, is referred as theological construction and cultural the land at Merapi is a symbol of self-esteem is it values inherited from ancestors. It which is called are known as sedumuk bathuk senyari bumi. This cultural construction. Both theological and cultural concept means that every piece of land has worth construction are used to explain how Pangukrejo and meaning that stored in the minds of citizens people interpret disaster. This value serves as a Pangukrejo. This is clearly revealed through their spirit to rise from the disaster that befell them. daily language. This concept is often expressed by This is consistent with the views of Koening the citizens of Java in particular to demonstrate the (2006) and Chester et al. (1999 : 189-207) that importance of land for farmers. But for Pangukrejo religious actions taken by disaster victims aim people, this new concept initially first used to to give power to rise from the deterioration due justify the rejection of the government’s efforts to the disaster. The view of Chester et al., (1999: that would move them from their homeland. 189:207) is specifically based on the experience Therefore, whatever the condition of the land must of Italian people when Mount Etna and Mount be maintained. Vesuvius erupted. After the eruption, the survivors experienced prolonged trauma. Embracing Pangukrejo people using local actions such Catholicism, people came to the church with the as cultural silence, is to improve conditions in the expectation to find peace and to rise from the township independently and put up banners in deterioration caused by the disaster. the street to show the attitude of rejection of the The same thing occurred in the lower class in relocation program. Local actions is also done by Bangladesh who lived in flood-prone areas. The Samin tribe who refuses relocation because in their research of Schumck (2000: 85-96) concluded area there will be built cement factory. According that the victims of flood in Bangladesh sought to to Said (2012:225-262) local actions done by strengthen themselves through religious activities Samin tribe is through dialogue and cultural to face the floods that occur every year therefore performances, namely building a house without they could immediately rise to reorganize their using cement and other materials produced by lives. The same thing was stated by Dave (2008: the plant. Local actions are a form of rejection of 329-337), when Merapi erupted in 1994, Turgo citizens to refuse relocation, because for them to people considered that eruption of Merapi was not leave the township is not the thing to do, although a thing to be feared, so they remained living in his they will receive compensation. village. Religion became an amplifier factor for Just like the local action which done by Samin them to survive in between eruptions. In addition, tribe, Pangukrejo people also perform local actions their culture did not ask to leave their homeland, to show the attitude that they are not willing despite eruption of Merapi was frequently to leave their village. Although the eruption of occurred. Merapi destroyed their houses and the source The action of Pangukrejo people relying
115 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 105-120 on the religious value in facing of the disaster Referring to the opinion of Durkheim, condition become relevant when Merapi erupted. togetherness of disaster victims was manifestation When human cannot escape from the disaster, of organic solidarity. Organic solidarity is grown people rely on the power of God. in rural communities with every members known Such beliefs then makes religious followers each other. As such, they work together to resolve feel protected so that they will feel comfortable in their problems due to the Merapi eruption. performing a variety of activities to reorganize their The mutual cooperation is evidence that the life. In this context, religion is a coping mechanism solidarity of residents has strengthened as a result for disaster victims to survive the adverse effects of the disasters. This is similar to what has been of the disaster that they eventually revive (Ghozali, expressed by Abdullah (2009) that the solidarity 2008: 103-131). of victims of disaster has its ups and downs. There Revival of people from Merapi eruption can be are times when solidarity weaken because one seen from the actions that they start their business. puts more emphasis on personal interest to get As it was the case in Bantul people who become rid of the disaster. However, there are times when victims of Earthquake in 2006, according to Imron solidarity strengthen because people mutually dan Hidayat (2012 : 215), Bantul people formed help each other. groups to conduct social activities at a mosque It seems that the strengthening of solidarity that palxs as a place of assembly. Moreover, in also occurred in Japanese society when the Kobe some mosques there is a business related to the disaster occurred. According to Harwich (1979) procurement of leather as a raw material of puppet when a disaster occurs, the rich provides assistance craft. Those prompted the emergence of other to the poor. Similarly, it happened to the people business activities. of Bantul when the 2006 earthquake happened. Moreover, according to Imron dan Hidayat According to Surjono (2007: 35 ), Bantul residents (2012 : 215), the mosque also became a citizen provided mutual assistance among fellow victims, deliberation plate to improve their living so that by strengthening the solidarity Bantul environment after the disaster. Even the mosque people could quickly repair their neighborhoods. also became a social gathering place where they For residents who are the victims of Merapi performed routine activities by citizens who disaster, it seems that the strengthening of became victims. Thus, the function of the mosque was not only for performing acts of religious per se, solidarity is not only solidarity that comes from but rather to do out social and economic activities. within or in the term Durkheim 1965 (quoted Turner & Beeghley, 1981:334 ) is a mechanical The spirit, theological construction and solidarity, but also organic solidarity. According to cultural construction are manifested in the form of Durkheim, the organic solidarity is the solidarity mutual cooperation to help both in material and that comes from outside the community. The form non-material aspects. According to Pangukrejo of solidarity is the development of mechanical resident, helping each other through mutual solidarity. Organic solidarity grows in society cooperation is done by rebuilding the houses of that is more professional in the division of labor. residents. In addition, they also work together to repair public facilities. They do it as they are in Nevertheless, the solidarity actually requires the the same boat in facing living conditions after existence of entanglement among the part of the the eruption of Merapi. The mutual cooperation community with other parts. Thus, although its activity, according to Budiani et al. (2014 : 106-113) members do not know each other, but there is an is important element in the disaster management intensified relationship between citizens. because it indicates togetherness of disaster The organic solidarity expressed by Durkheim victims. above seems to occur also in the victims of Merapi.
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They did not know the donor before, because such resistance is related to the rationality of the aid was from outside their communities. residents which is different from the rationality Nevertheless, Merapi disaster victims received of government. For the resident by using their assistance from various parties, as a form of subjective perspective, disaster is something sympathy from outsiders to the Merapi victims. dangerous, but an attempt to leave their place categorized by the government as a disaster- The assistance received by the Pangukrejo prone area is not something they have to do. This people from the university as the emergency research concludes that Pangukrejo people have response could be manifested by actions involving an attachment to Merapi because it is a place of students to help people resolve their problems. In origin, where they gain a sense of comfort and addition, the assistance in the form of strengthening safety. In addition, Merapi region is a place to gain religious and economic were well received by and to perpetuate a system of values, therefore residents. The assistance from the universities was Merapi has become a symbol of self-esteem that utilized by residents to re-organize their life in the must be maintained. Accordingly, the eruption is village. interpreted as the destiny of God that cannot be avoided. At such times, the living condition hit the While the aid given by the donors to bottom and is back to normal by means of mutual the citizens, including in the form of a team cooperation. Such value rationality motivates of volunteer labor was not just limited to the people to return to their hamlet although a huge emergency response phase but also periods of eruption has just occurred. improvement. They received help to repair the environmental conditions and they obtain the Acknowledgment temporary shelter. I would like to thank the Pangukrejo people Pangukrejo people also received assistance who provided information about what they in the form of health care. Residents obtained experienced during the eruption of Mount Merapi health insurance since the evacuation. Residents that occurred in 2010. I would also like to thank received medical assistance from some agencies. Mr. Budhi Gunawan, MA., Ph.D., Prof. Oekan S Thus, disaster victims received various assistance Abdoellah, Ph.D., and Prof. Munandar Sulaeman, from outside parties as a form of manifestation of MS. which provided guidance in this paper. My solidarity mechanical reinforcement. gratitude also goes to The Institute of Management Education Fund which had funded this research. The assistance received is a proof that the people of Merapi have a strong level of solidarity and it becomes stronger when a disaster occurred. REFERENCE Therefore, the reason that they did not leave the Abdullah, Irwan. 2009. “The Structure and Culture village becomes a normal thing, though the eruption of Disaster: Theory, Research and Policy”. of Mount Merapi damaged their environment. It is Proceeding International Seminar Disaster because they have a strong solidarity value to stay Theory, Research dan Policy. Yogyakarta: on the slopes of Mount Merapi. Graduate School Gadjah Mada University, 21 Oktober 2009. CONCLUSION Ahimsa, Hadi Sri . 2012. “Etno Bencana: The disaster management efforts planned by Etnosains untuk Kajian Bencana”. Respon the government in the event of the devastating Masyarakat Lokal atas Bencana. Indiyanto eruption of Mount Merapi in 2010, especially in dan Kuswanjono (ed). Yogyakarta: Sekolah terms of resettlement, meet with resistance from Pascasarjana, UGM dan Bandung: Mizan. certain groups of people who have lived in the Amiruddin, Muhamad dan Derajat S.Widhyharto. area around Mount Merapi. The reason behind 2010. “Komersialisasi Bencana: (Transformasi
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118 Value Rationality of People Living on The Slope of Merapi in Yogyakarta Napsiah, Budhi Gunawan, Oekan Soekotjo Abdoellah, and Munandar Sulaeman
Religions Responses to Terorism and Schumck, Hanna. 2000. “An Act of Allah: Catastrophe. London: Templeton Foundation Religious Explanation for Flood in Bangladesh Press. as Survival Strategy”. International Journal Kompas, “Letusan Gunung Merapi”. 9 November of Mass Emergencies and Disaster, 18 (1), 85- 2010 96. Lane, Richard, Lucille. 2003. Hazard Vulnerability Sheet, Paison. 1999. The Effect of Exsplosive ini Socio-Economic Context: An Examples Volcanisme on Ancient Egalitarian, from Ecuador. Thesis: University Of South Ranked and Stratified Societies in Middle Florida, Amerika. America, Part of the Angry Earth-Disaster in Antropolitical Persfective. London: Morin, Julie dan Lavigne, Franck. 2009. Rountledge. “Institutional and Social Responses to Hazards Related to Karthala Volcano, Singarimbun, Masri. 1980. “Tanah Seberang Comoros”. Shima: The International Journal Tak Menarik, Studi Kasus Daerah Krasak”. of Research into Island Cultures, 3 (1) 55-71. Prisma, III, (5). Jakarta : LP3ES. Njome, Manga.Stephen., Suh, Cheo.Emmanvel., Susetiawan. 2000. Konflik Buruh Industri. Chayong, George. 2010. “Volcanic Risk Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Perception in Rural Communities along the Triyoga, Lukas, Sasongko. 2010. Merapi dan Slopes of Mount Cameroon, West-Central Orang Jawa Persepsi dan Kepercayaannya. Africa”. Journal of African Earth Science, 30 Jakarta: GRASINDO. (30): 2-15. Turner, H, Jonathan & Leonard Beeghley. 1981. Nygren, Anja. 1999. “Local Knowledge in the The Emergene of Sociological Theory. Environment-Development Discource from America: The Dorsey Press. Dichtomies to Situated Knowledges”. Journal Tyler, Stephen. 2006. Co Management of Natural of Critique Anthropology, 19 (3) : 269-288. Resources: Lokal Learning for Poverty Ozdemir, O. 2000. Relationship between Risk Reduction. Canada: IDRC. Perseption and Willingness to-pay for law Weber, Max. 1978. Economy and Society: An Probability, High Consequence Risk: a Survey Outline of Interpretive Sociology. Transleted Method. Texas Tech University. Dessertation, by Fischoff, Parsons dan Mills. Roth and Chicago. Wittich (ed). Berkeley: University of California Pramono, A.S. 2012. ”Pro-Kontra Kebijakan Press. Relokasi Korban Erupsi Merapi 2010. Studi Winangun, Y. Wartaya. 2004. Tanah Sumber Kasus di Desa Umbulharjo Kabupaten Sleman Nilai Hidup. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. dan Desa Balerante, Kabupaten Klaten”. Access 31 August 2012 from: http://www. yumpu.com/id/document/view/209211/10- Suryo-Adi-Pramono-apssi. Said, Nur. 2012. “Strategi Saminisme dalam Membendung Bencana Perlawanan Komunitas Samin Sedulur Sikep terhadap Rencana Pembangunan Pabrik di Sukolilo Pati”. Agama Budaya dan Bencana. Indiyanto, Agus dan Kuswanjono, Arqom (editor). Yogyakarta: Sekolah Pascasarjana dan Bandung: Mizan.
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120 Analisa Journal of Social ImamScience Hatip and School Religion (Imam Vol 01 Hatip No.01 Lisensi June): 2016 Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Website Journal: http://blasemarang.kemenag.go.id/journal/index.php/analisaMahfud Junaedi DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v1i1.219
IMAM HATIP SCHOOL (IMAM HATIP LISESI): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey
MAHFUD JUNAEDI
Walisongo State Islamic University ABSTRACT Address Jl. Prof.Dr. Hamka (Kampus II) Ngalian Semarang, Indonesia Imam Hatip schools have been a crucial and controversial Islamic education in Phone 024-7601295 Fax 024-7615387 a contemporary secular Turkey. The majority of Imam Hatip School students [email protected] come from families who live and conduct their relations in accordance with Islamic norms and principles. Many conservative, religious-minded parents in Paper received: 12 November 2015 Paper revised: 26 February – 1 March 2016 rural and small town (in central and eastern Turkey) send their children after Paper approved: 16 May 2016 primary school to an Imam Hatip High school because this is the only school type in which the children can study Islamic subjects besides the general curriculum and the teachers are believed to impart traditional moral values. Many of those parents would, however, wish their children to pursue modern careers and find more prestigious and better-paid jobs than that of a modest preacher. Today Imam Hatip schools do not only produce Imams (leaders of prayer) and hatips (deliver khutba at every Friday sermon), but also design to cultivate religious sensibilities (dini hassasiyetler) in their students. The schools aim to heighten their student’s awareness of faith and promote the notion that religion should play a substantial role in the life of individuals and society. The most important is that Imam Hatip schools play an important role in Turkey’s pious community and make the country more Islamic. Keywords: Turkey, Imam Hatip School, religion, education, secular.
A. INTRODUCTION secular power reduced and eventually eliminated Islam is the main religion of the Turkish the religious authorities and functionaries. The people, where 99.8% of the country’s population is religious foundations were nationalized, and nominally Muslims. Most Muslims in Turkey are religious education was restricted and for a time Hanafite Sunnis, forming about 72%, and Alevis of prohibited. The influential and popular mystical the Syiah denomination, forming about 25% of the orders of the dervish brotherhoods (Tariqa) were Muslim population. There is also a Twelver Syiah also suppressed (“Islam in Turkey”, n.d.). community, which forms about 3% of the Muslim The Turkish government had more freedom population. However, Turkey is more recognized to pursue policies attacking Islamic institutions. as secular than Islamic country. The secularization Under the guise of “cleansing Islam of political of Turkish society started during the last years of interference”, the educational system was Ottoman Empire, and it was the most prominent completely overhauled. Islamic education was and controversial feature of Kemal Pasha banned in favor of secular, non-dogmatic schools. Atatturk’s reforms. Under his leadership, the Other aspects of religious infrastructure were also caliphate—the supreme politico-religious office of torn down. Religious endowments were seized and Islam and the symbol of the sultan’s claim to world put under government control. Sufi lodges were leadership of all Muslims—was abolished. The forcefully shut down. All judges of Islamic law in
121 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 121-138 the country were immediately fired, as all Shari’ah in 1946, the Republican Party (Atatturk’s party) courts were closed (“How Atatturk”, n.d.). saw that the opposition party (the Democratic In addition, Atatürk’s attacks on Islam were not Party) might successfully do campaign on the issue limited to the government, however, everyday life of freedom of religious education. The Republican of the Turks was also dictated by Atatürk’s secular leader decided to undercut the opposition and established the Imam Hatip Schools to train imam ideas: (1) Traditional Islamic forms of headdress and khatib, and Faculty of Theology (Ilahiyat such as turbans and the fez were outlawed in favor Fakultesi) whithin Ankara University. The faculty of Western-style hats, (2) The hijab for women was established as a scientific body and would be a was ridiculed as a “ridiculous object” and banned torch of light like other scientific institutions. in public buildings, (3) The calendar was officially changed, from the traditional Islamic calendar, Religion and education (Islamic education based on the hijrah -Prophet Muhammad’s flight or Schooling Islam) in secular Turkey are an to Madinah- to the Gregorian calendar, based on interesting issue due to an uneasy relationship the birth of Jesus Christ, (4) In 1932, the azan -the of the state and religion. In this research, I try to explore this uneasy relationship of secular Turkish Muslim call to prayer- was outlawed in Arabic. state with religion by investigating how religion Instead, it was rewritten using Turkish words and has been dealt within the field of education. It is forced upon the country’s thousands of mosques, also interesting and important because it has had and (5) Friday was no longer considered part of the largest period of independent existence among the weekend. Instead, Turkey was forced to follow Muslim countries in recent history. This research European norms of Saturday and Sunday being focused on Imam Hatip School (Turkish: Imam days off from work (“How Attaturk”, n.d.). After Hatip Lisesi) as a transformative institution of all of these changes, Attaturk deleted the clause Islamic education in contemporary secular Turkey, in the constitution which declared Islam as the with two research questions: 1) Why do Imam official state religion. Islam had been replaced with Hatip Schools still exist in contemporary secular Atatürk’s secular ideologies. Turkey? and 2) How do the transformation of The most important, but at the same Imam Hatip Schools in contemporary secular vulnerable, is secularism in general and secularism Turkey ? in education which is still disputable. Some scholars think that the secularization process is not B. METHOD OF RESEARCH completed in Turkey. A country cannot really be This research is a qualitative study with a called secular when it pays every month the salary historical approach centering on Turkey as the of 60,000 imams and dictates the content of their setting of the study. This study reads historical weekly sermon at Friday prayers, sometimes down moments synchronically and diachronically. to the last word. On one side, there are educated Synchronic reading of the historical events is people who accepted secular agenda, and on the meant to look at the historical moment within a other side, there are uneducated people who live particular time associated with many variables, in villages and are believers (Giuli Alasania, Nani for example, when looking at the development of Gelovani, 2011, p. 39). religious education in a given context, it needs to Fazlur Rahman (1982, p.92) explained that be associated with other aspects such as political, perhaps the most spectacular development in social, cultural, and religious aspects. Meanwhile, Islamic education in contemporary Islamic world diachronic reading of history is meant to look at has occurred in Turkey, where after a quarter of certain historical events as a continuation of the a century’s officially total ban, it resurrected itself previous events that will continue in the next through sheer public pressure. At last, with the period. Turkey is chosen in this study because it is introduction of democracy, i.e., a multiparty system a unique secular state which is different from other
122 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi secular states in Europe and has a population the been less widely appreciated. An understanding of majority of which embrace Islam by the percentage the modern Turks as Muslims has been little bit of around 99 percent. late to be cultivated, either by western students This research is related to phenomena or or by Islamic peoples. The people of Turkey are activities of human being in Islamic education. not only Muslims, but also, for many centuries, Therefore, the researcher uses observation have been of all Muslims (W. C. Smith, 1957, p. to collect data and strengthen their validity. 165). Whereas Islam had formed the identity of Observation is made indirectly (nonparticipant) Muslims within Ottoman Empire, secularism was on the implementation of Islamic education seen as molding the new Turkish nation and its conducted by Imam Hatip Schools. In addition, citizens. The interaction between secularism and the researcher needs to take some advantages of Islam plays an important role in normative and the interview method. Interviews were conducted ethnic conflict, culture and politics, remembrance on people involved in Islamic education in Turkey, and representation of the past, and the formation namely Imam Hatip School, as well as those who of new social movement in Turkey (Yavus, 2014, have adequate information and understanding p. 7). about the issue of Islamic education in Turkey In contemporary Turkey, Directorate of (Mehmet Toprak, Sulaiman, and Syeifi Kenan). Religious Affairs, known as Diyanet, is the This research uses a historical perspective, so the government body representing and directing all of documentation is used to collect data from works Sunni Islam in Turkey. Created in 1924, a year after or references related to the Islamic education the Republic of Turkey was formed, the Diyanet is (Imam Hatip schools) in Turkey. enshrined in 136 of the Turkish Constitution. The Diyanet is huge and powerful. Operating under the After the data are collected completely, Prime Minister, it employs about 100,000 (from they are then carried out to the data analysis. muftis to imams in mosques). All Sunni clergies Descriptive data are analyzed qualitatively with are salaried as civil servant of Diyanet. (The Myth an emphasis on primary sources supported by the of Turkish Secularism, 2013). In addition, the state results of interviews with key informants and field is one of the main producers of religious discourse observations. The data are interpreted to find a in Turkey, providing free areas of development new meaning of development and implementation for mosques to be built, paying the expenses of of Islamic education (Imam Hatip Schools) in water and electricity, and educating and paying contemporary secular Turkey. preachers. Moreover, the state shapes the religious discourse through standardized Friday sermons, ESEARCH INDINGS C. R F fatwas, religious publications, and to the state 1. Islam in Contemporary Turkey media, and non-Muslim are legally restricted in Gibb (1978, p. 69) explained that “Islam is not their religious freedoms. This attitude of the state only a body of religious doctrine but also a way of towards religion, especially towards Islam, can be life with a long tradition behind it, extends to the understood only in a historical framework (Bekim whole range of Islamic doctrines and institutions, Agai, 2007, p. 150) ethics, and rituals and also to the Islamic past”. Until the present day, the Diyanet writes all Therefore, Islam in Turkey can be understood as the sermons for its clergy, but reportedly now it Muslims civilization including of politic, social, sometimes allows them to write their own though economy, cultural, and education. their contents are controlled. The Diyanet also The people of Turkey are Muslims even though controls all mosques (80,000). In the educational in 1928 Islam as the religion of the state was deleted sector, it is responsible for 4,322 Quranic courses from the constitution. This fact is well known throughout the country and provides the series enough though this deeply significant fact has of publications dealing with educational matters.
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The Diyanet assumes the task of including Islam part and it is even more socially and culturally in the project of national homogenization as well developed than it is politically. Turkish Islam is as exercising state control over private forms of distinguished by a high degree of institutional Islamic activities (Bekim Agai, 2007, p. 150). The differentiation from secular counterparts in nation of laicism had changed. Turkish laicism separate trade unions, business associations, means the control of religious expression through foundation, education, and media activities. Some the state. By controlling religious tasks, the state cultural and intellectual Muslims milieus display hoped to depoliticize religion and integrate it into a high level of vitality and innovation, compared its civilizing project. to the stereotypical products of much of political The new constitution of 1982 consequently Islam. strengthened the role of Islam in Turkey. A survey entitled “Religious Life in Turkey” was National historiography was revised, and Islam conducted by the Presidency of Religious Affairs or was presented as an outstanding national trait of Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı on religion and religious the Turks, as well as being a source of social and habits in Turkey. For Diyanet’s survey, 21,632 moral stability. The curriculum of state schools people were interviewed across the country which was adapted to religious demand, obligatory has a population over 76 million, and 50.9 percent religious courses were introduced, and the theory of them were women. The majority of them, at 77.5 of evolution was banned from schoolbooks. Even percent, followed the Hanafi madhhab or school of today, there are varied levels of state involvement law interpreting religious rules while 11.1 percent in the religious sphere (Bekim Agai, 2007, p. 150). were Shafii and 0.1 percent followed the Hanbali Would the U.S., or any Western country, be termed School. One percent responded that they followed “secular” if it funded a huge Christian government the Ja’fari sect of Shia Islam and 6.3 percent agency that employed all Christian clergy and described themselves as followers of none of these controlled their sermons? Obviously not. sects while 2.4 were not aware of his or her sect. In both theory and practice, the Turk’s version (“Turkish Muslims are more Pious as They Age”, of Islam Today is different from other Muslim 2014). people. It is, we believe, of major significance When asked whether they believe in God, 98.7 in itself if we shall presently try carefully to percent of participants responded that they believe understand. Also, its very differentiation from God’s existence and oneness, and 0.8 percent only the others is significant, and this too needs replied either that they doubted his existence but clarification. It is, of course, related to the fact that still believed, or were doubtful of his existence the historical context is different, both present and and did not believe in God at all. Moreover, a past. Quite a part from religious interpretation, majority of participants said that they accepted the Turks stand out from among other Muslims all revelations in Quran as accurate and valid for both for their current activity and development, people of all ages while only 1 percent expressed their revolutionary prosecution of modern life, doubt, and less than half of interviewees said they and for their past role in Islamic history, especially were able to read Islam’s holy book Quran in its in recent centuries. As with other Muslims, original (Arabic), while others said they could their understanding of Islamic history and their not. Over 95 percent of the participants believe in participation in it have been markedly distinctive the existence of angels, satan, and jinns. A large (W. C. Smith, 1957, p. 166). majority of the interviewees expressed their faith Islam in Turkey is distinguished by in the day of resurrection and judgment and only considerable diversity, both in ideational content 0.9 did not believe in resurrection and being held and in institutional forms. In political expression accountable for their sins and good (“Turkeys and organization, Islam is not restricted to one Muslims more Pious as They Age”, 2014).
124 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi
The survey shows that more than half of those as They Age”, 2014). performing prayers five times a day live in rural Based on the survey, more than 71 percent areas while 39.4 percent live in cities. Women of women interviewed said they covered their perform daily prayers more than men and there head while going out though they were not asked is a correlation between the age and frequency whether they regularly wear a headscarf or other of performing prayers. People observe obligatory forms of covering and 27.2 percent said they did prayers more as they age according to the survey. not cover. Wearing headscarves or other items to Turkey’s Muslims above 65 are most likely to cover the head is more common in rural parts of perform daily prayers regularly while only 26.2 Turkey according to the survey. The main reason percent of Muslims between the ages of 18 and women cited for wearing a headscarf was that they 24 regularly perform obligatory prayers. Another believed it is an obligation of Islam. This reason interesting finding in the survey is that the higher was followed by family’s pressure, adherence the level of education of Muslim individuals have, to customs and societal pressure respectively the more they are inclined to skip daily prayers. (“Turkeys Muslims more Pious as They Age”, The frequency of performing daily prayers is the 2014). highest among illiterate Muslims. The highest It can be concluded that the religiosity of rate of attendance to prayers is for Friday prayers, Turkish Muslim is good enough. Therefore, it is a prayer that needs to be performed with a understandable that “more than anything else into congregation and is obligatory exclusively for men. modernist Turkey, convinced me that Islam has Over 57 percent of interviewees said they always a very deep root in the hearts of the real Turkish attend Friday prayers and only 7.2 percent said they people, nor can, indeed, be divorced from their had never attended the Friday prayers (“Turkeys mind” (Javad Saeed, p. 165). A country cannot Muslims more Pious as They Age”, 2014). really be called secular when it pays, every month, The survey also examined Muslim’s observance the salaries of Imams and dictates the contents of of fasting and giving zakat, a type of almsgiving their weekly sermons at Friday prayers. Islam is obligatory for all Muslims considered wealthy the most controversial issue to divide the Turkish enough. Over 83 percent perform fasting as long as republic since 1923. On one side, there were they are healthy while 2.5 percent said they never educated people who accepted secular agenda, and fast. The rate of women was higher among those on the other side, there were uneducated people regularly fasting. Those giving zakat annually are who lived in villages and were believers (Giuli in majority while only 1.1 percent said they did not Alasania, Nani Gelovani, 2011, p. 39) give zakat although they could afford to. On the matter of performing a religious The facts show us that Islam is still alive in pilgrimage, a pillar of Islam compulsory for every Turkey, and even they claimed that 99 percent of able-bodied follower who can afford it, only 6.6 Turkish citizens are Muslims. In addition, although percent of interviewees performed the pilgrimage the state recently still embraces a secular ideology, to Mecca and Medina known as Hajj. A large the religious life of people is similar to other people number of interviewees plan to perform it as soon in Islamic countries, either in worshiping or in as they can afford while a very small percent said practicing other Islamic cultures. they preferred to help the poor instead of spending In Turkey, the state shapes Islam on different money on a pilgrimage. A considerable majority of levels. Today one key actor is the directorate for interviewees said they recite prayers at any time of Religious Affairs or Diyanet. With about 100,000 day without any reason while more than half recite employees, from Muftis to imams in the mosques, prayers to show their gratitude to God. The rest of all state paid, it controls the religious service in interviewees recite prayers only when they face a 70,000 mosques and shapes the religious discourse problem, an ordeal (“Turkeys Muslims more Pious throgh standardized Friday sermon, fatwas,
125 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 121-138 religious publications, and access to the state The political scientist Hakan Yafuz, as cited media. In the educational sector it is responsible by Ozgur, argues that “Turkish Islam” is different for 4,322 Quranic courses throughout the country from the Arab and Persian Islam because of and provides a series of publications dealing with its production of cultural norms and modes of educational matters. The Directorate assumes the thought as related to religion, faith, personal life, task of including Islam in the project of national ritual practices, and religious holidays, covering homogenization as well as exercising state control a whole spectrum from social mores to personal over private forms of Islamic activities. According ones and the interpretations of Islamic principles. to the constitution, it is the Directorate’s duty to Since they are contextualized in a setting where ensure national unity. The creation of a Sunni- “Turkish Islam” is the norm, it is conceivable state Islam is the paradoxical consequence of that the communities around Imam Hatip Turkish laicism (Bekim Agai, 2007, pp. 153-4). schools advocate a more “liberal” form of Islam Such an approach had to ensure that all Turkish (Ozgur, 2012, pp. 189-190). Religion, either as an pupils learned the one and only “enlightened expression of individual piety or as an institutional state-version of Islam” whilst undermining organization, could not be suppressed or ignored. Islamic influence outside of state control and the 2. Social and Political Background potential creation of alternatives forms of Islamic Turkey is a country located in Europe, Asia, and belongings. Midle East. Ninety nine percent of the population Though Turkey is often potrayed as very of Turkey is Muslim. Turkey is the only country in secular and laicist, different Islamic groups which Islam is the major religious community, but found ways to transmit their forms of Islamic is constitutionally secular guaranteeing complete knowledge in Turkey. The Islamic brotherhoods freedom of worship to non-Muslim. In addition, were outlawed, but some continued to operate the present conservative government, has Islamic in hidden forms. Some underground medresses origins, is engaged in reform, with the goal of were maintained, while Qur’anic courses were Turkey joining of European Union (EU) (Mustafa held in private. The most important development Cinoglu, 2006, pp.676-687). during the repressive period of the early Republic, however, was the formation of new forms of Turkey is a parliamentary democracy with religious communitis, the cemaats. These groups multi-party system. Major parties are defined as attempted to maintain and transmit their Islamic political parties that recieved 10 % of the votes in ideas under the state’s repressive policies. Cemaat the latest general election (July, 22, 2012) and/ can be defined as the combination of a specific or represented in parliament. Minor parties are discourse with certain forms of social relations. defined as political parties that have fulfilled the Unlike the sufi brotherhood, the cemaat has no requirements of the Supreme Election Committee formal act to bestow membership. The cemaats ((Yuksek Secim Kurulu (YSK) in Turkish). Parties were critical of the state’s religious education and represented in Parliament now are: (1) Adalet developed their own forms of Islamic teaching ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development (Bekim Agai, 2007, pp. 153-4). Party), (2) Cumhuriyat Halk Partisi (Republican We have seen how strongly and Party), (3) Milliyetci Hareket Partisi (Nationalist comprehensively the state involved in religious Party), (4) Halklan Demokratik Partisi (People’s teaching, and how it causes traditional patterns Democratic Party), and (5) Bans ve Democrasi of classical Islamic education disappear. The Partisi (“List of Political”, n.d.). followers of Said Nursi, Nurcu movement, Social mobility has increased since the (Fethullah Gullen group) are a specific result of emergence in the 1950s of a multi-party these developments which have made Turkey a participative nature of policy and greater economic unique case in Islamic world. development. The neglected villagers who clung to
126 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi their traditional ways as a result of one-party city muslim/portraits/turkey.html). center modernization have come to participate In politics, it is important to recognize that in the educational system at a greater rate than although the Justice and Development Party ever before. The changed policy in the agricultural (Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi/AKP), the sector has also helped the peasants to be more ruling party now, can be regarded as a Muslim mobile and economically strong. government, it controls power within a secular Although democratic Turkey is over state. Since the late 1990s, scholars have been whelmingly Muslim, for almost eight decades examining the practices of secular states and its legal and political system have shown a challenging some of the established categories deep seated fear of Islam as political force. The used to understand and asses secularism. There government monitors and regulates how Islam is has been a widespread definition that secularism preached and practiced. In recent years, One of is the separation of religion from the policy and many restrictions on religion, on December 1981, practices of the state. Recent scholars, however, finds this definition too narrow and argues that the Prime Ministry issued a list of regulations secularism seeks not so much to banish religion which required all personal and students in from the public domain, but to reshape the form institutions of higher education to wear “clothing it takes, the subjectivities it endorses, and the which is compatible with Atatturk’s revolution epistemological claims it can make (Ozgur, 2012, and principles” not cover they heads while in p.5-6.). This broader definition better captures the the institution. Many people saw the decision ways in which religion and state interact in Turkey. as a reflection of the nation’s partisan politics. The AKP’s politics and discourse are The Republican people’s party called the verdict characterized by conservative democracy, which a “triumph of justice,” while the Justice and claims to combine the traditional lifestyle inspired Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi), by Islam with the Western liberal values that a group with roots in Islam, defended the scarves as are based on the free market and globalization. a matter of individual rights. Consequently, many The AKP’s orientation, which is based on the families sent their children abroad for university contradictory attitudes of Islam and the West, is education. The Prime Minister, Tayyip Erdogan, quite different from traditional Islamic discourse. said that he had two daughters and they were After the political victory of the AKP, the debates going to university in the United States because about the relationship between Islam and functions of the head scarf problem. On February 9, 2008, of Imam Hatip schools significantly increased. Turkey’s parliament approved a constitutional These schools, after the 1970s, became the sources amendment that lifted the ban on Islamic of the grassroots of Islamist parties (Interview headscarves in universities. Prior to this date, the with Mehmet Toprak, September 25, 2014). There public ban on headscarves officially extended to is ample evidence that, though they might not be students on university campus throughout Turkey. attempting to turn Turkey into an Islamic state, Nevertheless, some faculty permitted students to members of the AKP are prepared and interested wear head coverings in class. On June 5, 2008, in evolving the country into a state that is more Turkey’s constitutional Court annulled the sympathetic to religiously conservative Turks. parliament’s proposed amendment intended to lift Secularization in Turkey is a product of the the headscarf ban, ruling that removing the ban interaction and influence of many diverse factors, would run counter to official secularism. The last such as pro-French policy is redundant of the debates were solved in such a way: students can sultans, intensive and massive campaigns of have headscarves but not their teachers. (http:// people who love to imitate the West and Western- www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/ educated elite to take over institutions and
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Western values. Coupled with diplomatic pressure bureaucratic inefficiencies had enough general continuously from European countries since the appeal to enable avowed religious candidates to beginning of the nineteenth century. And the most win mayoral elections in Istanbul and Ankara, important among the causes of the change is the the country’s two largest cities (“Islam in Turkey”, military defeats and insults suffered by soldiers n.d.). of Osmaniyah in the eighteenth century and the Turkey’s “laïcité” does not call for a strict nineteenth, the increase of Western countries in separation of religion and the state, but describes the fields of politics and economics and a sharp the state’s stance as one of “active neutrality.” decline of empire Osmaniah (Al Attas, 1988, p. 9). Turkey’s actions in relation to religion are carefully Turkish secularism is based on the radical analyzed and evaluated through the Presidency of Jacobin laicism that aimed to transform society Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı). The through the power of the state and eliminate duties of the Presidency of Religious Affairs are “to religion from the public sphere. The Jacobin faith execute the works concerning the beliefs, worship, “in primacy of politics and in ability of politics and ethics of Islam, to enlighten the public about to reconstitute society” guided Mustafa Kemal their religion, and to administer the sacred and his associates (Yavus, 2014). The aim of the worshipping places” (“Secularism in Turkey”, n.d.). project was to modernize Turkey, give it a Western Religion is mentioned on the identity documents outlook, and make it compatible with modern, and there is an administration called “Presidency Western civilization, regardless of the difficulties of Religious Affairs” or Diyanet which exploits this might cause for the populace (Bekim Agai, Islam to legitimize sometimes State and manages 2007, p.151). 77,500 mosques. This state agency, established Although Turkey was secularized at the by Atatturk (1924), finances only Sunni Muslim official level, religion remained a strong force worship (“Islam in Turkey”, n.d.). at the popular level. After 1950, some political This fact indicates that secularization does leaders tried to benefit from popular attachment not necessarily mean that religion loses its to religion by espousing support for programs and ability to influence political behavior. Among policies that appealed to the religiously inclined. the many factors which affect political responses Such efforts were opposed by most of the state toward modernization, religion is undoubtedly elite, who believed that secularism was an essential an important one. Gibb says that we must not principle of Kemalist ideology. This disinclination think of all Westernizers as secular minded and to appreciate religious values and beliefs gradually antireligious, even if it is true that a great number led to a polarization of society. The polarization of the educated neglect the observances of religion became especially evident in the 1980s as a new (H.A.R Gibb, 1978, p. 51). In contemporary generation of educated but religiously motivated Turkey, the separation of Islam from the polity or local leaders emerged to challenge the dominance secularism is not complete success. It is recognized of the secularized political elite. These new leaders the significance of Islam’s role in Turkish history have been assertively proud of Turkey’s Islamic and it is an essential part of the individual’s life of heritage and generally have been successful at Turkish. adapting familiar religious idioms to describe So far, Turkey is still a secular country. It may dissatisfaction with various government policies. be the way to maintain Ataturk Reforms or to By their own example of piety, prayer, and have similarities among countries in the European political activism, they have helped to spark a Union, but Islamic movements find a conducive revival of Islamic observance in Turkey. By 1994 position. The model of secularism in Turkey is slogans promising that a return to Islam would different from that in Europe. Turkey recently cure economic ills and solve the problems of led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the third term as
128 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi the Prime Minister since 2003 (“Recep Tayyip did not go through important changes for centuries Erdogan”, n.d.), gives attention to Islam. Erdogan except some minor modifications, and thus, was a graduate of Imam Hatip School, and he is medresses in general remain solidly traditional a Muslim and religious person. Therefore, he has institutions, which end up loosing their connection a mission to support Islamic movements through with the modern period and its realities, and the many ways including policy of National Education needs of the society when entering the 19th century System, especially related to Islamic schools. ( Seyfi Kenan, 2009,p. 521). However, he is still careful to implement such a Additionally, the medresses established by old policy in order to run smoothly. He performs an Turks are degenerated ruins, unable to be reformed integrated ideology of secular and Islam. in the light of modern academic mentality (Bekim This analysis demonstrates how the fortunes Agai, 2007, p. 150). Syefi Kenan (2009) said that of Imam Hatip schools have risen and fallen each school or any kind of educational organization with the shifting fortunes of the Islamic political emerges and survives based on satisfying certain movement. Since the early 1920s, Imam Hatip needs and expectations of its own society. schools have been at the center of a conflict between However, when they fail to meet those needs and the secularist and Islamist forces in Turkey and demands, society will start searching for new have been debated within the larger context of models of schooling and education. This is what social and political issues. Imam Hatip schools happened in the late of 19th century. There was no are unique institutions in the religious education course for the teaching of religion available in the experience of secular Turkey. public school system for fourteen years between 1935 and 1948. Religious education moved to the 3. The Development of Imam Hatip Schools private realm for a while, and the young generation Each historical period has the education received their religious education in informal relevant to it. As a mirror, education reflects all settings, mostly from their parents at home, social changes. No essential changes are possible sometimes from imams, old medresses graduates, without deep changes in education. Traditional or scholars at mosques. There was also a plethora education, transmitted through generations, was of religious books written by the prominent experts spread for a long time in the early Turkish history. of religion in the period to teach Islam to the young Traditions were preserved and developed in the generation as part of the activities of informal theocratic Ottoman Empire, where Sultan was religious education during these silent years (Seyfi Caliph and civic and spiritual powers. Kenan, 2009, p.532). The Westernization and secularization Moreover, it is important to note that processes among Turks started much earlier than the fourth article of the Law of Unification of Republic and Atatturk’s time, it was as early as Education required to open, at the same time in the late medieval Ottoman state. First of all Imam Hatip mekteps in 29 centers as secondary the process was revealed in education which was schools, and reestablish a Theological Faculty crucial for economic and social changes. The in Darul Funun in Istanbul. The new Republic secularization of education was set up on agenda; offered a new modern of religious education at however the longstanding traditions of religious both secondary and higher level replacing the education were still very strong and viable (Giuli medreses education, but this attempt could not Alasania, Nani Gelovani, 2011). succeed well in the following years. The number According to the law issued on 3 March, 1924, of Imam Hatip schools decreased gradually, and 479 medresses were closed, and also religious by 1927, there were only two schools surviving, courses were deleted from the curricula of the one in Istanbul and the other in Kutahya, due to public schools. Such a situation lasted until 1949. a lack of students. Nonetheless, informal religious Education and curriculum contents in medresses education continued under the supervision of
129 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 121-138 the Presidency of Religious Affairs, for instance, get immersed in superstition and wrong beliefs, in limited number of Quranic Schools (Darrul and fanaticism might spread all over the country. kurra) to preserve the tradition of recitation and Ihsan Olgun, a representative in his speech in memorization of the Quran. This Quranic schools 1948 in the National Assembly, affirmed that most (Kuran kursu) still exist today in certain numbers of the imams and hatips/preachers in the period for religious education under the supervision of were unqualified or poorly educated in religious the same Presidency, admitting students only matters (Ozgur, 2012, p.533). after they have completed the eighth grade in In 1949, in a relatively weak response to compulsory primary schools (Seyfi Kenan, 2009, grassroots demands, the government announced pp.530-531). the opening of Imam Hatip courses (Imam Hatip The first phase of Imam Hatip schools was Kurslari) in ten cities. The ten month program brief and ill fated. Early Imam Hatip schools included topics such as Qur’an, Hadits, and bore several elements that resembled medreses. Islamic History. Lessons were fifty minutes long The schools attracted students and teachers from and ran from nine o’clock in the morning till 12:50 shuttered medreses and taught from a curriculum in the afternoon. Their enrollment was limited, that combined secular and Islamic subjects. they graduated only fifty students after their first During the 1923-1924 academic year, Imam Hatip year. It is unlikely that the courses were perceived schools enrolled 2,258 students and employed as a serious effort to satisfy the need for more approximately 300 teachers. By the 1926-1927 religious functionaries ((Iren Ozgur, 2012). On academic year, the number of Imam Hatip school 13, October, 1951 the government decided to open students had decreased to 278, and the number new religious schools. The first schools known of teachers had decreased to 10. The schools as Imam Hatip schools (Imam Hatip Liseleri) were closed in the 1929-1930 academic year. The started to function in Ankara, Adana, Istanbul, government closed Imam Hatip schools because Isparta, Konya, and Kayseri in 1951-52. The total the ministers themselves -not the students- had number of students at these schools was 876. Later lost interest in them (Ozgur, 2012, p.35). the number of students at these schools increased The government in power, which was parallel with the increasing number of schools Atatturk’s Republican People’s Party, decided to go (Alasania, Gelovani, 2011). ahead with a new announcement in September 1, The historical analysis of the Imam Hatip 1947 amid diverse public opinions, and to initiate schools in their reinstated form could be divided a formal religious education program again after into four periods. They are (1) 1951 – 1973, a period a long period of official silence to train teachers of nascence and growth, (2) 1973 – 1997, a period of religion, qualified imams and hatips under the of transformation and progress, (3) 1997 – 2002, supervision of the Ministry of National Education. a period of weakening and decline, and (4) 2002 Intellectuals and politicians from diverse to the present, a period of resurgence and renewal political and ideological backgrounds debated in (Alasania, Gelovani, 2011). those years whether religious education violates The period from 1951 to 1973 witnessed the principles of secularism that should provide the steady expansion of the Imam Hatip School religious education if the state does not have it system as different government made concession since Islam does not have a mosque bureaucracy to Islamic sentiment in the country. The number or hierarchy like a church in the West, and how this of Imam Hatip schools increased from 7 to 72 and education can be provided (Ozgur, 2012, p.533). the number of students from 876 to 36,378. The Besides, intellectuals and politicians were also increasing in the number of Imam Hatipp schools concerned about the fact that if the state does not brought forth the opening of higher Islamic provide religious instruction, then people would Institutes (Yuksek Islam Enstituler) in the late
130 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi of 1950s. Between 1951 and 1973, Imam Hatip Gelovani, 2011). school students came predominantly from similar Two decisions of education and training have socio-economic background. The majority came a positive effect on the future of the Imam Hatip from poor and lower-middle-class families who schools. One decision (number 394, August 25, were either villagers or recent migrants to cities. 1974) introduced Qur’an, Arabic Language, and Some stayed with relatives, while others stayed religion courses into the Junior High school at dormitories or the courtyards of mosques curriculum. The other decision (number 632, (Alasania, Gelovani, 2011). November 28, 1975) recognized the Imam Hatip The period between 1973 and 1997 was one school’s equivalency to regular high school of growth and progress for the Imam Hatip (Imam Hatip school diplomas) since then having schools. During this time, successive governments read “Senior High and Imam Hatip schools”. undertook initiatives to transform Imam Hatip Consequently, Imam Hatip school graduates schools from vocational schools into more became eligible for admission to national mainstream educational institution. For the first universities. Since 1975, the Imam Hatip school time, the schools began to cater to both male and graduates have successfully entered diverse female students who wanted to pursue university majors in the national universities: Theology, degrees in nonreligious fields. In these two decades, Education, Economics, Public Administration, the number of Imam Hatip schools and students Engineering, Medicine, Law and Political Sciences increased significantly. The growth of Imam Hatip (Alasania, Gelovani, 2011, pp. 35-50). In 1989, schools during this period reflected advancement according to the University Exam Centre statistics, in Islamist politics, (Alasania, Gelovani, 2011). 22% of Imam Hatip Schools applicants were During the 1974-75 school year, the number of admitted to universities. In the 1980s and 1990s, students attending to the Imam Hatip high schools Anatolian Imam Hatip schools placed many of grew to 48,895. This number subsequently grew to their graduates into prestigious professional 200,300 by 1980-81. In addition, females gained faculties in leading Turkish universities. During the right of entry to Imam Hatip high schools this decade, approximately 80 percent of the in 1976. The proliferation of Imam Hatip high graduations from Kertal and Kadikoy Anatolian schools is often cited as the effect of the National Imam Hatip schools in Istambul and Tevfix Ileri Salvation Party’s membership of a number of Anatolian Imam Hatip school in Ankara received coalitions with Nationalist Front governments. In high score in the university entrance exams and October 1972, the Islamists were allowed to form enrolled in a wide range faculties. Moreover, the National Salvation Party (1972-1981). The party’s success of these Imam Hatip schools graduates goals were compulsory secondary education, is accountable for the enhancement in the appeal including religion in curricula, and restoration and standing of Imam Hatip schools in the eyes of of the caliphate. Their voters were lower-middle many religiously conservative Turks. Throughout class. The party was against of the common the 1980s and 1990s, the schools had influx of market and exhorted for closer relations with new students. In the 1982-1983 academic year, Muslim countries. They believed that the Ottoman there were 374 Imam Hatip schools enrolling 219, Empire was destroyed by Westernization process 931 student’s. In 1996-1997 academic year there and alienation from Islam. Regardless of their were 601 Imam Hatip schools enrolling 511,502 anti-secular agenda after the elections in 1973, students. (Ozgur, 2012, p.50). The period from during the 70s Islamic parties were frequently in 1997 to 2002 was weakening and decline of Imam coalition with secularists. As the result, Islamists Hatip schools because of the escalating tensions were promoted to the high positions and number between the Islamist Refah Partisi (RP). Also, it of mosques, or Imam Hatip schools, courses of was due to the secularist forces in society leading to Qur’an or related personnel increased (Alasania, the 1997 political crisis. Since their rise to power,
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members of Refah Partisi had encouraged several Following the reforms of March 2012, which Islamic practices that had especially provoked the extended compulsory education to 12 years and military, such as interest free banking, veiling in allowed for Imam Hatip schools to be opened and state institutions, and public prayers. As a direct “middle school” level (second term of four years) result of the crisis, the number of Imam Hatip experts, warned that the possible increase in the school students decreased from 511,502 to 77,392 number of Imam-Hatip schools was not in line between 1997 and 2002 (Ozgur, 2012, pp. 52-53). with people’s expectations, and described it as Research indicates that between the years of a “top-down” process. Critics noted that the new 1993 and 2000, prospective students registered education system seemed to be a revenge being at Imam Hatip high schools primarily to receive taken for Imam-Hatip schools which were shut religious tutoring alongside a more general down after 1997. education (“Imam Hatip School”, n.d.). In addition, Like so many state institutions in Turkey, research shows enrolment at Imam Hatip high Imam Hatip schools (Imam Hatip liselerli) were schools was based solely on the student’s decision. initially established to further the top-down secular The third proposed factor in the rise in popularity goals of the early republic, but have undergone a of Imam Hatip schools is the admission of female gradual redefinition ever since. They were opened students in 1976. By 1998, almost 100,000 females in 1924, with the specific purpose of monopolizing attended Imam Hatip high schools, making religious education in the training prayer leaders up almost half of all students. This statistic is (imam) and preachers (hatips). Today the Imam particularly revealed because women are not Hatip curriculum is around 40 percent religious, eligible to become either priests or ministers and 60 percent secular, that allowed Imam Hatip (“Imam Hatip School”, n.d.). By 1995, 13,826 schools to begin functioning as general high females compared to 29,103 males had graduated schools, not simply as schools for the training from Imam Hatip schools (Alasania, Gelovani, of religious functionaries. The expansion of the 2011, p.43). Imam Hatip schools was accelerated after the However, the introduction of eight years of 1980 military coup, which was led by generals who compulsory education in 1997 has seen a sudden believed that ignorance about religion had made decline in the popularity of Imam Hatip schools. Turkish youth susceptible to radical groups of left In 1999, the reclassification of Imam Hatip schools and right. A “Turkish Islamic synthesis” was thus as “vocational schools” meant that, although more promoted by military authorities, which aim to options had been made available to graduates, utilize Islam as a socially unifying force (“Islamic attaining places at prestigious university courses Schools in”, n.d.). became more difficult. By requiring that all eight Imam Hatip schools (Imam Hatip liselerli) compulsory years of schooling be spent under the has developed and increased fivefold in the past same primary-school roof, middle schools were 11 years, with the ruling party of Turkey, the AKP, abolished. Children could not enter vocational showing that they want to get rid of secular system. schools (one of them is the Imam Hatip school) The number of Imam Hatip schools located across until the ninth grade (rather than the sixth, as the Turkey has risen from 450 to 708 in the 11 before) (Andrew Finkel, 2012), and 2002 to the years that the AKP has been in power. It was being present, a period of resurgence and renewal of planned that in the education year of 2013-2014, by Imam Hatip schools. In this period Imam Hatip creating 100 new Imam Hatip schools, this figure schools have been regaining the status, enrollment will reach 808 (“AKP Replaces High Schools”, levels, and overall capabilities of previous decade. n.d.). Kenan Cayir (2012), an assistant professor Although they leg behind the figures of the late of Sociology at Istanbul’s Bilgi University, says the 1990s, the enrollment figures have risen from schools can have a positive impact so that religion 71,100 to 235,000 in 2011 (Ozgur, 2012, p.63). and modernity can be together. In addition, a survey
132 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi conducted by the Turkey İmam-Hatip Alumni means students learn and grow intellectually and Foundation (TİMAV), titled “Perception of İmam- spiritually in an Imam Hatip school’s environment. Hatip High Schools and İmam-Hatip Students in Monica Ringer, as Iren Ozgur cited, defines Turkey,” was conducted between April 24 and May education as the body of texts, ideas, and concepts 18, 2012 with 2,689 people in 26 provinces. Most of transmitted in the educational system and argues the respondents were not Imam-Hatip graduates. that education “forms people’s intellectual and The survey shows a majority of the respondents cultural perspectives, their values systems, and hold a positive perception of Imam Hatip students their world views” (Ozgur, 2012, p.66). The courses and graduates (http://www.todayzaman.com/ at Imam Hatip school consists of vocational, columnist/joost-lagendijk,) cultural and scientific classes. While the ratio of In the following time, the progress happened professional or religious course is 40%, the ratio in policies on Imam Hatip schools were that: of cultural and scientific courses is 60%. This 60% (1) the curriculum were not only contain Islamic ratio is composed of the same courses that are teachings but also general knowledge, and (2) the found on the curriculum of general high schools. graduates were allowed to take further study at any Thus, the 40% religious or vocational courses are discipline of knowledge at any universities. This additional courses. Therefore education at Imam policy was welcomed by most Muslim community Hatip schools is an amalgam of two elements: in Turkey and made Imam Hatip school developed formal curriculum and experience (Observation very rapidly. Every city and town had an Imam in Uskudar Imam Hatip schools, September, 25, Hatip school which had more students than its 2014). capacity. The students of these schools not only Formal curriculum denotes the subjects become Imams for the mosques, but also enter the which teachers intentionally plan and teach various faculties of universities. to their students in organized and structured However, an objection to the free choice ways. Besides, it refers to what students learn of Imam Hatip graduates came from TÜSIAD or are exposed to in classrooms, assemblies, and (Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s planned school activities (Ozgur, 2012, p. 66). An Association). According to their research Imam Hatip school education takes four years conducted in 1988, approximately 32% of to complete, during which students take classes graduates of Imam Hatip schools picked faculties from a curriculum comprised of secular (beseri) or of law as their first choice in university entrance cultural and scientific course and religious (dini) exams, proving more popular than religious or vocational courses. Secular courses, commonly based alternatives. The report concluded that due known as “cultural and scientific classes,” include to fundamental differences in their upbringing, : History, The History of the Republic, National Imam Hatip graduates were rendered unsuitable security, Geography, Mathemathics, Physics, and for public office. Politicians tended not to agree Turkish Language, Foreign Languages (English, with TÜSIAD’s position. For example, the then French, Germany), Geometry, Trigonometry, Minister of National Education, Avni Akyol, Geology, Astronomy and Space Science, Chemistry, criticized the report in terms of human rights, Biology, Computer, Science and Technology, claiming such proposals undermined the principle Physical Education, Music, Art and Literature. of equal opportunity in education (“Imam Hatip Although the majority of cultural and scientific School”, n.d.). courses are compulsory, some of them are optional. 4. The Transformation of Imam Hatip However, Imam Hatip school students have less Schools exposure to the secular curriculum than students A broad definition of “education” must of general high schools. For example, during his/ be adopted when assessing how and by what her third year, a general high school student takes
133 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 121-138 six hours of history per week, while an Imam Hatip “experience” as hidden curriculum. “Experience” school student takes only two hours (Interview refers to what students learn by simply being in with Mehmet Toprak, September, 22, 2014) school. The experience side of education includes Courses on religion, commonly known as everything that students learn and internalize “vocational classes”, enable students to familiarize informally or passively through their interactions themselves with teachings and principles of Islam. with peers, teachers, and the powerful aesthetic The vocational classes include Qur’an, Arabic, and normative environment that surrounds them (Ozgur, 2012, p.67). Compared to the formal Quranic Exegesis (Tefsir), Islamic Jurisprudence curriculum, the hidden curriculum is not written, (Fikih), The Life of Muhammad, the History of does not have explicit objectives, and varies Religions, Religious Rethoric and Islamic Theology considerably from one school to another. The (Kelam). The state-directed curriculum is designed hidden curriculum is the most powerful influence to emphasize historical rather than contemporary in the classroom and the school generally. Alan forms of Islam and transmit information and Skelton defines the hidden curriculum as a set of learning that adheres to the secular values of the implicit messages relating to knowledge, values, republic. However, the curriculum still allows norms of behavior and attitudes that learners teachers latitude to teach topics in a manner of experience in and through educational process their choice (Interview with Mehmet Toprak, (Ozgur, 2012). September, 22, 2014). There are non-curricular (hidden) elements There are eleven classes in the vocational that, by adhering to Islamic customs and rituals, (religion classes) curricula of Imam Hatip schools. contribute to the formation of an Imam Hatip school A first year Imam Hatip school student takes experience. These elements refine and reinforce the twenty hours of vocational classes per week, a religious consciousness that the schools, through second year student takes ten, and third and fourth their vocational curricula, seek to engender in year students takes sixteen. Of these eleven classes, the students. The first of these elements has to do Arabic and Qur’an classes form of backbone. These with the schools’ social aesthetics. Social scientists two classes are the only classes that are required study aesthetics choices to understand the cultural every semester, in each of the four years. Imam traditions, practices, and behaviors of societies. Hatip schools are the only schools that offer Arabic The social aesthetics concern the character itself as a foreign language in their curricula. In the and pervade the entire range of human culture. Arabic class I attended, a teacher introduced new At Imam Hatip schools, social aesthetics can refer grammar rules and demonstrated how they were to the design of buildings and grounds as well as applied in sentences. The students would then write the use of space nd clothing (Ozgur, 2012). Imam then write these sentences in their notebooks and Hatip schools bear distinctive features that set memorize them (Observation in Uskudar Imam them apart from other general high schools. A Hatip School, September 25, 2014). Arabic class significant number of the Imam Hatip schools, like Uskudar, Kartal, and Umraniye Imam Hatip, have is designed to help students read and understand mosques in their courtyards. Others, like Esatpasa the Qur’an. The Arabic teacher told me that the and Sariyer Imam Hatip, have mosque in their class was meant to cultivate the idea that learning immediate vicinity. In addition, the more common Arabic was an essential part of embracing Islam practice is to build Imam Hatip schools next to and becoming a religiously conscious individual. existing mosque. Despite the common existence of He said that the class was designed to strengthen mosques either nearby or on their campuses, most the students’ ties with religion rather than having Imam Hatip schools also accommodate prayer them engage with Arab culture. rooms within their main buildings. There are two The second element of Imam Hatip curricula is prayers rooms (mescit) in the schools, catering to
134 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi each gender separately. students to observe, uphold, and advocate Islamic It is arguable that mosques and prayer rooms norms and practices, they do not overtly promote (mescit) allow Imam Hatip school students to pray political opposition or religious revivalism (Ozgur, within a congregation and in so doing inculcate 2012). the importance of performing namaz alongside On the political socialization of Imam Hatip other believers. Most of the Imam Hatip school school students, an informant told me “Don’t graduates I met said that they attended prayers at be afraid of people who know religion. Be afraid mosques. of people who don’t, for it is they who become Today Imam Hatip schools do not only radical Islamists”. (Interview with Mehmet produce Imams (leaders of prayer) and hatips Toprak, September 22, 2014). The schools do (deliver khutba at every Friday sermon), but also not promote radical Islamism, and inculcation Imam Hatip schools designed to cultivate religious of religious sensibilities can put the schools in a sensibilities (dini hassasiyetler) in their students. position to raise generation that can challenge the The schools aim to heighten their students’ Turkish state’s historically secular ideology. It is awareness of faith and promote the notion that highly likely that the communities, that is external religion should play a substantial role in the life of influences and variables around Imam Hatip individuals and society (Interview with Mehmet schools in Turkey, are more moderate. Turks Toprak, September, 22, 2014). have a particular interpretation of and approach Religious sensibilities can refer to a range of to Islam that is more “liberal” compared to their attitudes, values and practices that have Islamic counterparts in other Muslim countries, like underpinnings. It is a concept used both in speech Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. and writing to indicate a level of religiosity that The Imam Hatip schools have expanded affects not only one’s personal and spiritual so much that they are producing many more outlook on life, but also his/her behaviors and graduates than ever found, such as mosque actions toward others in society. Religious personnel. In fact, many if not most of their sensibilities include, but are not limited to, graduates have no intention whatsoever to just elements of faith and worship. To say that a person become prayer leaders or preachers. The schools has religious sensibilities broadly means that have turned into something different from what he/she is religiously conscious. On the other hand, their founders intended: schools of preference an individual’s sensibility is always comprised of and a channel of upward social mobility for the many discrete facets (Ozgur, 2012). children of an important, conservative segment The schools integrate religious elements of the population. Many conservative, religious- into their curricula through either elective minded parents in rural and small town (in central religion courses or daily religious rituals. Turkish and eastern Turkey), sent their children after secularists often allege that Imam Hatip schools primary school to an Imam Hatip high school. This create ideologized and politically radicalized is the only school type where they would study graduates and that the schools act as the primary Islamic subjects besides the general curriculum, gents in promoting religious sensibilities. There is, however, a difference between assuming that and where the teachers were believed to impart religious schools will graduate students who traditional moral values, much like many parents are more religious in their personal lives and in Europe would prefer a Christian over a neutral more religiously conscious in their politics, and school. Many of those parents would, however, understanding who that religious schools promote wish their children to pursue modern careers and these results. A closer examination reveals that find more prestigious and better paid jobs than that while the schools endeavor to teach their that of a modest preacher (Interview with Seyfi
135 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 121-138
Kennan, September 15, 2014) Islamic educational instructions. They have noted It should be noted that students who enroll how the schools equip students for entry into a in Imam Hatip schools, most of which are in wide range of professions in international markets the countryside, do not do so necessarily with and regional politics. intention of pursuing a religious career. Most of Ziauddin Sardar, a contemporary Muslim these schools are like ordinary schools where one scholar, argued that the establishment of Imam gets the education to follow whatever profession Hatip schools, where Islamic studies are combined one may wish to pursue later on. In many cases, with modern scientific thought, and the emergence these are the only schools available to parents in of a contemporary school of young intellectuals, the countryside, so they send their children there. who are concerned with issues of justice and Of course, many parents also prefer to send their equity, science and values (the epistemological children to Imam Hatip schools because these basis of Muslim civilization and ecological and schools offer instruction in the religion of Islam environmental problems) is an indication that in besides giving a basic education. It should also be the next decade Turkey will become intellectually noted that the buildings of Imam Hatip schools are the most exciting country in the Muslim world. constructed by local community effort, and only (http://www.salam.co.uk/knowledge/inquiry3. after their construction does the government hire php). teachers. This shows the real basis of the strength The transformation of Imam Hatip schools, of Turkish Islam (Interview with Mehmet Toprak, from only vocational school to general and September 25, 2014). vocational high school is powerful influenced by Today, only 15 percent of the school’s graduates the ruling politics party. Currently, AKP (Adalet become religious functionaries, and the majority ve Kalkinma Partisi) or Justice and Development of Imam Hatip school graduates enter business, Party is the ruling party in Turkey with Recep the practice of law, and politics, and many of Tayib Erdogan as the president of Turkey at them fill midle and high level posts in national present. He was a student of Imam Hatip school, and local government. The growing tendency of called as Imam Hatipli. AKP and Erdogan had Imam Hatip school graduates to pursue careers good policy for the advancement of Imam Hatip outside of the religious realm have put the schools schools. The experience of what can be described at the nexus of debates over Islamism, secularism as an intriguing and dynamic relationship between and modernity in Turkey. The country’s secular politics and religious education since the birth of learning and religiously conservative communities Republic achieved major progress, despite its up posses chlassing perspectives about the schools’ and down, during the last 80 years. role in politics and society (Ozgur, 2012). But the most important is that Imam Hatip schools play D. CONCLUSION an important role in Turkey’s pious community and making the country more Islamic. The development of Imam Hatip schools is very powerful and influenced by the development The fact that the president of Republic of of social and political condition of Turkey. Turkey and many leading figures of the AKP, the Therefore, the existence Imam Hatip schools is ruling party, are Imam Hatip school graduates determined by and very depending on the ruling is of profound significance because it reinforces party in Turkey, the Justice and Development the perception that they are good Muslims and Party (AKP: Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi). highlights the schools as successful models for Islamic education. Scholars and journalists have State of Turkey (Ministry of National named Imam Hatip schools as potential building Education) grants permission for operation of blocks for an international network of “moderate” Imam Hatip Schools (Turkish: Imam Hatip Lisesi), appoints their teachers, and designs their
136 Imam Hatip School (Imam Hatip Lisensi): Islamic School in Contemporary Secular Turkey Mahfud Junaedi curricula. Imam Hatip Schools are Islamic Schools policies on Imam Hatip schools: (1) the curriculum that provide the most prominent exception to the were not only contain Islamic teachings but also rule of secular education in Turkey. The courses general knowledge, and (2) the graduates were at Imam Hatip schools consist of vocational, allowed to take further study at any discipline of cultural and scientific classes. While the ratio of knowledge at any universities. This policy was professional or religious course is 40%, the ratio welcome by most Muslim conmunity in Turkey of cultural and scientific courses is 60%. This 60% and made Imam Hatip Schools developed very ratio is composed of the same courses that are rapidly. Every city and town had an Imam Hatip found on the curriculum of general high schools. school that had more students than its capacity. Thus, the 40% religious or vocational courses are additional courses. Therefore, education at Imam REFERENCES Hatip schools is an amalgam of two elements: Agai, Bekim. 2007 . “Islam and Education formal curriculum and hidden curriculum in Secular Turkey: State Policies and the (experience). The hidden curriculum is the most Emergence of the Fethullah Gulen Group” powerful influence in the classroom and the school in Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics generally. The hidden curriculum as a set of implicit of Modern Moslem Education, Princeton: messages relating to knowledge, values, norms of Princeton University Press. behavior and attitudes that learners experience in and through educational process. AKP Replaces High Schools with Religious Schools. (n.d.) Retrievd August, 19, 2014. From http:// The majority of Imam Hatip School students aydinlikdaily.com/AKP-Replaces-High- come from families who live and conduct their Schools-with-religious-School, relations in accordance with Islamic norms and principles. Many conservative, religious-minded Alasania, Giuli, Nani Gelovani. 2011. “Islam parents in rural and small town (in central and and Religious Education in Turkey” in IBSU eastern Turkey) sent their children after primary Scientific Journal, 5 (2). school to an Imam Hatip High school, because this Andrew Finkel. 2012. in the International Herald is the only school type where they would study Tribune of 23 March 2012. Islamic subjects besides the general curriculum Attas, Syed Muhamad al Naquib al. 1981. Islam and where the teachers were believed to impart dan Sekularisme, Bandung: Pustaka. traditional moral values. Many of those parents Cinoglu, Mustafa. 2006. “Private Education as would, however, wish their children to pursue Policy Tool in Turkey” in: International modern careers and find more prestigious and Education Journal, 7(5). better paid jobs than that of a modest preacher. Erdogan, Recep Tayyip, (n.d.). Retrieved Sept, Today Imam Hatip schools do not only 10, 2014, from http://www.britannica.com/ produce Imams (leader of prayer) and hatips EBchecked/topic/913988/Recep-Tayyip- (deliver khutba at Friday sermon), but also design Erdogan, to cultivate religious sensibilities in their students. The schools aim to heighten their students Gibb, H.A.R. 1978. Modern Trends in Islam, New awareness of faith and promote the notion that York: Octagon Books. religion should play a substantial role in the life Hefner, Robert W. & Muhammad Qasim Zaman. of individuals and society. The most important is 2007. Schooling Islam: The Culture and that Imam Hatip schools play an important role Politics of Modern Muslim Education, New in Turkey’s pious community and making the Jersey: Princeton University Press. country more Islamic. Imam Hatip School. 1998. in Wikipedia. In the following time, the progress happened in Retrieved September, 27, 2014, from http://
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en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C4%B0mam_ Hatip_school. Islamic Schools in Modern Turkey. (n.d.). Retrieved July, 23, 2014, from http://www. hurriyetdailynews.com/islamic-schools-in modern-turkey. Islam in Turkey. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved July, 23, 2014, from http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Islam in Turkey. Kenan, Seyfi . 2009. “Phases of Religious Education in Modern Turkey,” in: Islamic Education in Europe, Koln: Bohlau Verlag Wien. List of Political Parties in Turkey (n.d.) in Wikipedia. Retrieved September, 18, 2014, from. http://en,wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_ political_parties_in_Turkey New Survey Shows Turkey Muslims more pious as They Age . 2014. Retrieved September, 8, 2014, from http://www. dailysabah.com/nation/2014/07/16/new- survey-shows-turkeys-muslims-more-pious- as-they-age. Ozgur, Iren. 2012. Islamic Schools in Modern Turkey: Faith, Politics, and Education, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rahman, Fazlur. 1982. Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intelectual Tradition, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Secularism in Turkey. (n.d.) in Wikipedia. Retrieved July, 23, 2014, from http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Secularism in Turkey. Smith,Wilfred Canwell. 1957. Islam in Modern History, New York: Princeton University Press. The Myth of Turkish Secularism (2013), Retrieved July, 23, 2014, from http:// dissidentvoice,org/2013/12/the-myth-of- turkish-secularism/. Yavus, M. Hakamm. 2014. Secularism and Islamic Movementin Turkey Retrieved from www. yale.edu/macmilan/rps/islam-papers/ yavus-030108-pdf,
138 Recent Scholarship on “Islamism” Discourse: An Evaluation and Assesment Tauseef Ahmad Parray
139 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No. 01 June 2016 pages 1-18
140 Indeks/ Index
INDEKS
ISSN : 1410 - 4350/ e-ISSN: 2443 - 3859 Terakreditasi LIPI Nomor: 543/AU1/P2MI-LIPI/06/2013
JournalAnalisa of Social Science and Religion
‘urf 1, 58, 66, 67, 68, 82 Budaya Bugis x, 82 budaya dan pendidikan xii A budaya politik 162 Abdul Hamid Abulung 296 Budha 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 19, 20, 25, 30, 33, 82, 176, Abdullah Gymnastiar vii, viii, 174 179, 188, 194, 200, 240, 244 Adam Hawa 82 Budi pekerti 82, 205, 310, 311, 312 Adaptasi ii, x, xi, 237, 241, 250, 253, 9 Budiono 3, 6, 8, 10, 82 Adat istiadat 82 Buku PAI 82 Ahlaq 82 Ahmadiyah 5, 82 C Aji Qamara Hakim 82 CRCS UGM 82, 224 Akademis 82 D Akidah 14, 82 dakwah Islam 204, 207 Akidah Akhlak 82 David Harvey 216 Al Muzammil 82 Demak 82, 163, 165, 237 Al Qaeda 82 Demokrasi 13, 41, 81, 82, 161, 162, 164, 165, 172, Al Qur’an 82 198, 248, 251, 267 al-Durr al-Nafīs 299, 300, 302 Desa Sarirejo 189, 195, 196, 197 al-Ghazālī 296, 299 Dialog agama 31, 82 Allah iii Dian Nafi 35, 40, 82 al-Qusyairī 299 doktrin salafi 299 Analisis evaluative 82 DUPAK 179 Anthony Giddens 215 Arab 260, 288, 301, 310, 311, 312, 14 E Aspek input xiv, 82 Ekonomi 181, 225, 227, 237, 238, 253, 261, 306 Aspek konteks 82 Ekonomis 82 Aspek produk 82 Eksklusif 82 Aspek proses 82 Elit agama 82 Etika 208, 232, 252 B Etnis Dayak 82 Bacaan keagamaan 82 Bersimbiosis 250 F Bhiku Khantidaro 4, 82 Faktor hukum 196 Bid’ah 61, 68, 82 fenomenologis 274 BIN 82 FGD viii, 15, 16, 18, 19, 82, 176, 179, 180, 181, Bina Seni Bahasa Indonesia 82 182, 214 Bisri Mustofa 310, 312 Fikih 82 Bom Bali 82 Filologi 318 BSE 82 Fiqih 82
318-1 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
FKUB viii, 7, 8, 9, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, HMI 256, 261, 262, 263, 264, 266 23, 24, 25, 26, 82, 188, 189, 190, 191, 193, Hukum Islam ix, 13, 63, 65, 66, 68, 77, 80, 83 194, 195 Hukum normative 83 Focus Group Discussion viii, 176 Humaniora xiii, 83, 252, 295 Formalina 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 26, 82 I Forum Lingkar Pena 82 Ideologis 83 Forum Umat Islam Bersatu Sarirejo Pati 196 Ideology negative 83 Framing vi, xi, 82 Idul Adha 34, 39, 83 Fullday School 82 Idul Fitri 34, 51, 83 Fungsi informatif dan edukatif 175 Ikhlas Beramal 183 Fungsi konsultatif 175 Ilmu social 83 G IMM 256 Gambus 82 indigenous 200, 205 Gate keepers 82 Indonesia iii, 15, 29 GBI Diaspora Sejahtera viii, 29, 35, 36, 39, 40, Information 83 82 Intan saying 83 Gender 70, 71, 79, 80, 81, 82 Integrasi social 83 gerakan dakwah 241, 270 Interaksi sosial 217 gerakan ekonomi xii, 270 Interfaith logic 221 gerakan Islam ii, xii, 242, 244, 249, 270, 271, Internal Control Questionaire 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 279, 9 Ishlah 8, 83 gerakan pendidikan 270 Islam ii,v, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 2, 3, 4, 5, Gerakan purifikasi 275 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, gerakan sosial 241, 242, 264, 270, 271 23, 25, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 41, 44, 45, 48, Gereja ix, 8, 12, 27, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 82, 183, 189, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 77, 79, 80, 81, 83, Gereja Injil Tanah Jawa (GITJ) 189, 195 84, 85, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171, Gereja Isa Almasih 196 172, 176, 177, 178, 180, 184, 188, 189, 191, GKJ Joyodiningratan 34, 39, 40, 82 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 200, 204, 205, 206, Golkar 163, 164, 165, 166 207, 208, 212, 221, 225, 228, 232, 237, 240, Gorontalo v, ix, x, 9, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 64, 66, 67, 68, 82 250, 251, 252, 253, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, Grebeg 244 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, Gresik v, viii, 9, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 24, 25, 26, 27, 82, 84, 230 280, 282, 283, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 292, GUII 82 295, 296, 298, 302, 303, 306, 307, 311, 312, Gus Dur 3, 82, 173, 258 318, 9, 10, 13 Islam fundamental 288 H Islam inklusif 3, 83 H Ahmad Fauzan 37, 82 Islam radikal 29 Hablumminallah 82 Islam tradisional ii, viii, xi, 15, 19, 22, 83, Hablumminannas 83 250 Hadis xiii, 71, 80, 83, 263 Islamic Circle of North America 83 Halfday 83 Islamic Studies xii, 270, 272, 273, 274, 279 Harmonious social 83 Islamic teaching xii, 83 Harmony society 83 Isolation 83 Hindu 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 19, 20, 23, 25, 30, 33, 49, Israiliyat 73, 83 54, 83, 176, 177, 188, 189, 194, 200, 240, 244, 259, 275, 292, 299 J
318-2 Indeks/ Index
Jagalah kebersihan 83 Kompetensi personal 83 jama’ah thoriqoh 291 komunikasi i, viii, x, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 185, Jamaah Islamiyah 83 193, 195, 198, 224, 229, 234, 236, 237, 241, Jaringan social 83 279, 283, 284, 285, 290 Jaringan tokoh viii, 83 Konflik 13, 27, 30, 41, 55, 56, 83, 252, 257, 259, Jawa Tengah i, vii, viii, x, 161, 163, 164, 165, 172, 267, 299 187, 189, 243, 252, 298, 9, 10 konstruksi Islam 287 Jenazah 83 Kontekstualisasi 212, 237 Jepara vi, xiii, xiv, 83, 85, 164, 165 Kota Malang i, vii, 1, 2, 7, 83 Jihad 13, 83 Kota Tegal 83 JW Marriot 83 KPU 163, 164, 172 Kristen viii, ix, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 16, 19, 20, K 23, 25, 27, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 43, kajian kitab kuning 206 83, 166, 167, 176, 178, 179, 188, 189, 193, Kalimantan Tengah ii, xiii, 295, 296, 298, 299, 194, 197, 212, 219, 221, 244, 256, 258, 259, 300, 307, 10 260, 276, 280 Kalimantan Timur ii, xii, 83 Kristianitas 11, 83 Kamala Suta 6, 83 KTSP 83 KAMMI xi, 256, 261, 262, 263, 264, 266 KUA 176, 189, 298 Kampong Solor 83 Kulliyah Muballighin 298 Karakter anak ii Kupang ix, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 54, 55, 56, 83 Karuna 83 Kurikulum 2013 vi, xiv, 83 Kasunanan 240, 243, 244, 250 Kusumo Rahardjo 3, 83 Katolik 2, 4, 10, 30, 33, 83, 164, 166, 167, 176, Kutai 83 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 189, 221, 225, 244, 259, 260 L KBK 83 Lagu tingkilan 83 Kearifan local 83 Laskar Pelangi 278, 280 Kebersamaan 9, 83, 220 LDK xi, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266 Keharmonisan 83 Lembaga Amil Zakat 228, 230, 237 Kejawen 240, 248 Lembaga Dakwah Kampus xi, 83, 261 Kejujuran 83, 316 Lesson learn 83 Kelompok Kerja Madrasah xiv, 83 Library research 83 Kementerian Agama vii, viii, x, xiii, 173, 174, lintas agama 84, 221, 222, 283 176, 181, 182, 183, 185, 188, 190, 191, 194, lintas etnis 283 195, 198, 202, 207, 224, 257, 307 Lirik xii, 84 Kepala Keluarga 33, 83 Lirik Jepen Muslim 84 Kepemimpinan peremupuan 83 LKiS 13, 80, 84, 253, 267 Kerukunan i, vii, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 13, 27, 31, 33, Lomba keagamaan 84 41, 83, 252 M Kesetaraan 71, 81, 83 Mabbulosipeppa 84 KH Ahmad Dahlan 276, 278 Madrasah Tsanawiyah xiv, 84 KH Haderanie HN vi, 295, 10 Majelis Tafsir Al-Quran (MTA) 240, 242, 246, Khonghucu 19, 83, 176, 188, 244, 259 249 Ki Hajar Dewantara 83 Majelis Taklim 177, 178, 184 Kolaborasi 83 Manado viii, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 184, 185 Komnas PA 83 Mangkunegaran 240, 243, 250 Kompas 252, 280, 309, 318, 10, 13 Mario Teguh vii, viii, 174 Kompas vi, xi, 83 Masjid Al Hikmah 40, 84 Kompetensi dasar 83
318-3 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016 masjid Bani Darussalam 189, 190, 191 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 10 Masjid Sami’na 30, 35, 36, 38, 84 Negara xii, 175, 179, 183, 185, 200, 263, 264, Matakin 84 267, 279, 280, 298 Maulid 19, 84, 262 Negosiasi 38, 84 Media massa 84, 171 Neo Sufisme ii Mediasi 31, 84 Newcomers 50, 84 Meta 84 Nilai agama 168 Metode kualitatif 84 Nilai agama 84 Metodekualitatif 84 Nilai-nilai karakter 84 Minority group 84 Non Fiksi 84 Mitologi 84 Norma social 84 MMI 244, 288 Novel 278 Modal social 84 Novel 68, 84 money politics 169, 170, 171 NU xii, xiii, 3, 5, 7, 16, 19, 22, 23, 24, 84, 190, Moral vi, ix, xiii, xiv, 84, 199, 205, 206, 208, 191, 220, 224, 244, 246, 247, 263, 270, 272, 309, 312, 318, 9 273, 276, 279, 282, 285, 288, 289, 290, 291, Motivasi xii, 84 292, 298, 299 motivator vii, viii, 174 Nugraha 3, 84 Mpennorialei 84 MTA 240, 242, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 288 O MTA Gresik 84 orang sakti xiii, 287, 288, 292 Muhammad ii, vi, xi, xii, 5, 13, 18, 23, 24, 27, 36, Orde Baru iii, 15, 29, 84, 163, 164, 185, 248, 276 53, 54, 68, 69, 72, 77, 80, 81, 82, 84, 242, Organisasi Pengelola Zakat 228 253, 255, 261, 263, 264, 265, 271, 296, 298, OSN 84 300, 306, 307, 311, 312, 318, 9, 10 Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari 296, 307 P Muhammadiyah ii, vi, xii, 3, 22, 23, 68, 84, 240, PAI 82, 84, 245, 246 242, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 252, 264, Pakem 245, 251 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, PAN 163, 164, 165 278, 279, 280, 288, 9 Panca Yadnya 8, 84 Muhammadiyah Studies vi, xii, 269, 270, Pancasila 27, 50, 84, 163, 194, 196, 258, 266 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279, Partai Damai Sejahtera 163 280, 9 Partai Demokrat 163, 164, 165 MUI x, 20, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77, 80, 81, 84, partai Islam 163, 165, 251 204, 259 Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) Multicultural approach 84 Partai Politik NU 299 Multikulturalisme 41, 55, 84, 198, 252 Pati v, viii, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, Museum Tenggarong 84 196, 197, 10 Musik modern 84 PBM 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 84, 188, 191, 197, 198 Muslim Indonesia xi, xii, 84 PBM 2006 84 Mutual communication 84 PBNU 84 Mutual trust 9, 84 PDIP 163, 164, 165, 167 Pdt Chris Yehuda 36, 84 N Peduli sosial 84 Nafs 80, 84 Pedupaan 84 Nafsun wahidah 84 Pegawai Negeri Sipil 84 Nahdlatul Ulama 248, 250, 298 pekerja seks komersial 202 Nakamura 270, 274, 275, 276, 280 Pemandu moral 84 Natal 5, 34, 35, 36, 84 pembinaan masyarakat viii Ndoro Purbo ii, vi, xii, xiii, 282, 285, 286, 287,
318-4 Indeks/ Index
pemilihan umum 162, 165 Religious devation 85 Pendidikan Agama Islam xiii, xiv, 84 Religious integration 85 Pendidikan karakter 84 Rencana Pelaksanaan Pembelajaran 85 Penyuluh agama 9, 84, 178 Republika vi, xi, 10, 85 Penyuluh agama Buddha 178 Resepsi xi, 85 Penyuluh KB 173, 184 resistensi i, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 292 Penyuluh Kehutanan 183, 184 Responsibility xiv Penyuluh Kesehatan 183, 184 Retnowat 85 Perang 84 Revival 249, 307 perilaku pemilih i, vii, 161, 163, 10 rezim iii, 15, 29 periode 1912-1950 xii, 273 Ritz Calton 85 Persaudaraan sejati 84 Rohis vi, xi, 9, 85 Pesantren v, ix, 27, 40, 41, 84, 192, 199, 200, Romo Felix Suyatno 3, 85 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 244, 318, RPP xiii, xiv, 85 9 Rumah ibadah 85 Pesantren Darut Taubah ix, 199, 202, 203, Rumah tangga 85 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 9 S Peserta didik 84 Salafy 242, 249, 252 Piagam Madinah 5, 13, 84 SARA ix, 11, 30, 43, 44, 52, 85, 217 PKI 30, 49, 84, 244, 248 Saritem v, ix, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, PKNU 163, 164, 165 207, 208, 209, 9 PKS 163, 164, 165, 166, 262, 267, 288 Sastra 85, 261, 318 Pluralisme v, vii, 2, 3, 4, 13, 27, 41, 55, 84, 198, SDIT Salsabila 85 267 Sejarah Kebudayaan Islam 85 Pluralitas 16, 84, 194 Sekolah Dasar Islam Terpadu xii, xiii, 85 Plurality 52, 84 Semarang iii, 15, 29 PMII, 256, 261, 266 serangan fajar 170 Pola komunikasi 23, 84 Shalawat 85 Politik 168, 171, 172, 208, 248, 251, 252, 253, Sibaliperi 85 267, 280, 283, 299 Simbol agama 85 popular culture xii, 273, 277 Sinkretis 252 PPP 163, 164, 165 Sipakalebbi 85 prostituere 201 Sistem pendidikan nasional 85 Psikologi 84, 186, 208 SKH Kedaulatan Rakyat 282, 293 Psikoreligius 249 Slametan 85 Purifikasi agama 256 SMA Labschool Jakarta Timur xi, xii, 85 Puritan xi, 245, 248, 249, 251, 252, 280 SMA N 1 Jepara 85 Purwokerto 68, 84 SMA N Kudus 85 R SMAN 48 Jakarta Timur xi, 85 Raden Bekel Prawiro Poerbo 286 Social change 46, 85 Radikalisme 84, 252, 257 Social contract 85 Ratu Balqis 79, 84 Social demand 85 regulasi formal i, viii, 187, 197 Social integration 44, 47, 50, 85 Rekayasa social 85 Social interaction 85 relasi ii, xi, 189, 190, 192, 194, 215, 217, 240, Social relations 85 241, 242, 247, 251, 286 sosial-politik xii, 272, 273 Relasi gender 85 Sosiologi ix, 26, 27, 55, 56, 63, 68, 85, 172, 185, Religion i, iii, v, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 208, 225, 252, 297 13, 53, 55, 57, 85 Sosiologis 85, 191, 195, 197
318-5 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
Spiritual Bribery 85 U Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X 282 Ulama Bugis x, 69, 72, 85 strategi viii, x, xi, 163, 182, 205, 207, 213, 242, Unkhair xi, xii, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 243, 250, 251, 283, 285 263, 264, 265, 266, 267 Sulaiman i, ii, v, vi, viii, xiii, 187, 304, 10 urban sufism 15 Surakarta v, viii, ix, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, Utlilitarianism 85 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 68, 85 V Surat kiriman dari Allah 85 Village ix, 9, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, Syariah 13, 57, 85 53, 54, 55, 85 Syariat Islam 85 Syi’ah 5, 76, 85 W System religi 85 Wahabi 240, 262 Wahdah Islamiyah xi, 256, 261 T waliyyullah xiii, 287, 288, 292 Tafsir 71, 72, 79, 80, 81, 85 Walubi 85 Tahlilan 68, 85 Wawasan Hanif 85 Takjil 85 Wisata religi 85 Talqin mayit 85 Workshop 85 Tata karma 85 Y Tayopo 85 Yogyakarta vi, xii, xiii, 171, 172, 186, 202, 208, Teologis 85 212, 224, 225, 238, 252, 253, 266, 267, 276, terorisme iii, 15, 29 279, 280, 281, 282, 284, 286, 287, 288, 289, Terorisme xi, 85 290, 291, 292, 293, 306, 318, 10, 13 Tionghoa 30, 35, 85 Tokoh Katolik 85 Z Toleransi 2, 33, 85 ziarah kubur 263, 282, 290, 291, 292 Tradisi Hileyiya ix, 60, 63, 85 Transformasi pendidikan 85 Trihitakarana 6, 85 Tugu Lilin 85
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INDEKS PENULIS
ISSN : 1410 - 4350/ e-ISSN: 2443 - 3859 Terakreditasi LIPI Nomor: 543/AU1/P2MI-LIPI/06/2013
JournalAnalisa of Social Science and Religion
D Darwis, Rizal, “Tradition of Hileyiya: The Interaction Between Religion and Traditions in Gorontalo in Sociology of Islamic Law Perspective”, 22 (01) : 57 - 68
H Haryanto, Joko Tri, “Relasi, Transformasi dan Adaptasi Pendukung Tradisi Jawa terhadap Puritanisme Islam di Surakarta Jawa Tengah”, 22 (02) : 239 - 253 Hasim, Moh, “Ajaran Moral Syi’ir Ngudi Susilo dalam Membangun Karakter Anak”, 22 (02) : 309 - 319 Humaedi, M. Alie, “Penanganan bencana berbasis perspektif hubungan antaragama dan kearifan local”, 22 (02) : 213 - 226 J Jinan, Mutohharun, “Muhammadiyah Studies : Transformasi kajian tentang gerakan Islam di Indonesia”, 22 (02) : 269 – 280 K Kustini dan Koeswinarno, “Penyuluh agama : menuju kinerja professional”, 22 (02) : 173 - 186
L Ludji, Irene dan Lauterboom, Mariska, “Learning From The Socio-Religious Integration In Solor Vil- lage Indonesia”, 22 (01) : 43 - 56 M Mustafa, Muhammad Sadli, “Religious Values In Song Lyrics Tingkilan”, 22 (01) : 109 - 120
N Nuriyanto, Lilam Kadarin, “Social Integration Management Of Places Of Worship For Islam And Christian In Surakarta”, 22 (01) : 29 - 41 Nur, Mahmudah, “The Reception Of Islamic Religious Activists (Rohis) On Religious Reading Materials In Sman 48 East Jakarta And Sma Labschool East Jakarta”, 22 (01) : 97 - 108
O Oetomo, Setyo Boedi, “Gate Keeper Role in Building Network of Interreligious Figures Based Local Wisdom In Gresik”, 22 (01) : 15 - 27
S Saepuddin, Juju, “Pesantren Darut Taubah dan Pekerja Seks Komersial Saritem Kota Bandung”, 22 (02) : 201 - 211
318-7 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
Sulaiman, “Problematka pendirian rumah ibadat di Pati Jawa Tengah”, 22 (02) : 187 - 198 Sofiyanto, Arif, “Peran agama terhadapperilaku pemilih dalam Pemilu Legislatif 2004 di Jawa Tengah”, 22 (02) : 161 - 172 Syuhudi, Muhammad Irfan, “Pergerakan Islam di Universitas Khairun Ternate” 22 (02) : 255 - 267 Sulaiman, “Potret neo-sufisme diKalimantan Tengah (Studi tentang Penilaian KH Haderanie HN)”, 22 (02) : 295 - 307 Sumbulah, Umi, “Pluralism and Religious Harmony in Religious Elites Perspectives in Malang City”, 22 (01) : 1 - 13
Suyatno, “Integrated Islamic Primary School In The Middle-Class Muslims Indonesia Conception”, 22 (01) : 121 - 133
Y Yusuf, Muhammad, “Women Leadership in Local Wisdom Perspective: Bugis Muslims Scholars’ Thought and Bugis Culture”, 22 (01) : 69 - 81 Yustiani S, “Inculcation Nation Character Values Through Islamic Religious Education Subject In Public Senior High School”, 22 (01) : 135 - 147 Yuwono, Dandung Budi, “Memaknai tradisi istighosah pasca perusakan makam Ndoro Purbo di Yogyakarta”, 22 (02) : 281 - 293
T Taruna, Mulyani Mudis, “Contribution Of Madrasah In Enhancing Curiculum 2013 (A Study On The Readiness Of Madrasah In Implementing Of Curiculum 2013 In Central Java)”, 22 (01) : 149 - 160
W Wardayati, Siti Maria dan Putri Imaroh, Siska, “Analisis pengendalian intern Coso pada pengelolaan dana zakat, infaq dan shodaqoh: Kasus pada Yayasan Dana Sosial Al Falah Cabang Jember”, 22 (02) : 227 - 238
Z Zakiyah, “Agama dalam konstruksi media massa : studi tehadap framing Kompas dan Republika pada berita terorisme”, 22 (01) : 83 - 96
318-8 Pedoman Penulisan Naskah/ Writing Guide
AUTHOR GUIDELINES
ISSN : 1410 - 4350/ e-ISSN: 2443 - 3859 Terakreditasi LIPI Nomor: 543/AU1/P2MI-LIPI/06/2013
JournalAnalisa of Social Science and Religion
GENERAL GUIDELINE 3. Abstract (250 words maximum, it consists of background of the study, research 1. The article has not been published in other method, finding of the research) journals or other places 4. Key words ( 3-5 words/phrases) 2. The article should be written in English 5. Introduction (it consists of background (United State of America English) with a statement, research questions, theoretical formal style and structure. This is because framework, literature review) it is a fully peer-reviewed academic journal, 6. Hypothesis (optional) so that an oral and informal language 7. Methodology of the research (it consist would not be accepted of data collecting method, data analysis, 3. The article should be written in word time and place of the research if the article document (MS word), 1,5 space, 12pt based on the field research). Times New Roman, and margin 4-4 (left- 8. Research findings and discussion right) and 3-3 (above-bottom), 30 – 35 9. Conclusion pages of A4 paper 10. Acknowledgement (optional) 4. The article is an original work of the 11. Reference author/s 12. Index (optional) 5. The author/s have responsibility to check thoroughly the accuracy of citation, grammar, table and figures before WRITING SYSTEM submission 1. Title 6. The author/s have responsibility to revise a. Title should be clear, short and concise their article after receiving a review from that depicts the main concern of the the editorial boards. article 7. The author/s should register at the b. Title should contain the main variable e-journal of Analisa before submitting of the research their paper and fill the form completely. c. Title should be typed in bold and 8. The article should be submitted via online capital letter 9. The articles will be reviewed by editorial 2. Name of the author/s boards a. The author/s name should be typed below the title of the article without STRUCTURE OF THE ARTICLE academic title 1. Title b. The author/s address (affiliation 2. Author’s name, email address, author’s address) should be typed below the affiliation address name of the author/s
318-9 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
c. The author/s email address should be typed product 2010 2011 2012 2013 below the author/s address Rice 1.500 Ton 1.800 Ton 1.950 Ton 2.100 Ton d. If the author is more than one writer, it should be used a connecting word “and” not Corn 950 Ton 1.100 Ton 1.250 Ton 1.750 Ton Sweet a symbol “&” 350 Ton 460 Ton 575 Ton 780 Ton potato Source: Balai Pertanian Jateng, 2013. 3. Abstract and key words 5. How to present picture, graph, photo, a. Abstract is the summary of article that and diagram consists of background of the study, data collecting method, data analysis method, a. Picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram research findings. should be placed at the center b. Abstract should be written in one paragraph, b. Number and title should be typed above the single space and in italic picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram. c. Abstract should be no more than 250 words c. Number and the word of the picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram should be typed in d. The word “abstract” should be typed in bold, bold, 12pt Font Times New Roman and at the capital letter and italic center, while title of them should be typed in e. Key words should consist of 3-5 words or normal (not bold). phrases. d. Number of the picture, graph, figure, photo f. Key words should be typed in italic and diagram should use an Arabic word (1, 2, 3 and so forth). 4. How to present table e. Source of the picture, graph, figure, photo a. Title of the table should be typed above the and diagram should be typed below the table, table and align text to the left, 12pt font Times align text to the left, 10pt font Time New New Roman Roman. b. The word “table” and “number of the table” f. Picture, graph, figure, photo, and diagram should be typed in bold, while title of the should not be in colorful type (should be in table should not be typed in bold (normal). white and black, or gray). c. Numbering for the title of table should use an Arabic word (1, 2, 3, and so forth) Example: d. Table should be appeared align text to the Figure 1 left. Indonesian employment in agriculture compared to others sectors (% of the total employment) e. To write the content of the table, it might use
8-11pt font Time New Roman or 8-11pt Arial, 60 1.0 space. 50 Agriculture 40 Industry
f. Source of the table should be typed below the 30 Services
table, align text to the left, 10pt font Time 20 New Roman. 10
0
1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 g. Example: 1990 Table 4. Number of Rice, Corn and Sweet potato Production Source: World Development Indicator, 2005
318-10 Pedoman Penulisan Naskah/ Writing Guide
6. Research finding article”. Name of the journal. Volume. (Number): This part consists of the research findings, Page number. including description of the collected data, Example: analysis of the data, and interpretation of the data Du Bois, Cora. 1961. “The Religion of using the relevant theory Java by Clifford Geertz.” American 7. Referencing system Anthropologist, New Series. 63. (3): Analisa uses in note system for the referencing 602-604 system, format (last name of the author/s, year of Sirry, Mun’im. 2013. “Fatwas and their publication: page number). For example (Shihab, controversy: The case of the Council of 1997: 459). Indonesian Ulama.” Journal of Southeast 8. Referencing system Asian Studies, 44(1): 100-117. Analisa uses this format for reference system: d. News paper a. Book Last name of the author/s, first name of the Last name of author/s, first name of the author/s. Year of publication. “Title of the article”. author/s. year of publication. Title of the book. Name of the newspaper. Date of publication. Place of publication: name of the publisher. Example: Example: Eryanto, Hadi. 2010. “Menyiapkan Jihad di Aly, Anne. 2011. Terrorism and global Aceh.” Kompas. 18 March 2010. security, historical and contemporary e. Internet perspectives. South Yara Australia: Palgrave Macmillan. Last name of the author/s, first name of the author/s. Year of publication. “Title of the article Effendy, Bahtiar. 2003. Islam and the state or writing”. Date of access. Web address in Indonesia. Singapore: Institute of Southeas Asian Studies. Example: b. Chapter of the book Suhendi, Adi. 2012. “Dana Osama bin Laden dipakai untuk bom Bali 1” (Osama Last name of the author/s, first name of the bin Laden’s fund was used for Bali author/s. “Title of the chapter”. In title of the Bomb 1). Accessed August, 20, 2014 book. Editor name, place of publication: name of from: http://nasional.kompas.com/ publisher. read/2012/03/26/14001755/Dana. Example: Osama.bin.Laden.Dipakai.untuk.Bom. Bali.I Dolnik, Adam. 2007. “Suicide terrorism and Southeast Asia.” In A handbook of f. Unpublished thesis/dissertation terrorism and insurgency in Southeast Last name of the author/s, first name of the Asia. Tan, Andrew.T.H (ed). Cheltenham, author/s. Year of publication. Title of the thesis/ UK and Northamtom, USA: Edward dissertation. Name of the university. Elgar. Example: c. Journal article Muhtada, D. 2005. Zakat and Peasant Last name of the author/s, first name of Empowerment: Case Study on Zakat the author/s. Year of publication. “Title of the Organizations in Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta:
318-11 Analisa Journal of Social Science and Religion Volume 01 No 01 June 2016
Unpublished Master thesis for graduate presented at a seminar on text of religions, school of social work at State Islamic hosted by Office of Religious Research University Sunan Kalijaga. and Development Ministry of Religious Affairs Republic Indonesia. Jakarta, 30 November 2007-03 December 2007. g. Article/paper presented at seminar/ conference Last name of the author/s, first name of the 9. Transliteration system author/s. Year of publication. “Title of the paper.” Transliteration Arab-Latin system refers to Article presented at seminar/conference, host SKB Ministry of Religious Affairs and Ministry of the seminar, place of the seminar, date of the of Education and Culture Republic of Indonesia seminar. Number 158 year 1987 and 0543/b/u/1987 Example: Anwar, K. 2007. “Mengungkap Sisi Akidah dalam Naskah Syair Kiyamat.” Paper
318-12 Indeks/ Index
318-13