Conceptual Framework and Methodology

Translation and National Identity: The Use and Reception of Mauritian Creole Translations of Shakespeare and Molière Kate November PhD University of Edinburgh 2009 Declaration I, Kate November, declare that this thesis is my own work and that it has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. Signature: Date: To Jesus, my Lord and Saviour Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to find out whether theatre translation into Mauritian Creole can contribute to the formation of a national identity in post-colonial, multi-ethnic and multilingual Mauritius. There are currently fourteen languages spoken, many of which, as carriers of symbolic value, are often used as markers of ethnic identity. Moreover, the fact that they do not all carry the same socio-economic and political status has created a linguistic hierarchy which positions English at the top, closely followed by French, in turn followed by Asian languages and finally by Mauritian Creole, even though the latter is the most widely spoken language on the island. I argue that translation into Mauritian Creole is largely an ideological endeavour, designed to challenge the existing asymmetrical linguistic power relations, and to highlight the language’s existence as a shared cultural capital and as a potential force for national unity. I show how such an endeavour is closely linked to the political and socio-cultural aspects of the target society. This is done by using complementary theoretical perspectives, such as Itamar Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory (1979, 2000), André Lefevere’s systemic concept (2004) and post-colonial approaches to translation, and by drawing upon the case study research method, with its emphasis on multiple sources for data collection. The thesis examines Mauritian Creole translations of six plays by Shakespeare and two by Molière. I suggest that the reasons for choosing Shakespeare and Molière for translation are highly symbolic in the Mauritian context, where the educational system, a British colonial legacy, has continued to assign a privileged position to canonized British i and French literatures; a system which contributes towards the perpetuation of colonial values. The translation of canonized texts is therefore intended to highlight the persistence of hegemonic socio-cultural values. Equally, it is designed to promote cultural decolonization and to point to the emergence of new creolized practices that offer areas of shared meaning for the Mauritian population as a whole. I also argue that since translation is an ideological undertaking, it is essential to understand the purposes of those actively involved in its production and dissemination. Because theatre texts can function as literary artefacts and as performance scripts, I look at the role played not only by translators and publishers, but also by theatre practitioners (producers, directors and actors). I explain their beliefs and their political agendas, showing why neither translation, nor stage production can constitute a neutral activity. In the process, my examination reveals the opposing forces at work which disagree over the way Mauritian Creole should be used in the discourse of nation-building. I then look at the intended target audiences with a view to finding out if the translations and the stage productions have had any obvious impact upon Mauritian society. My findings show that neither readers nor spectators are likely to have represented a large proportion of the population. Although this seems to indicate that theatre translation has had little direct impact so far upon the construction of a national identity, I suggest that in fact, its contribution to the Mauritian Creole literary and cultural capital should not be underestimated, as the language is very slowly emerging as an important symbol of the island. I conclude that should theatre translation be combined with other societal efforts in the future, it could still have a part to play in the formation of a national identity based upon Mauritian Creole. ii Acknowledgments This thesis has been five long years in the making, during which time I have received invaluable help and support from several people. The fact that it has been carried to completion is, in no small measure, thanks to them. First of all, I am indebted to my supervisor, Dr Şebnem Susam-Sarajevo, whose knowledge, kindly guidance and valuable suggestions have helped me avoid many of the pitfalls of research. I would also like to extend my thanks to all those I interviewed, for their willingness to meet with me and share their knowledge; my thanks especially to Dev Virahsawmy and Alain Ah-Vee for their unfailing patience to my numerous emails and queries. I am also grateful to several friends and members of my family. My thanks to Cindy Li for helping me contact the municipal libraries, to Nicolas Ha-Kow for forwarding some of the much-needed local publications, to Sue Lougheed for keeping me sane when life appeared far too chaotic for my liking, to my sister, Marie-France Young and her husband, Jean-Marc, for their hospitality, and finally, to my parents-in-law, David and Margaret November, for their support and their prayers. Last but definitely not least, I wish to express my appreciation to my sons and my husband. David and Sam, thank you for your understanding and for allowing me to work during those seemingly endless days of research and writing. My deepest thanks, of course, go to my husband, Andrew, who shopped, cooked and child-minded without complaining, who ‘held the fort’ during my several absences conducting fieldwork, and whose constant encouragement I could not have done without. iii Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One – Conceptual Framework and Research Method 12 Introduction 12 1.1 Conceptual framework 13 1.1.1 Translation vs. Adaptation 13 1.1.2 Polysystem theory 17 1.1.3 Lefevere’s systemic concept 18 1.1.4 Post-colonial approaches 21 1.2 A case study research method 27 1.2.1 Data and data collection methods 28 1.2.1.1 Target and source texts 28 1.2.1.2 Data from face-to-face interviews 32 1.2.1.3 Press reports 33 Conclusion 35 Chapter Two – An Overview of Mauritius 38 Introduction 38 2.1 Geographical setting 39 2.2 Historical background 39 2.3 Economic and political environment 42 2.4 Socio-cultural environment 44 2.4.1 Population make-up 44 2.4.1.1 The Hindus 45 2.4.1.2 The General Population 46 2.4.1.3 The Muslims 47 2.4.1.4 The Chinese 48 2.4.2 Language situation 48 2.4.2.1 European languages 49 2.4.2.2 Asian languages 51 iv 2.4.2.3 Mauritian Creole 54 2.4.3 Language use within a political context 56 2.4.4 Language use within a civil context 58 2.4.4.1 Education and literacy 58 2.4.4.2 Literature 61 2.4.4.3 Translation 66 2.4.4.4 Theatre 67 Conclusion 69 Chapter Three – Linguistic Nationalism and Theatre Translation 71 Introduction 71 3.1 Linguistic nationalism 72 3.1.1 What is a nation? 73 3.1.2 Constructing a post-colonial nation 74 3.1.2.1 “Asymmetrical multilingualism” 76 3.1.2.2 “Vernacularization” and/or “internationalism” 78 3.1.2.3 Linguistic policies in education 80 3.1.2.4 Creolization at work 82 3.2 Theatre Translation 85 3.2.1 Site of intervention 86 3.2.1.1 Counter-discursive representation 86 3.2.1.2 Linguistic self-validation 89 3.2.1.3 Nourishment and enrichment 91 3.2.2 Political ‘engagement’ 93 3.2.3 Targeting the audience 96 Conclusion 98 Chapter Four – Translation as Decolonization 100 Introduction 100 4.1 Deconstructing the source texts 101 4.1.1 ‘Originals’ vs. ‘copies’ 101 v 4.1.2 Using intertextuality 102 4.1.3 Recognizing hegemonic manipulation 104 4.1.4 Accepting miscegenation 105 4.1.5 Towards self-definition 108 4.2 Disrupting linguistic hierarchies 110 4.2.1 Creating a ‘decolonized’ orthography 111 4.2.2 Using code-switching 118 4.2.3 Championing linguistic creolization 124 4.2.4 Giving centre stage to Mauritian Creole 127 Conclusion 131 Chapter Five – Translation as Re-territorialization 133 Introduction 133 5.1 Validating the language 134 5.1.1 Use of verse as a dramatic form 134 5.1.2 Developing a literary language 136 5.2 ‘Embedding’ the target texts 142 5.2.1 Substitution by nativization 143 5.2.1.1 Geographical place 143 5.2.1.2 Political domain 147 5.2.1.3 Socio-cultural domain 150 5.2.1.4 The realm of nature 157 5.2.2 Substitution by modernization 164 5.2.2.1 Political domain 164 5.2.2.2 Socio-cultural domain 168 Conclusion 172 Chapter Six – The Role of Patrons and Professionals 175 Introduction 175 6.1 Mauritian patrons and professionals 177 6.1.1 Professionals 178 vi 6.1.2 Patrons 180 6.2 Ideological motivations 183 6.2.1 Creole, symbol of Mauritian nationhood 183 6.2.2 Use of Mauritian Creole in education 188 6.2.3 Mauritian Creole theatre, an ‘educational’ tool 191 6.2.4 Upholding multiculturalism 193 6.3 Promoting their ‘causes’ 196 6.3.1 Patrons’ control 196 6.3.2 Economic considerations 198 6.3.3 Independence 199 6.3.4 Visibility 200 Conclusion 204 Chapter Seven – Evaluating the Target Audience 206 Introduction 206 7.1 Readers 207 7.1.1 Targeting ‘literate’ readers 208 7.1.2 Targeting the ‘middle-class’ 210 7.1.3 Targeting the local academic community 212 7.1.4 Targeting literate monoglots in Mauritian Creole 213 7.1.5 Accounting for the low level of target readers 214 7.1.5.1 The unfamiliarity of Mauritian Creole orthography 214 7.1.5.2 The ‘inferior’ value of Mauritian Creole 215 7.2 Local textual production 218 7.2.1 Creole texts vs.

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