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14664 Time to Woo India
October 2004 A Strategy for Nuclear Iran By Thomas Donnelly Regardless of who is elected to the presidency in November, the growing threat posed by a nuclear Iran is certain to be at the top of the next administration’s national security agenda. Unfortunately, neither a “grand bargain” with Tehran nor a conventional military strike against its nuclear facilities offers much hope of preventing one of the world’s most dangerous regimes from acquiring the world’s most dangerous weapons. In the short term, at least, the United States must instead work to isolate Iran not only militarily but ideolog- ically, by succeeding in the democratic transformation of Afghanistan and Iraq. The Islamic Republic in Iran continues to speed The anxiety raised by the prospect of nuclear- toward acquiring nuclear weapons, with every armed Iran is creating a “Do Something!” week, it seems, bringing further evidence of its moment in Washington. Boot, a strong supporter progress. In late September, the head of Iran’s of the Bush administration’s strategy for the Atomic Energy Organization, Gholamreza greater Middle East, allows that, “on Iran, as in Aghazadeh, announced his country had begun so many other areas, the administration seems to enriching a “test amount” of uranium—enough, be paralyzed by disagreements between Defense that is, for several nuclear weapons. Soon, there Department hawks and State Department will be no insurmountable hurdles left; it is sim- doves.”3 The Democrats, by contrast, have made ply a matter of engineering, time, and Tehran’s a point of advocating a “grand bargain” with the choice. -
In the Supreme Court of the United States
No. 17-965 In the S upreme Court of the United States DONALD J. TRUMP , PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES , ET AL ., petitioners v. STATE OF HAWAII , ET AL ., respondents On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE EVAN MCMULLIN, ANNE APPLEBAUM, MAX BOOT, LINDA CHAVEZ, ELIOT COHEN, MINDY FINN, JULEANNA GLOVER, NORMAN ORNSTEIN, MICHAEL STEELE, CHARLIE SYKES, AND JERRY TAYLOR IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS R. REEVES ANDERSON JOHN B. BELLINGER , III ARNOLD & PORTER Counsel of Record KAYE SCHOLER LLP ELLIOTT C. MOGUL 370 Seventeenth St. KAITLIN KONKEL Suite 4400 ARNOLD & PORTER Denver, CO 80202 KAYE SCHOLER LLP (303) 863-1000 601 Mass. Ave., NW Washington, DC 20001 (202) 942-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of Amici Curiae .............................................. 1 Introduction and Summary of Argument ................... 2 Argument ..................................................................... 4 I. EO-3 contravenes the prohibition on nationality-based discrimination that Congress, with support from almost all Republicans, adopted in 1965 ................................ 5 A. Congress intended to eliminate “all vestiges of discrimination against any national group” from our immigration system ............................................................... 6 1. Members of both parties, and Republicans in particular, strenuously repudiated the discriminatory policies that predated the 1965 Act ......................... 7 2. The 1965 Act rectified missteps in U.S. immigration policy ............................ 12 3. The principles underlying the 1965 Act are now fundamental to our national identity ........................................ 16 B. EO-3 runs afoul of Congress’s nondiscrimination guarantee ......................... 18 II. The President may not substitute his alternative policy judgments for Congress’s comprehensive statutory immigration scheme .. -
H-Diplo Review Essay
H201-Diplo Review 8Essay H-Diplo H-Diplo Essay Editor: Diane Labrosse H-Diplo Essay No. 158 H-Diplo Web and Production Editor: George Fujii An H-Diplo Review Essay Published on 28 June 2018 Max Boot. The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale and the American Tragedy in Vietnam. New York: Liveright Publishing, 2018. ISBN: 978-0-87140-941-6 (hardcover, $35.00). URL: http://tiny.cc/E158 Reviewed by Jeffrey P. Kimball, Miami University, Professor Emeritus dward Lansdale (1908-1987) gave up his job with a California advertizing firm to serve as an intelligence officer in the Office of Strategic Services during World War II. Still with the agency after the war—now renamed the Central Intelligence Agency—he was assigned the role of adviser to the EPhilippine government in its fight to suppress the left-leaning Hukbalahap peasant guerrilla rebellion. The fundamental elements of Lansdale’s counter-guerrilla strategy included reform of the government, propaganda and ‘civic-action’ programs that addressed the peasantry’s concerns, black ops, psychological warfare, and the development of counter-guerrilla military units, tactics, and programs. Lansdale also played an important role in assisting reformist Ramon Magsaysay’s rise to the presidency of the Philippines. For Max Boot, the author of this mammoth 715-page book (including back matter), Lansdale’s counter-guerrilla methods in the Philippines constituted the “road” or strategy that the United States should later have followed in Vietnam– but did not. (In 1959, one of Lansdale’s colleagues, Sam Wilson, renamed and broadened the term ‘counter- guerrilla’ warfare as ‘counterinsurgency’ warfare [321-322].) Lansdale’s brief assignment to Indochina in 1953 as U.S. -
Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria 3
Hoover Institution Working Group on Military History A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON THE DEFEAT OF ISIS Implementing Stability in Iraq and Syria MAX BOOT Military History The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) first captured American attention in January 2014 when its militants burst out of Syria to seize the Iraqi city of Fallujah, which US soldiers and marines had fought so hard to free in 2004. Just a few days later ISIS captured the Syrian city of Raqqa, which became its capital. At this point President Obama was still deriding it as the “JV team,” hardly comparable to the varsity squad, al-Qaeda. It became harder to dismiss ISIS when in June 2014 it conquered Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and proclaimed an Islamic State under its “caliph,” Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. With ISIS executing American hostages, threatening to massacre Yazidis trapped on Mount Sinjar, and even threatening to invade the Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq, President Obama finally authorized air strikes against ISIS beginning in early August 2014. This was soon followed by the dispatch of American troops to Iraq and then to Syria to serve as advisers and support personnel to anti-ISIS forces. By the end of September 2016, there were more than five thousand US troops in Iraq and three hundred in Syria.1 At least those are the official figures; the Pentagon also sends an unknown number of personnel, numbering as many as a few thousand, to Iraq on temporary deployments that don’t count against the official troop number. The administration has also been cagey about what mission the troops are performing; although they are receiving combat pay and even firing artillery rounds at the enemy, there are said to be no “boots on the ground.” The administration is more eager to tout all of the bombs dropped on ISIS; the Defense Department informs us, with impressive exactitude, that “as of 4:59 p.m. -
The Cuban Missile Crisis
The Hungry Mind Lab 2016 Materials for imQ Project The Cuban Missile Crisis The Cuban Missile Crisis was a 13-day confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union over Soviet ballistic missiles deployed in Cuba that took place between October 16 and October 28 in 1962. Information about the Cuban Missile Crisis was broadcast on television worldwide, and it was the one event in history that brought the Cold War closest to escalating into a full-scale nuclear war. Following from the enmity between the United States and the Soviet Union since the end of World War II in 1945, the United States was concerned about the rise of Communism, and a Latin American country allying openly with the USSR, short for Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, was unacceptable. In addition, the United States had recently suffered a public embarrassment, because of the failed invasion at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961 under President John F. Kennedy. The invasion had been attempted by a group known as Brigade 2506 that consisted of 1400 paramilitaries, who had been trained and funded by the United States government's Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Launched from Guatemala on 17 April 1961, the Brigade 2506 had intended to land at the Bay of Pigs and to overthrow Cuba's increasingly communist government but it was defeated within three days by the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces, who were under the direct command of Cuba's Prime Minister Fidel Castro. After the events at the Bay of Pigs, the former American President Eisenhower told Kennedy that now the Soviets were "embolden to do something that they would otherwise not do." Indeed, the failed invasion created the impression with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and his advisers that Kennedy was indecisive and, as one Soviet adviser wrote about Kennedy: "too young, intellectual, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations .. -
The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense : Robert S. Mcnamara
The Ascendancy of the Secretary ofJULY Defense 2013 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Cover Photo: Secretary Robert S. McNamara, Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, and President John F. Kennedy at the White House, January 1963 Source: Robert Knudson/John F. Kennedy Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara 1961-1963 Special Study 4 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense July 2013 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 4 The Ascendancy of the Secretary of Defense Contents This study was reviewed for declassification by the appropriate U.S. Government departments and agencies and cleared for release. The study is an official publication of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Foreword..........................................vii but inasmuch as the text has not been considered by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, it must be construed as descriptive only and does Executive Summary...................................ix not constitute the official position of OSD on any subject. Restructuring the National Security Council ................2 Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line in included. -
Killing Hope U.S
Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10. -
Special 2Nd Quarter Commentary June 3, 2020 by Daniel G. Mazzola
SHAPING OUR OWN DESTINY Dr. Michael Osterholm is an infectious disease epidemiologist and founder of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota. He serves on the editorial boards of nine scientific journals and is a frequent consultant to the World Health Organization, National Institute of Health and the U.S. Department of Defense. He is highly respected in the public health area. Dr. Osterholm is also a ubiquitous presence on television. News programs have flocked to him during the COVID-19 crisis, and he does not mince words. Back in April Dr. Osherholm said in an interview “the epidemiology tells me that this first wave of illness, is, in fact, just the beginning of what could be 16 to 18 months of substantial activity coming and going, wave after wave. 800,000 Americans may die. We are just at the beginning of this pandemic, the second inning of a nine-inning situation”. The media find Dr. Olsterholm’s unambiguous certainty quite compelling, as the market for rock solid opinions is larger than that of weighted probabilities. Talk shows want someone willing to state thoughts and judgements unequivocally. The less resolute are not heeded. This appeal is true for predicting pandemics, politics, sporting events and the stock market. Confidence is easier to grasp than nuanced odds, and many analysts and pundits are happy to oblige. Forecasting average outcomes or hedging responses is not a propitious way to land an appearance on television. Human beings, unfortunately, have never been able to accept the fact that predicting the future is an exercise in futility. -
Statement of Max Boot Senior Fellow in National Security Studies, the Council on Foreign Relations1 Before the House Armed Servi
STATEMENT OF MAX BOOT SENIOR FELLOW IN NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES, THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS1 BEFORE THE HOUSE ARMED SERVICES SUBCOMMITTEE ON TERRORISM, UNCONVENTIONAL THREATS, AND CAPABILITIES JUNE 29, 2006 Chairman Saxton, Congressman Meehan, members of the Subcommittee: Thank you for inviting me here today to discuss the future of the U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) and the war on terror, along with two men for whom I have great admiration—Wayne Downing and Mike Vickers. I will begin by suggesting what kind of force we need to defeat our Islamist enemies, then review the deficiencies of our current force structure, and finally conclude with a suggestion for how a major organizational overhaul—the resurrection of the Office of Strategic Services--could address some of these shortcomings. My starting point is the assumption that in the years ahead key competencies for the U.S. armed forces will be knowledge of foreign languages and cultures, skill at counterinsurgency warfare, and the ability to work with a wide range of foreign allies, ranging from advanced NATO militaries and constabularies to primitive militias in places like Afghanistan and Somalia. All of these needs are dictated by the nature of the global war being waged on the U.S. and our allies by Al Qaeda and various other Islamist terrorist groups. Our enemies in this struggle cannot be defeated with conventional military force. Indeed, there is a distinct danger that indiscriminate application of violence will only create more enemies in the future. To defeat this Islamist insurgency we must be able not only to track down and capture or kill hard-core terrorists but also to carry out civil affairs and information operations to win the “hearts and minds” of the great mass of uncommitted Muslims. -
C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\My Documents\15 November 2004 Complete Dissertation Final Draft.Wpd
KNOWLEDGE AND STRATEGY: OPERATIONAL INNOVATION AND INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, U.S. ARMY SPECIAL FORCES IN VIETNAM 1961-1963 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Christopher K. Ives, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Allan R. Millett Professor John F. Guilmartin ________________________ Professor Warren R. Van Tine Adviser Department of History ABSTRACT U.S. Army Special Forces soldiers in Vietnam quickly adapted to battlefield conditions based in the hamlets and villages. Fighting featured short, sharp contests with insurgents often hardened by more than a decade of conflict with the French. Guerrilla foot-mobility and stealth had matched firepower and maneuver. Adaptations accumulated from experimentation by Special Forces soldiers into genuine innovation based on who they were, what they knew, and what they could make work. This critical analysis of Special Forces operations in Vietnam concludes that these soldiers demonstrated cognitive dominance during the period between the First and Second Indochina Wars. Achieving this dominance is a challenge common in history to soldiers and leaders. Special Forces soldiers managed change amidst a complex set of contexts, agents, and actions. These capable soldiers, given wide freedom of action, drove adaptations at the tactical and operational levels. Special Forces adaptations collectively constituted a counterinsurgency program sought by the U.S. in response to the challenges to the small, hot conflicts of the Cold War. There was innovation sought but not understood or successfully applied on a larger scale in this transition between the two, “big” Indochina Wars. -
The Russian Federation
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Topic area proposal for the 2019-2020 National High School Debate Resolution Ruth Kay Detroit Country Day School Beverly Hills, Michigan AUTHOR’S NOTE: Because of the evolution of issues with regards to Russia, this draft should serve as an introduction to potential topic areas. The issues addressed in this paper will be updated as we get closer to August. 1 There has never been a better time to debate a topic that revolves around Russia. Not a day goes by that something doesn’t pop up in the news regarding Putin, U.S. Election tampering, collusion, trade, and a multitude of other issues. By the time this topic would be debated we will have been through the mid-term election cycle which will probably give us even more fodder for debate, along with heading into the 2020 Presidential election cycle. Russia was last debated as a national resolution in 1998-99 when the resolution was: Resolved: That the United States should substantially change its foreign policy toward Russia. It was again on the ballot for top five in three more years: 2010-11 Resolved: The United States federal government should substantially increase its military and/or economic engagement toward Russia, 2013-14 Resolved: The United States federal government should substantially increase its engagement toward the Russian Federation in one or more of the following: nuclear arms reduction, missile defense cooperation, trade barrier reduction. Most recently in 2017-18 Resolved: The United States federal government should substantially increase economic, diplomatic, and/or military pressure on the Russian Federation. -
The Strategic Ramifications of a Fractured EU
Issue 33 • July 2016 The Strategic Ramifications of a Fractured EU IN THIS ISSUE Andrew Roberts • Angelo M. Codevilla Josef Joffe Contents Editorial Board July 2016 · Issue 33 Victor Davis Hanson, Chair Bruce Thornton David Berkey Background Essay Brexit and the Defence of Europe by Andrew Roberts Contributing Members Peter Berkowitz Featured Commentary Max Boot Unity, Strategy, and Will by Angelo M. Codevilla Josiah Bunting III Angelo M. Codevilla Brexit: How Much Contagion, How Many Strategic Consequences! Thomas Donnelly by Josef Joffe Colonel Joseph Felter Josef Joffe Frederick W. Kagan Related Commentary Kimberly Kagan Brexit: Isolationism or Atlanticism? by Max Boot Edward N. Luttwak Peter R. Mansoor The Potential Perils of Grexit by Kori Schake Walter Russell Mead The Strategic Problems of Grexit by Barry Strauss Mark Moyar Williamson Murray The EU-Progressive Paradigm Is Falling Apart by Bruce Thornton Ralph Peters Andrew Roberts Why Brexit Alarms Britain’s Baltic Allies by Max Boot Admiral Gary Roughead Kori Schake Kiron K. Skinner Educational Materials Barry Strauss Discussion Questions Gil-li Vardi Bing West Miles Maochun Yu Amy Zegart ABOUT THE POSTERS IN THIS ISSUE Documenting the wartime viewpoints and diverse political sentiments of the twentieth century, the Hoover Institution Library & Archives Poster Collection has more than one hundred thousand posters from around the world and continues to grow. Thirty-three thousand are available online. Posters from the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia/Soviet Union, and France predominate, though posters from more than eighty countries are included. Background Essay Issue 33 | July 2016 1 Brexit and the Defence of Europe Andrew Roberts Britain’s decision to leave the European Union (EU)—nicknamed “Brexit”—does not have anything like the security ramifications for the West that its opponents liked to pretend during the recent campaign.