Archbishop Afanasii of Kholmogory and His Capital Connections

russian history 44 (2017) 314-329

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Networking in Muscovy: Archbishop Afanasii of Kholmogory and his Capital Connections

A.M. Kleimola University of Nebraska-Lincoln [email protected]

Abstract

Afanasii, the Siberian monk who became the first archbishop of Kholmogory and Vaga, displayed remarkable skill in developing and maintaining a network of contacts in Moscow, building upon the traditional practice of distribution of podnosy by church hierarchs. The Arkhangel’sk market gave him access to a wide variety of luxury goods which he brought to the capital as gifts not only for those at the top of the religious and secular hierarchy but for many of lesser status whose positions made them “ door-keepers.” He maintained these contacts for over two decades while managing to remain on good terms with both the Miloslavskii and Naryshkin factions during Peter’s minority. Peter’s visits to the North during the 1690s intensified the working relationship between tsar and archbishop, while their shared interests drew Afanasii more deeply into royal projects. Afanasii, like his Siberian compatriot Semen Ul’ianovich Remezov, exemplified in his strengths and weaknesses the characteristics of “Peter’s people” outside of court circles and away from the center.

Keywords

Afanasii of Kholmogory (1682–1702) – Arkhangel’sk fair – Peter the Great – Russian North

* The author is indebted for assistance to the Center for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, to the Slavic Reference Service and Interlibrary Loan Service, University of Illinois Libraries, to the Interlibrary Loan Service, University of Nebraska Libraries, and to Professors Daniel Waugh, Gail Lenhoff, Daniel Kaiser, Diana Greene, Carolyn Pouncy, and Janet Martin.

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Afanasii, first archbishop (1682–1702) of Kholmogory and Vaga, was a multi- talented churchman who in many ways exemplified the “new Petrine man.” He was an excellent administrator, a leader in combatting the Old Believer heresy in the Russian North, a preacher determined to protect his Orthodox flock from foreign contamination, an author and educator, a linguist. At the same time, he was clearly a proponent of cordial relationships with foreign- ers, receptive to exchange of ideas in areas apart from religion, interested in art, architecture, construction techniques, even furniture, and fascinated with clocks and optics.1 Not surprisingly, Afanasii became “Peter’s man in the North,” offering advice and taking on various commissions, even helping to supervise the construction of the tsar’s Novodvinsk fortress. But his rapid rise to promi- nence within the central church hierarchy well antedated Peter’s taking the helm in person, and his status among both hierarchs and courtiers reflected not only his wide array of abilities but, most strikingly, his skill in negotiating the rapidly shifting ground of the capital’s social and political landscape of the 1680s–1690s, where he was able to build a network that encompassed repre- sentatives of sharply contrasting factions. While the future archbishop’s talents were evident in his native Siberia, his rapid rise in the church hierarchy dates from his eventual transfer to Moscow. Afanasii Liubimov was born in Tiumen’ in 1641. His father was probably a sol- dier, while his mother, who influenced his early education, entered the local Alekseevskii convent after being widowed. Afanasii took monastic vows in 1666 and during his first year wrote a commentary on the Psalter. He soon joined the household of the Tobol’sk bishop Kornilii, serving in his administrative offices

1 On the diverse activities of the archbishop, see V.N. Bulatov, Muzh slova i razuma: Afanasii—pervyi arkhiepiskop Kholmogorskiii i Vazhskii (Arkhangel’sk: Pomorskii gosu- darstvennyi universitet imeni M.V. Lomonosova, 2002); V. Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, Arkhiepis- kop Kholmogorskii (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia I.V. Leont’ev, 1908); Georg B. Michels, “The Monastic Reforms of Archbishop Afanasii of Kholmogory (1682–1702),” in Die Geschichte Russlands im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert aus der Perspektive seiner Regionen [=Forschungen zur osteuropäischen Geschichte, Bd. 63], ed. Andreas Kappeler (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassow- itz Verlag, 2004), 220–35, and “R escuing the Orthodox: The Church Policies of Archbisop Afanasii of Kholmogory, 1682–1702,” in Of Religion and Empire: Missions, Conversion, and Tolerance in Tsarist Russia, ed. Robert P. Geraci, Michael Khodarkovsky (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001), 19–37; T.V. Panich, Literaturnoe tvorchestvo Afanasiia Kholmogorskogo ( Novosibirsk: Sibirskii khronograf, 1996). In 1693 Arkhangel’sk had twenty-nine “foreign com- pounds” (nemetskie dvory), with most households employing Russian servants; there were two Protestant churches, Reformed and Lutheran, whose music evidently attracted Russian listeners. Afanasii saw both situations as dangers to Orthodoxy; Bulatov, Muzh slova, 131, 135.

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316 Kleimola and sacristy. Ten years later he became abbot of the Dalmatov Monastery in the southern Perm’ region.2 Afanasii came to the attention of the tsar and patriarch in 1679 when he arrived in Moscow to seek alms on behalf of his monastery. The tsar responded generously to his petition,3 but the abbot stayed in the capital, first at the Zlatoust Monastery and then on the patriarch’s staff, serving as hieromonk of the patriarch’s chambers from October 1680 until March 1682, and as Patriarch Ioakim’s household priest at the church of the Twelve Apos- tles. In 1681 he took advantage of the Greek instruction offered at the Printing Office (Pechatnyi dvor) and was entrusted with supervision and control over editing works of the Church Fathers translated from Greek into Slavic.4 His duties made him familiar with patriarchal routine and with the church ritual order then in use in Moscow, above all in the Kremlin churches, and offered him an introduction to some members of the secular elite.5 On 9 March 1682 Afanasii was chosen as the first archbishop for the newly established eparchy in the Russian North. His selection rested on multiple fac- tors: he shared the patriarch’s Greek sympathies and interest in book culture, had well-developed administrative skills, and was prepared to combat the Old Believers. Upon his arrival in Kholmogory, Afanasii was determined as far as possible to recreate the high level of Moscow church life, building and adorn- ing churches, providing books, raising performance standards for church music and services. With the Kremlin Dormition cathedral as his ideal, he built a new masonry Transfiguration church, for which he ordered royal doors and two pairs of adjacent columns carved by the very best Moscow artisans, an exact copy of the miracle-working icon of the Vladimir Mother of God made by the artists of the royal workshops, a tabernacle in the form of a dove exactly like that in the Dormition cathedral, and a copy of the Chudov Gospel. Church services followed the Moscow format, honoring Moscow saints and holidays and including frequent requiems for tsars and patriarchs.6 The cathedral comple x

2 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 8, 11, 14–15. 3 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 22. The Dalmatov Monastery received twelve books, two cassocks, four sticharions, four vestment cuffs, two epitrachelions, two vestment belts, two orarions, a bell weighing twenty puds (over 700 pounds) and another one-pud bell, liturgical vessels, cen- sers, and three vedra (9.75 gallons) of red (tserkovnyi) wine. 4 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 21–22, 25, 27–28; T.M. Kol’tsova, Iskusstvo Kholmogor XVI-XVIII vekov (Moscow: Severnyi palomnik, 2009), 19. 5 Aleksandr Golubtsov, Chinovniki Kholmogorskago Preobrazhenskago sobora (Moscow: Imp. Ob-vo istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh pri Moskovskom universitete, 1903), XI. 6 Chinovniki, XIV–XV, XVIII, XXIV; A.A. Titov, Letopis’ Dvinskaia (Moscow: Izd. P.A. Fokina, 1889), 43; Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 31.

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Networking in Muscovy 317 expanded to fit the status of the “first metropolitan of the North,” including a masonry bell tower, archbishop’s chambers, sacristy, and gate church.7 Throughout his tenure as archbishop Afanasii maintained close personal contact with Moscow church and court circles. In addition to maintaining a substantial correspondence, he paid lengthy visits to the capital on four occasions (February 1684–February 1685, December 1688–February 1690, December 1692–July 1693, and January 1697–March 1698). During the minority of the co-tsars Ivan and Peter, and Sophia’s regency, Afanasii evidently managed to remain on cordial terms with all parties despite the political twists and turns of the Miloslavskii-Naryshkin rivalry. When Peter’s interests shifted to the North in the 1690s, Afanasii spent considerable time with the tsar and his entourage. And the archbishop made good use of these opportunities to build a network of contacts within the emerging new court society of the late seventeenth century.8 Afanasii first returned to Moscow in response to a request from the patriarch. On 2 February 1684 he received orders to come “with his sacristy, churchmen and household and everything they need” (s riznitseiu, tserkovniki i s domovymi liud’mi i s polnymi obikhody) to participate in formulating the Church’s response to a petition from Kirill Polievktovich Naryshkin. The father of Tsaritsa Nataliia had become a monk to save himself during the strel’tsy uprising in May 1682. Tonsured at the Kremlin Chudov Monastery as Kiprian, he subsequently lived at the Kirillov, Spaso-Iaroslavskii and Trinity-Sergius Mon- asteries, but was requesting permission to leave monastic life and return to his secular marriage.9

7 Chinovniki, XVI–XIX. On Afanasii’s construction activities, see M.I. Mil’chik, Gorod Kholmogor byl mnogoliuden i znamenit … Ocherk gradostroitel’noi i arkhitekturnoi istorii (St. Petersburg: Liki Rossii, 2013), 34–72. For photos of the Kholmogory Preobrazhenskii cathedral, bell tower, and chambers of the archbishop’s court see William C. Brumfield, “Kholmogory: Rus- sia’s first window to the West,” Russia Beyond the Headlines, 7 March 2014 (http://rbth.com/ travel/2014/03/07/kholmogory_russias_first_window_to_the_west_34899.html accessed 10 March 2014). 8 On changes within the elite, see A.P. Pavlov, Praviashchaia elita russkogo gosudarstva IX– XVIII vv. (St. Petersburg: Dmitrii Bulanin, 2006); P.V. Sedov, Zakat Moskovskogo tsarstva: tsar- skii dvor kontsa XVII veka (St. Petersburg: Dmitrii Bulanin, 2008); Praviashchie elity i dvori- anstvo Rossii vo vremia i posle petrovskikh reform (1682–1750), comp. N.N. Petrukhintsev and Lorents Erren (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2013). 9 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 487, 492–95. When the patriarch requested comments on the case in November, Afanasii cited canonical precedents, e.g., from the Nomocanon, that prohibited leaving monastic life. Patriarch Ioakim denied the petition, but subsequently, on his death- bed, forgave Naryshkin and allowed him to return to married life.

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Travel to Moscow entailed considerable preparation and expense for the archbishop. His household staff was substantial. Initially numbering thirteen— secretaries (d’iaki), clerks (pod’iaki), singers (pevchie) and bailiffs (pristavy), it grew to include a judge for the church court, a treasurer, father-confessor, chief hierodeacon and two chancellery hieromonks, three hierodeacons, monks in charge of communion wafers, beverages, stables, food supplies, office work, twenty-four singers, and a contingent of military-administrative servitors (deti boiarskie), administrative and household bailiffs, and various artisans (icon- painters, wood-workers, a clock-maker). In keeping with his archiepiscopal status, Afanasii travelled with an appropriate retinue. The week before his departure for Moscow, Afanasii sent ahead a convoy of twelve sledges with baggage. The archbishop and his entourage left Kholmogory on February 10, arriving in the capital on March 8 and taking up residence at the legation (podvor’e) of the Novgorod Metropolitan.10 Afanasii’s visit to the capital offered opportunities to bring Moscow style back to his eparchy. Thus he took his own painters with him, and his singers performed at the patriarch’s Christmas receptions.11 Perhaps most important, however, extended periods of time in the vicinity of the patriarchal and royal courts gave Afanasii openings to pursue the networking at which he clearly ex- celled. The archbishop spent his first six to eight weeks in the capital paying his respects to members of the ecclesiastical and court elite. His efforts to extend and solidify his circle of contacts are documented through notations of those to whom he presented gifts.12 These visits marked Afanasii’s strict observance

10 Kol’tsova, Iskusstvo, 18, 21; Chinovniki, XXIII, 182, 184; “Dokumenty arkhiepiskopa Afana- siia v Gosudarstvennom archive Arkhangel’skoi oblasti,” no. 3, comp. T.A. Sanakina, in Arkhiepiskop Afanasii i religiozno-kul’turnoe prostranstvo Nizhnego Podvin’ia (konets XVII– XX vv.), ed. L.D. Popova (Arkhangel’sk: Pomorskii universitet, 2008), 175–177; Bulatov, Muzh slova, 55–56; Dvinskoi letopisets [=Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei (PSRL) 33]: 161; Veriu- zhskii, Afanasii, 487–90. 11 V.G. Briusova, “Kholmogorskii letopisets i khudozhnik XVII v.,” Trudy Otdela drevnerusskoi literatury 17 (1961): 448–49; Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 515 n. 85. 12 Strengthening social bonds through such presentations was the focus of Marcel Mauss’ classic The Gift, a study that gave rise to multi-faceted research not only by anthropolo- gists and sociologists but also marketing analysts; see Marcel Mauss, Essai sur le don: forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2007). There are two English translations: The Gift, form and function of exchange in archaic societies, trans. Ian Cunnison (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1954), and The Gift: the form and reason for exchange in archaic societies, trans. W.D. Halls (London: Routledge, 1990). On gift-giving as a “vehicle of social obligation and political maneuver,” see Edward Schieffelin, “Reciprocity and the Construction of Reality,” Man 15, no. 3 (1980): 502–17. On the application to marketing, see R. Belk, “Gift-Giving Behavior,” Research in Marketing,

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Networking in Muscovy 319 of the old custom of bringing podnosy to religious and secular personages upon his arrival. But his selection of gifts and choice of recipients suggest that he had an acute understanding of the changing character of Muscovite elite culture in the late seventeenth century. The most influential people on his list were visited first and received the most lavish gifts. On March 8, the day he arrived in the capital, he went to pay his respects to the patriarch, to whom he gave an icon of the Transfiguration in an icon-case,13 fresh semga, salted semga, a cask (bochenok) of red wine, a cask of Rhine wine, and a cask of sweet red wine (ramanei), along with a dish of fresh lemons. On March 10 Afanasii visited the regent Sophia’s leading advi- sor, Vasilii Vasil’evich Golitsyn, taking him salmon with roe (semga s cherevom), salted semga, salmon from the Pechora region (ryba chir, Salmo nasus), another variety of salmon (ryba peled’, Coregonus nasutus), a cask of red wine, also a cask of Rhine wine, a painted jug with ginger in syrup, another painted jug with citron in syrup, a box with lemons also in syrup, two loaves (heads; golovy) of sugar, a bottle of ramanei, a cask of chopped figs (v obreze), a dish of raisins, a travelling chest (pogrebets) with double distilled vodka, fifty salted lemons, and five fresh lemons.14 The archbishop undoubtedly purchased most of his gifts at the Arkhangel’sk Dormition fair, the major international trading event in the Russian North, which ran from the holiday of the Dormition (August 15 o.s.) to September 15.15 Cargo lists of imported foreign goods in the 1670s include the exotic items that held pride of place among Afanasii’s gifts: figs, wine, loaf sugar, and lemons—lemon juice, salted lemons, preserved lemons, dried lemons,16 and a

vol. 2, ed. Jagdish Sheth (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1979): 95–126, and John F. Sherry, Jr., “Gift Giving in Anthropological Perspective,” Journal of Consumer Research 10, no. 2 (Sep- tember 1983): 157–68. 13 Like other Muscovite religious houses, the archbishopric kept a supply of specially- blessed Transfiguration icons for distribution to distinguished persons. Some were painted in the archbishop’s workshop, which was staffed with highly skilled craftsmen. Others were purchased, locally or in Moscow. In 1685, for example, ten icons were purchased for gifts, some painted in colors with metal mountings with gold trim, an icon painted in gold, and three icons of the Smolensk Saviour with Zosima and Savvatii of Solovki kneel- ing in prayer; Kol’tsova, Iskusstvo, 21, 46. 14 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 491; Bulatov, Muzh slova, 147. 15 V.V. Bryzgalov, “Istoriia margaritinskoi iarmarki v gorode Arkhangel’ske,” Lodiia, no. 2 (2006): 51. The roots of the fair go back to 1585, when the first official market was held in the new town; it continued until 1722, when Peter moved all foreign trade to St. Petersburg. 16 B.G. Kurts, Sochinenie Kil’burgera o russkoi torgovle v tsarstvovanie Alekseia Mikhailovi- cha (Kiev: Tipografiia I.I. Chokolova, 1915), 126, 130, 134–35. Fruits and spices constituted

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320 Kleimola crate (iashchik) of fresh lemons.17 Jiri David, the Czech Jesuit resident in Mos- cow from 1685 to 1689, reported that the Dutch brought to the fair almost everything available in other countries with the exception of fresh lemons and oranges, which remained relatively rare.18 Similarly, J.G. Sparwenfeld, a Swed- ish envoy in Moscow in 1684, noted lemons among the 199 dishes sent to his delegation from the tsars’ table to celebrate Trinity Sunday.19 Thus, among Afanasii’s gifts fresh lemons were the “show stopper” of the presentation, given only in small quantities to people of the highest status.20 Afanasii must have purchased his lemons at the latest at the end of September or beginning of October, by which date they had already been in transit for weeks. How he managed to keep them fresh until their delivery in Moscow in March is not clear. David’s account of Russian fish, however, offers a possible explanation: in addition to dried, salted, and smoked fish, in winter Russians froze live fish and called them “fresh” (svezhii).21 Freezing would have kept Afanasii’s lemons “fresh” through the winter and the sledge trip to the capital.22 Most of the recipients of Afanasii’s podnosy, however, were not people of high formal rank. Instead, his choices suggest that he recognized the rapid

“a regular component of the Baltic import bundle”; J.T. Kotilaine, Russia’s Foreign Trade and Economic Expansion in the Seventeenth Century: Windows on the World (Leiden- Boston: Brill, 2005), 353. After Nikita Ivanovich Romanov’s death, his estate inventory in February 1655 listed a cask containing 150 rotten lemons stored in the cellar under the church; “Rospis’ vsiakim veshcham, den’gam i zapasam, chto ostalos’ po smerti boiarina Nikity Ivanovicha Romanova i dachi po nem na pomin dushi,” Chteniia v Imperatorskom obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh pri moskovskom universitete 3 (1887), 62. 17 Kurts, Sochinenie Kil’burgera, 129. 18 Irzhi David, “Sovremennoe sostoianie Velikoi Rossii, ili Moskovii,” trans. and ed. A.S. Myl’nikov, Voprosy istorii, no. 4 (1968): 139–40. 19 J.G. Sparwenfeld’s Diary of a Journey to Russia 1684–87, [= Slavica Suecana, Series A— Publications, Vol. 1], trans. and ed. Ulla Birgegård (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), 175 and 301 n. 461. 20 Lemon prices in Moscow in the 1670s were very high. This was true even for preserved varieties. In 1674 salted lemons were sold in units called oksoft for 12, 20, and 40 rubles; Richard Hellie, The Economy and Material Culture of Russia, 1600–1725 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 34. In the West lemons were also highly prized. By the 1660s Dutch Protestant capitalists displayed lemons ostentatiously, valuing them as much as a silk tablecloth or wineglass from Venice, and they figured prominently in the still life paintings of the Dutch Golden Age; see Toby Sonneman, Lemon: A Global History (London: Reaktion Books, 2012), 38–39. 21 David, “Sovremennoe sostoianie,”142. 22 On freezing lemons, see http://www.stilltasty.com/articles/view/55 (accessed 21 May 2014).

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Networking in Muscovy 321 changes in court culture that had been taking shape in the preceding decade. As recent research has shown, there were practically no changes in the formal structure of the boyar duma, but the informal structure of influence shifted sig- nificantly in connection with the growing role of close advisors (blizhnye liudi) from the ranks of courtiers, komnatnye stol’niki or spal’niki. Serving the heir to the throne opened doors: out of thirty-nine stol’niki serving between the 1660s and Fedor Alekseevich’s death in April 1682, only four never rose higher. New career paths opened for young men selected at ten to serve the tsaritsa, later transferred to the tsar’s stol’niki and spal’niki. The tsarevny (senior/starshie, sisters of Aleksei Mikhailovich, and junior/mladshie, daughters of Aleksei Mikhailovich) had only female attendants except when they travelled outside the Kremlin, at which times male bodyguards from families of boyar rank al- ways accompanied them.23 Afanasii devoted most of his first three months in the capital to delivering gifts to members of both the ecclesiastical and secular elite.24 He renewed ties with leading figures in the church hierarchy, not only the patriarch, but the metropolitans of Riazan’ and Suzdal’, the Siberian archbishop Simeon, metropolitan Leontii of the Greek lands, the Greek Metropolitan Ioasaf, the Krutitsa metropolitan, Archimandrite Adrian of the Kremlin Miracle (Chudov) Monas- tery, Abbot Efrem of the Monastery of the Elevation of the Cross (Krestovoz- dvizhenskii) in the Belyi Gorod section of Moscow. But even within church circles many of those he visited had duties similar to the court blizhnye liudi: the patriarch’s treasurer Paisii Siiskii, his sacristan Ierodiakon Ioakinf, two of the patriarch’s priests from the “upper” church (“verkhovye” sviashchenniki),25 the patriarch’s sexton (sennoi ponomar) of the Church of the Twelve Apostles in the patriarchal palace, a number of patriarchal d’iaki and monks from the Chudov Monastery. In some cases Afanasii was undoubtedly renewing former contacts. Paisii Siiskii, for example, had been appointed patriarchal treasurer in 1676, so held the position when Afanasii first came to Moscow and served in the patriarch’s administration, and the two had a longtime shared interest in books.26 But all of these men, in one way or another, were “door openers.”

23 Praviashchaia elita, 410–12, 424; Sedov, Zakat moskovskogo tsarstva, 236; Lindsey Hughes, Sophia Regent of Russia 1657–1704 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), 27, 41, 46. 24 Veriuzhskii (Afanasii, 490–91) provides a listing of those who received gifts. 25 Probably a reference to the Kremlin family church of the Romanovs, the Church of the Mandylion Icon, located close to the upstairs private chambers, sometimes called the Verkhospasskaia or Verkhovaia, or the church na Verkhu. 26 In 1692 Paisii personally delivered Patriarch Adrian’s order that the Antonievo-Siiskii Monastery be headed by an arkhimandrite, and brought along three locked trunks of

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The courtier recipients of Afanasii’s podnosy fell into parallel categories. On the day he arrived in Moscow, he renewed his acquaintance with boyar Prince Nikita Semenovich Urusov, who had been serving as the tsar’s governor (voevoda) in Kholmogory when Afanasii took up his post there. Urusov had greeted the new archbishop upon his arrival, and the two men subsequently shared various ceremonial and official duties as well as dinners at the archbishop’s court. Urusov is representative of Afanasii’s contacts among the new courtier elite, many of whom rose through personal service to members of the royal family during the years Afanasii had been in Moscow. In Urusov’s earlier years he had served as a stol’nik and voznitsa, accompanying the sovereign on winter expeditions by sledge. Rewarded by Fedor Alekseevich with promotion to boyar by 1679/80, he remained among the small group of favorites who joined the tsar on his journeys outside of Moscow and then was appointed to the lucrative post in the north.27 Other contacts likewise came from Tsar Fedor’s inner circle. Boyar Fedor Petrovich Saltykov,28 a spal’nik in 1674–75, was among the small group of courtiers entrusted with the care of the tsar’s falcons, and one of his daughters, Praskoviia, in 1684 married Tsar Ivan Alekseevich.29 Boyar Prince Vasilii Fedorovich Odoevskii had been Fedor’s kravchii (serving the tsar during gala dinners) and boyar. Under Fedor, Odoevskii handled the construction of Moscow-area residences for those who constantly accompanied the tsar on his travels, was among the diad’ki of tsarevich Ivan at Fedor’s

rare and expensive books that he was donating to the monastery. Afanasii conducted the installation ceremony designating treasurer Nikodim as the new arkhimandrite, and in 1695 he took part in the burial service when Paisii’s remains were returned to the monastery; Skazaniia o sviatykh podvizhnikakh zemli, comp. Monakhinia Evfimiia (Pashchenko) (Arkhangel’sk: 2002), 177–82 [http://siya.aonb.ru/index.php?num=1562, accessed 24 May 2014]. On one of Paisii’s gifts, an illuminated Aprakos Gospel with more than 2130 min- iatures, probably created by the same artisans involved in the “Sophia Gospel” that the tsarevna intended as a gift for Golitsyn, see E.K. Bratchikova, “K istorii sozdaniia Siiskogo evangeliia XVII v., TODRL 53 (2003): 602–13. 27 Chinovniki, 3, 39; Sedov, Zakat, 78, 353 n. 18, 357. Dvina residents petitioned the tsar, com- plaining that Urusov had collected 1500 rubles from the district and 500 from the artisan community (posad), not counting provisions for his support, subjecting anyone who ob- jected to a beating by his local subordinates. The ruler quickly ordered Urusov not to take such excessive amounts, but he received no punishment and remained in office. Urusov shared Fedor Alekseevich’s enthusiasm for part singing (partesnoe penie), and while serving as governor in Novgorod had hired a “Lithuanian” to teach the children; Sedov, Zakat, 374 and n. 138. 28 The first Fedor Petrovich Saltykov was killed in the strel’tsy uprising in May 1682. His kins- man Aleksandr then took his name; Sedov, Zakat, 67 note 64, 71, 78, 386. 29 Sedov, Zakat, 70, 72, 74, 386.

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Networking in Muscovy 323 wedding on 15 February 1681, and supervised Fedor’s church construction projects. In general he controlled the administration of all church affairs in Fedor’s reign.30 Another former spal’nik, Tikhon Nikitich Streshnev, was the son of Nikita Konstantinovich, who had been appointed as voevoda on the Dvina in 1683. Tikhon had been attached to Peter’s court as a poddiad’ka (first home tutor) shortly after the tsarevich’s birth, and remained close to the future tsar from the play regiment days until Streshnev died in 1720, heading government departments and being left in charge, with F. Iu. Romodanovskii, when Peter departed on the Grand Embassy in 1697.31 The visits that most surprisingly illustrate the extent of Afanasii’s efforts to develop good relationships with people we might label “door openers” are those he paid to court servitors connected to the royal women. Okol’nichii Vasilii Savvich Narbekov, promoted to boyar in 1685, earlier had been one of the three dumnye dvoriane assigned to serve the tsar’s sisters.32 Spal’nik Ivan Afanas’evich Matiushkin was the son of Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich’s cousin Afanasii Ivanovich, who had served as the tsar’s Master of the Hunt (lovchii). His uncle, Petr Ivanovich, served primarily as an attendant of the starshie tsarevny, Aleksei Mikhailovich’s sisters. Ivan Afanas’evich had served Fedor while still tsarevich and been among the ruler’s most trusted courtiers.33 Particularly striking are Afanasii’s visits to two women who had been serving the tsarevny for decades. One, Mariia Andreevna Martiukhina, he apparently

30 Sedov, Zakat, 49, 60 n. 31, 61, 99, 127, 202, 225, 232, 236, 247, 302, 370, 377, 385 n. 191, 387 n. 205, 439, 448. It is indicative that when Elder Nikodim of the Antonievo-Siiskii Monastery visited the capital in 1February 1679 he brought the traditional podnosy to the patriarch, to I.M. Miloslavskii, to V.S. Volynskii—and gave fish to Odoevskii, along with a petition not to have to pay the desiataia den’ga; Sedov, Zakat, 310. Others in this category include Boris Vasil’evich Buturlin, a spal’nik who had often assisted in the distribution of royal alms, remained among the “chamber” (v komnate) servitors after Aleksei Mikhailovich died, and became close to the new tsar, who nicknamed him “Nightingale” (Solovei), probably because he took part in the singing that was so close to Fedor’s heart (Sedov, Zakat, 76, 236, 384–85); stol’nik Prince Petr Grigor’ev syn L’vov, who had served on Fedor Alekseev- ich’s reform commission and later collected taxes on the Dvina (Sedov, Zakat, 453; PSRL 33: 160; Titov, Letopis’, 44). 31 Chinovniki, 62; PSRL 33: 161; Praviashchaia elita, 473; http://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf/enc _biography/116918/Cтpeшнeв [accessed 8 July 2014]. 32 Sedov, Zakat, 25, 377 n. 149. Documents of the royal workshops (Masterskaia palata) mention him as an attendant of the tsar’s sisters who took goods to them; Sedov, Zakat, 379. He was one of the narrow circle of close advisers present when tsar Fedor married Marfa Matveeva Apraksina on 15 Feb. 1682 and one of the tutors (diad’ki) of tsarevich Ivan; Sedov, Zakat, 387 n. 205. 33 Sedov, Zakat, 69, 75, 332, 394, 435.

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324 Kleimola saw on at least three occasions during his first trip to Moscow (March 20, April 9, July 15). She had been the kravchaia boiaryna (the “right hand” for all domestic matters) for the senior royal women since 1659 and clearly enjoyed special fa- vor, evident in May 1678 when she was given a fur-trimmed hat (kaptur) on the tsar’s orders, not as usual on order of the tsaritsa or tsarevny, and in gifts from Tsarevna Tat’iana. The high regard for her good will is also evident in the place- ment of her name among those of the most influential courtiers on the gift list of the Novgorod metropolitan in November 1681.34 When she attended the liturgy at Afanasii’s residence in July 1685, she was given an icon of the Transfigu- ration adorned with crowns, in a lightly etched cover. The archbishop’s other contact in the terem was Princess Anna Nikiforovna Lobanova, who had been appointed nursemaid (mamka) for Tsarevna Sophia in 1659. At that time she was attached merely to the household of the tsar’s fourth daughter, but her situation had changed dramatically by the 1680s, when Sophia became regent for her minor brothers and Lobanova retained her position.35 While in Moscow Afanasii visited a number of potentially important contacts with no special occasion: boyar Ivan Mikhailovich Miloslavskii; the tsar’s father-confessor (dukhovnik) Merkurii Gavrilov (who later married Peter and Evdokiia on 7 January 1689); arkhimandrite Vikentii and the cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery. He cultivated ties with influential members of the government bureaucracy—the head (dumnyi d’iak) of the Novgorod office Emel’ian Ukraintsev, and other secretaries and clerks, and kept up his contacts with educated circles, for example, with monk Evfimii of the Chudov Monas- tery, the superior (stroitel’) of the Spasskii Monastery Sil’vestr Medvedev, and generally with the staff of the Printing Office, inviting them to dinners at his residence.36 Afanasii’s subsequent trips to the capital followed much the same pattern. Summoned by the patriarch in 1689, he was thrust into the issues roiling the church, particularly disputes about Latin-style elements in religious services that had been creeping into Rus’ since 1654. Afanasii strengthened Patriarch Ioakim’s “Greek” faction, which included his fellow bookman, the Chudov

34 She still held her position in 1691 and thereafter; Ivan Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI-XVII st., 3d ed. (Moscow: Tovarishchestvo tipografii A.I. Mamontova, 1901), 389, 391; Sedov, Zakat, 423–24 n. 113. The Novgorod metropolitan gave important courtiers fish “v pochest.” 35 Zabelin, Domashnii byt, 387, 552, and Hughes, Sophia, 26–27. She retained her leading position among the female court attendants until she entered religious life, dying at the Novodevichii Convent in 1709 as skhimonakhinia. 36 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 496. Afanasii later engaged in literary polemics with Medvedev but they had a close relationship on his first trip to Moscow.

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Networking in Muscovy 325 monk Evfimii (a pupil of Epifanii Slavinetskii), against the “Latin” group of Sil’vestr Medvedev (a pupil of Simeon Polotskii) which had the support of the Ukrainian church and enjoyed the backing of Tsarevna Sofiia and her advisors. The “Orthodox” won out, as Sofiia’s government was overturned by Peter in August-September 1689.37 On 1 January 1693 Afanasii again arrived in Moscow in response to a patriarchal decree, apparently to edit a translation of works of St. Dionisii the Areopagite that was being prepared for publication.38 In 1698 the archbishop’s mission was to correct textual errors in the service honoring the Georgian icon of the Mother of God, whose holiday on 22 August had been established in 1650. While in Moscow Afanasii maintained his contacts, presenting icons to the sovereign, the patriarch, and members of the elite and hosting a gala banquet (pochetnyi stol) on the holiday of the Transfiguration, the dedicatory feast of his Kholmogory cathedral.39 New opportunities for networking arose as the sovereign’s changing political and military interests shifted his attention to the North and Peter visited the Dvina in the summers of 1693 and 1694. The archbishop arranged a suit- able welcome, with an artillery salute, bells, cheering crowds, singers and icons greeting the tsar. While in the North from late July until after mid-September, 1693, Peter visited the archbishop often, remaining for long wide-ranging con- versations after dining in the refectory, and Afanasii accompanied him on much of his exploration of the area, often presenting him with the traditional gift of “loaves and fishes.”40 The tsar returned the following May, accompanied by 400 retainers (not counting servants), and Afanasii, along with his sacristan Efrem and pod’iakon Ivan Protopopov joined the tsar, boyar Tikhon Nikitich Streshnev, the tsar’s father-confessor Petr Vasil’ev, dumnyi d’iak Nikita Moiseevich Zotov, boyar Vasilii Fedorovich Naryshkin, and a few courtiers (blizhnye liudi) on the sovereign’s yacht for a visit to the Solovetskii Monastery. Once again the tsar and his court dined frequently with the archbishop.41

37 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 498, 501–03. Afanasii attended the church council in January 1690 that heard Medvedev’s repentance read and that pronounced anathema on books with Latin teachings. On Afanasii’s participation in preparing educational materials for Ortho- dox students, see Olga Koshelova, “What Should One Teach? A New System of Russian Childhood Education as Reflected in Manuscripts from the Second Half of the Seven- teenth Century,” in Word and Image in Russian History: Essays in Honor of Gary Marker, ed. Maria di Salvo, Daniel H. Kaiser, and Valerie A. Kivelson (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2015). 38 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 509–10. 39 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 507, 514–15. 40 PSRL 33: 163; Titov, Letopis’, 69; Bulatov, Muzh slova, 60, 147. 41 Chinovniki, 250; Bulatov, Muzh slova, 60, 64–65, 68–69; Titov, Letopis’, 77–80.

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Between trips to the capital, Afanasii maintained his relationships through extensive personal correspondence and also by handling shopping commissions. For example, in 1688 he sent to Kondratii Fomich Naryshkin, the former Dvina governor who had been recalled to Moscow, the imported goods he had requested: wine, lemons, cloth, and sugar. In 1693 Naryshkin again sent Afa- nasii 100 rubles for the purchase of wine, lemons, cloth, medicines, and a “big cabinet (postavets) of the best quality, what is called a shkap, for 30 rubles.” When Afanasii was in Moscow, the wife of boyar Tikhon Nikitich Streshnev ordered 100 rubles’ worth of gold and silver lace and pewter dishes, which he ac- quired in Arkhangel’sk on her behalf.42 In both of these cases the relationship seems to have deepened over the years: on 6 September 1697 Afanasii conducted the funeral service at the Petrov Monastery for Naryshkin,43 and in January 1698 for Ekaterina Bogdanovna Streshneva at the Voznesenskii Convent.44 The archbishop also carried out commissions on behalf of fellow churchmen. In 1689, for example, the chief assistant of the patriarch, Evfimii, Metropolitan of Sarai and the Don (Krutitsa), enlisted Afanasii’s help in securing three church chandeliers. The archbishop received them from the foreign merchant Roman Dikons and organized their shipment, but asked the metropolitan in case of any damage not to berate the servants bringing his overseas purchases: “The road from Vologda is very, very beaten up.... To travel it is very painful.” Fortu- nately the chandeliers reached the metropolitan in one piece.45 While taking an active role in church matters, Afanasii negotiated the difficult political terrain with great skill. His second trip to Moscow brought him to the capital during the last months of Sophia’s regency and he was there when the attempted coup against Peter broke out at the end of the summer. Through- out those difficult weeks the archbishop evidently avoided being drawn into the fray by focusing on his church-related tasks. On 17 June 1689 he consecrated the new church of Tikhon the Wonderworker by the Arbat Gates, for which he received gifts from Sofiia.46 At the same time he clearly enjoyed a cordial relationship with Peter. On Peter’s name day (29 June 1689) Afanasii conducted the services at the Kremlin’s “upper” Church of the Mandylion Icon (v verkhu) at the request (po ukazu) of the sovereign; he conducted the cer emony bless- ing the waters in Preobrazhenskoe on 1 August, commemor ating St. Vladimir’s

42 T.G. Frumenkova, “Afanasii Kholmogorskii i inozemtsy,” in Russkii Sever i Zapadnaia Ev- ropa, ed. Iu. N. Bespiatykh (St. Petersburg: BLITs, 1999), 152. 43 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 515; Titov, Letopis’, 51, 53, 105. 44 Titov, Letopis’, 106. 45 Frumenkova, “Afanasii,” 153. 46 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 507. For the church see http://wikimapia.org/13541725/ru/Здecь- нaxoдилcя-Xpaм-Tиxoнa-чудoтвopцa-у-Apбaтcкиx-вopoт [accessed 29 May 2014].

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Networking in Muscovy 327 baptism of Rus’. On August 4, a few days before the strel’tsy uprising broke out, Peter invited the archbishop to Izmailovo for the liturgy celebrating the name day of Peter’s wife Evdokiia. And the archbishop hosted a gala feast on August 6, the holiday of the Transfiguration, the dedicatory icon of his Kholmogory cathedral.47 Afanasii did not join Peter and the patriarch at the Trinity-Sergius Monastery during the uprising, but on October 10 he visited Peter at the Alek- seevskoe Selo transit palace as the tsar was returning to Moscow.48 In the 1690s, however, Afanasii continued to celebrate Sofiia’s name-day services in Arkhangel’sk on September 17, before he returned to Kholmogory after the end of the fair.49 Over the decades Afanasii’s networking skills brought practical benefits for his eparchy. While he was in the capital in 1689, for example, Afanasii received various royal charters (podachi), including a grant of judicial immunities for his peasants. The d’iak who handled the paperwork, Prokopii Voznitsyn of the Foreign Affairs Chancellery (Posol’skii prikaz), was one of the men the archbishop had visited on his first trip to Moscow. This time, to thank him for his assistance with the bureaucratic complexities attached to acquiring signatures, seals, copies, and registration of documents, the archbishop give Voznitsyn a grey parrot, purchased in Moscow from Logan Dobrynin for 13 rubles.50 And at the end of the century, as the state increasingly interfered with the archbishop’s financial autonomy, Afanasii turned to his old friend, boyar Tikhon Nikitich Streshnev, at the Great Court Chancellery (Bol’shoi dvorets) to get permission to reroof the cathedral and build a sawmill.51 The archbishop’s increasing contacts with elite circles brought steady expo- sure to the Western influences that were flooding in to both Moscow and the Dvina. Afanasii was clearly attracted by many of the new cultural trends. Just before Lent in 1697 he was among the spectators at Krasnosel’skii Pond where

47 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 506 n. 47, 507; Drevniaia rossiiskaia vivliofika 10 (Moscow: N.I. Novikov, 1789), 339, 409, 412. 48 Veriuzhskii, 502–03 note 38. Afanasii and his household arrived on one hired cart, with a second carrying one of his servitors and the icon that the archbishop brought to present to the tsar. The palace was built by Aleksei Mikhailovich on the route to Trinity; see http:// cyclowiki.org/wiki/Aлeкceeвcкoe_ (иcтopичecкoe_ceлo) [accessed 29 May 2014]. 49 PSRL 33: 196; Titov, Letopis’, 70, 81; I.M. Sibirtsev, “Istoricheskie svedeniia iz tserkovno- religioznogo byta g. Arkhangel’ska v XVII i pervoi polovine XVIII v.,” in Iustin Mikhailovich Sibirtsev: Trudy, Tvorcheskaia biografiia, Bibliografiia (Arkhangel’sk: Pomorskii universitet, 2007), 155. 50 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 506. 51 Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 464–47.

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Peter put on a fireworks show featuring skyrockets that burst into flames of many colors.52 The week after Trinity Sunday Afanasii visited Dubrovitsy, the village near Moscow where Prince Boris Alekseevich Golitsyn built the Church of the Mother of God of the Sign, which featured a central octagonal tower capped by a unique gilded crown, carved details and statues, and plaster car- touches with inscriptions from Latin religious poetry. The Dvina chronicle account reflects the strong impression that the church made upon the visi- tors.53 And before he returned north Afanasii had his portrait painted by Semen Dement’ev syn Narykov.54 In Kholmogory Afanasii had access to both goods and ideas from the outside world. The names of several dozen foreign merchants appear in Afanasii’s papers, and he hired an interpreter to handle his constant contacts with for- eigners.55 Afanasii drew upon their knowledge to compile his “Three Roads to Sweden,” providing useful information for Peter’s military planning.56 He bought imported books (a German construction manual provided plans for a windmill, which he used to build one in 1690), and the foreign engravings, globes, and maps that decorated his walls. His library included European-made

52 Titov, Letopis’, 99. The pond, one of the oldest in Moscow, located between what is now the Iaroslavl’ railway station and Verkhniaia Krasnosel’skaia street, disappeared in 1910 when it was filled in; see http://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf/moscow/1490/Кpacнoceльcкий (accessed 3 June 2014). 53 Titov, Letopis’, 101; Briusova, “Kholmogorskii letopisets,” 150. On the church see William Brumfield, “The Golitsyn Church at Dubrovitsy: A Passion for Divine Art,” Russia Beyond the Headlines, 13 April 2012 (http://rbth.com/articles/2012/04/13/the_golitsyn_church_at _dubrovitsy_a_passion_for_divine_art_15317.html accessed 5 June 2014). The basic structure was complete by 1697, although the church was not consecrated until 1704 in the presence of Tsar Peter and Metropolitan Stefan Iavorskii. 54 The archbishop paid Narykov 8 rubles and and a length of silk fabric (kamka). When Afanasii died, the portrait was placed over his sarcophagus in the Transfiguration Cathe- dral, and one of his servitors, Ivan Vasiliev syn Pogorel’skii, made a copy that hung in the archbishop’s court; Titov, Letopis’, 105; Veriuzhskii, Afanasii, 515. The attribution of the two copies now in the Arkhangel’sk museum remains a matter of debate; see Mil’chik, Gorod Kholmogor, Prilozhenie i: “O portretakh Afonasiia, arkhiepiskopa Kholmogorskogo i Vazhskogo,” 100–117. 55 Bulatov, Muzh slova, 144. His interpreter, Mikhail Tolstoi, the son of a musketeer, spent his youth in Moscow in the household of a translator, the foreigner Ian Mesner, where he studied Russian, Dutch, German, Swedish and Danish. Afanasii released him to take up an invitation to be the “senior translator” (starshii tolmach) at the Arkhangel’sk fair, in return for which Mikhail promised to translate for the archbishop as needed. 56 On his “Opisanie trekh putei iz Rossii v Shvedtsiiu,” see Panich, Literaturnoe tvorchestvo, 93–120, 173–190.

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Networking in Muscovy 329 astronomical calendars, and he had compasses and telescopes.57 Cornelius de Bruyn, the Dutch artist and traveler who visited the archbishop in December 1701, reported that Afanasii “presented us with Cinnamon Water, red Wine, and excellent Beer. He also treated us with Dates of Egypt and other Refreshments.” Upon their departure the archbishop, “a Man of good Sense, and a Lover of Learning,” presented them with loaves and fishes.58 Afanasii’s career and achievements have some striking parallels with those of his Siberian compatriot Semen Ul’ianovich Remezov.59 Both men were born in the early 1640s, sons of military servitors, and obtained a remarkably good education despite being far from Moscow. Both served the state, one through the church and the other in civil administration, and began their careers in Tobol’sk. Afanasii subsequently moved to Moscow and then to the northern edge of Muscovy, while Semen remained in Siberia, although he too visited the capital and spent six months there in 1698 studying Western cartographic manuals and atlases. Both were interested in icon painting, building, and geog- raphy. They were drawn to new ideas, but retained a traditional orientation, as is shown in their mapping activities. Afanasii’s description of the routes from the White Sea to Sweden reflected the Russian preference for textual rather than graphic descriptions, since most users found these easier to decipher.60 Remezov drew maps, but retained the traditional Muscovite southern orientation and used rivers as his main element, not latitude and longitude: “Even maps that he ornamented with illustrations of scientific instruments remained untouched by any trace of accurate measurement or rigorous surveying.”61 Both saw themselves as servants of the tsar, and their strengths and weaknesses are perhaps characteristic of “Peter’s people” outside of court circles and away from the center.

57 Bulatov, Muzh slova, 146; Alexander Vucinich, Science in Russian Culture (Stanford: Stan- ford UP, 1963), 21; D.O. Sviatskii, “Ocherki istorii astronomii v drevnei Rusi,” chast’ III, in Istoriko-astronomicheskie issledovaniia, 9 (Moscow: Nauka, 1966): 68–70. 58 “M. Le Brun’s Observations on Russia,” in Friedrich Christian Weber, The Present State of Russia, 2 vols. (London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1968), 2: 394–395. 59 On Remezov, see L.A. Gol’denberg, Izograf zemli sibirskoi: zhizn’ i trudy Semena Remezova (Magadan: Mgadanskoe knizhnoe izd-vo, 1990), and Valerie Kivelson, Cartographies of Tsardom (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006). 60 Alexei Postnikov, Russia in maps: a history of the geographical study and cartography of the country (Moscow: Nash Dom—L’Age d’Homme, 1996), 33. 61 Kivelson, Cartographies, 136.

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