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Morgenthau.Henry..Germany Is Our Problem. 1945 The ''Morgenthau-Plan'' from the Book "Germany is our Problem" by Henry Morgenthau Harper & Brothers Publishers - New York and London First Edition 1945 Back Cover: A Tribute to Henry Morgenthau, Jr. From an editorial in The Washington Post, July 6, 1945: "Secretary Morgenthau, in the 12 years of his service to the Roosevelt Administration, made contributions to his country far beyond the scope of his official duties. He was among the earliest and most earnest advocates of American preparedness for war. Long before Pearl Harbor he manifested an imaginative grasp of the need for drastic expansion of our armament production facilities. He significantly promoted that expansion through the vigorous assistance he gave to the British and French purchasing missions here. He daringly prodded the old National Defense Advisory Commission into enlarging our airplane output. It was his Treasury Department which impounded Axis assets in the United States — over the protests of the Department of State. The lend-lease law was conceived and written in his legal division—and he did much to promote its enactment."No nation has ever before entered into so gigantic a finance program as that undertaken by the Treasury Department for the financing of American participation in the present World War. The war bond program gave millions of Americans, as Secretary Morgenthau desired that it should, a sense of direct participation in the national cause. "Mr. Morgenthau took over the Treasury Department in a time of dramatic crisis with relatively little experience in financial affairs. He finally surrounded himself, after some early fumbling, with an unusually able staff — whose devotion to him has been a testimonial to his own qualities of leadership — and the country has come gradually to repose in him a high measure of respect and confidence."The United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference held at Bretton Woods represented, perhaps, the pinnacle of Mr. Morgenthau's governmental career. The agreements reached at that conference by the representatives of 44 nations were attributable in no small part to the patience, tact and resourcefulness he displayed as chairman. These agreements — a cornerstone of the hoped-for postwar economic cooperation — will serve as a monument to his public service."Mr. Morgenthau's conduct in public office will afford something of a model to his successor. He grew with the responsibilities thrust upon him. He brought to the discharge of these responsibilities an integrity that matched his conscientiousness and devotion. He will leave his post with the high regard of his countrymen." End of Back cover. A Word from US President F.D. Roosevelt: As for Germany, that tragic nation which has sown the wind and is now reaping the whirlwind—we and our Allies are entirely agreed that we shall not bargain with the Nazi conspirators, or leave them a shred of control—open or secret—of the instruments of government. We shall not leave them a single element of military power—or of potential military power. But I should be false to the very foundations of my religious and political convictions, if I should ever relinquish the hope—and even the faith—that in all people, without exception, there lives some instinct for truth, some attraction toward justice, and some passion for peace—buried as they may be in the German case under a brutal regime. We bring no charge against the German race, as such, for we cannot believe that God has eternally condemned any race of humanity. For we know in our own land how many good men and women of German ancestry have proved loyal, freedom-loving, peace-loving citizens.There is going to be stern punishment for all those in Germany directly responsible for this agony of mankind. The German people are not going to be enslaved —because the United Nations do not traffic in human slavery. But it will be necessary for them to earn their way back into the fellowship of peace-loving and law-abiding nations. And, in their climb up that steep road, we shall certainly see to it that they are not encumbered by having to carry guns. They will be relieved of that burden—we hope, forever.— President Roosevelt This book owes much to discussions I have had on the subject with many authorities, both in and out of Government, and to analyses that have been made by a number of other experts in the field. To all of them I wish to express my gratitude and appreciation. Their help has been invaluable, but the interpretations and opinions expressed here are my responsibility, not theirs. I have donated this book to the Elinor and Henry Morgenthau Jr. Foundation for Peace Inc., a non-profit membership corporation. The Foundation will use the proceeds of the publication and distribution of the book for the purpose of encouraging individuals and organizations aspiring for a world of freedom, peace and security and for the coordination and direction of the efforts of all peoples in their struggle for the attainment of such a world. H. Morgenthau Jr. THE REASON FOR THIS BOOK IN SEPTEMBER, 1944, PRESIDENT FRANKLIN D. Roosevelt asked me to outline for him a program for the treatment of Germany after her defeat. He wished to take such a document to the Quebec Conference, which was to be held in a few days, and he knew that I had devoted a good deal of thought and study to the subject. As Secretary of the Treasury, I had been led into the whole problem by questions of reparations, currency and financial controls. I had seen that these could not be divorced from the broader aspects of what to do with Germany. The President, with whom I had been privileged to work on terms of intimacy and confidence for many years, knew of my interest and my research. Only a few weeks before the President made his request, I had been in London, and the sight of that bombed city with its courageous people had deepened my convictions, as I think it must have deepened the convictions of anyone who saw London in wartime. It prompted the theme of a broadcast I made on the eve of my departure and in which I said: »There can be no peace on earth—no security for any man, woman or child—if aggressor nations like Germany and Japan retain any power to strike at their neighbors. It is not enough for us to say, "We will disarm Germany and Japan and hope that they will learn to behave themselves as decent people." Hoping is not enough.« That was the spirit in which I drew up the plan which Mr. Roosevelt had requested. I know that was the spirit in which he received it. No part of that plan has ever been made public by me until now. This book is an elaboration of the program which I then submitted to the President for his use. It is essentially the same framework, but with additional research and documentation to supplement the much slimmer document which Mr. Roosevelt took to Quebec. Since that conference, it is worth noting, the basic principles of the program have represented the official position of the United States Government. It is obvious that in the Potsdam Declaration signed by President. Truman, Prime Minister Attlee and Marshal Stalin, the three principal Allies were seeking to carry out the objectives of that policy. For purposes of comparison, the Declaration is printed in Appendix C of this volume. The similarities will be apparent to any reader. So will the differences. Both ought to be considered solely from the standpoint of whether the common objective is furthered or not by any particular feature of the proposed settlement. However, my aim is not to argue with any specific details of the Potsdam Declaration, but to state for the country the philosophy which went into the formulation of American policy embodied in the Declaration. In writing this book, I have been motivated entirely by the conviction that the purpose of our program for dealing with Germany should be peace. And that should be its only purpose. The peoples of the earth have a right to demand of their peacemakers that another generation of youth shall not have to be maimed and die in the defense of human freedom. The hopes of mankind rest upon the peace which we are now beginning to build out of the wreckage of lives and cities and nations. It is an awesome but an inspiring task. It is for us, the living, to see to it that our dead shall not have died in vain. Because I am sure that all our hopes and yearnings for peace will fade and die unless we build upon a firm foundation, the foundation of an assured end to German aggression, I have undertaken to explain in this volume just what measures I advocate and why. H. Morgenthau Jr. * * * * * * * * Morgenthau-Plan TOP SECRET Program to Prevent Germany from starting a World War III 1. Demilitarization of Germany. It should be the aim of the Allied Forces to accomplish the complete demilitarization of Germany in the shortest possible period of time after surrender. This means completely disarm the German Army and people (including the removal or destruction of all war material), the total destruction of the whole German armament industry, and the removal or destruction of other key industries which are basic to military strength. 2. New Boundaries of Germany. a) Poland should get that part of East Prussia which doesn't go to the U.S.S.R. and the southern portion of Silesia. (See map in 12 Appendix.) b) France should get the Saar and the adjacent territories bounded by the Rhine and the Moselle Rivers.
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