American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832- 1863

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832- 1863 ‘The Inextinguishable Struggle Between North and South,’ American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832- 1863 Peter O’Connor PhD 2014 ‘The Inextinguishable Struggle Between North and South,’ American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832- 1863 Peter O’Connor A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Northumbria for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research undertaken in the School of Arts and Social Sciences February 2014 Abstract of Thesis Working within the field of nineteenth century transatlantic history this thesis takes as its starting point British attempts to engage with the American Civil War. It emphasizes the historiographical oversights within the current scholarship on this topic which have tended to downplay the significance of antebellum British commentators in constructing an image of the United States for their readers which was highly regionalized, and which have failed to recognize the antebellum heritage of the tropes deployed during the Civil War to describe the Union and Confederacy. Drawing on the accounts of over fifty British pre-war commentators and supplemented by the political press, monthly magazines and personal correspondence, in addition to significant amounts of Civil War propaganda this thesis contends that the understanding of the British literate classes of the conflict was part of a continuum. It equally emphasizes that by measuring the reception of texts among the literate public it is possible to ascertain the levels of British understanding of different aspects of the American nation and its sections in this period. It aims to demonstrate that any attempt to understand the conflict in a British context must adequately reflect the long-standing image of the United States as being characterized by discrete regions with particular social, cultural, economic and political identities. At the same time, it makes clear that pre-war discussions of the United States as a nation did not preclude the use of sectional identities; in fact the tropes of the pre-war United States themselves came to be highly sectionalized during the conflict. This thesis, therefore, places the American Civil War in both a transatlantic framework and emphasizes the extensive chronological span of British engagements with American sectionalism in order to explain the occasionally counter-intuitive and often confusing attitude of the British towards the conflict. Contents Introduction ‘The Inextinguishable Struggle Between North and South,’ American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832-1863- 1 Chapter One: ‘A Blight Over Everything’ Race and Slavery in British views of the American Sections- 20 Chapter Two: ‘Specimens of the Old English Gentlemen, descendants of the old English families’: Seeing Britain in the American Sections- 87 Chapter Three: ‘If you ask me if I am an American my answer is, no Sir, I am a South Carolinian’: Interpreting the Politics of American Sectionalism- 127 Chapter Four: ‘Dam [sic] the Federals. Dam the Confederates. Dam You Both!’: Britain and the American Civil War- 181 Epilogue- 258 Bibliography- 265 Contents of Illustrations Figure One: Punch, ‘The American Twins, or North and South’ (27th September 1856)- 127 Figure Two: Punch ‘Waiting for an Answer’ (14th Dec 1861)- 217 Figure Three: Punch ‘Looking Out for Squalls’ (7th Dec 1861)- 217 Acknowledgments On the basis that few people will have the time or inclination to read this thesis from cover to cover, I want to offer my thanks up front to those who have continually kept me going and enabled me to convert my thesis from an idea to an object. The first thanks must of course go to my supervision team. Both prof. David Gleeson and Dr. James McConnel have been supportive and enthusiastic. Together they provided me with thoughtful and detailed comments keeping my research progressing in the right direction and showing remarkable patience in reading draft upon draft. More broadly I would like to offer my thanks to the academic staff at Northumbria University, who were always prepared to offer a helping hand when needed. I must also thank many members of the postgraduate community at Northumbria University whose friendship not only created an enjoyable environment within which to work, but whose breadth of knowledge ensured that the answer to any question (however obscure it might have seemed) was only an e-mail away. At the risk of overlooking some I will offer my thanks to Jen Kain, Stephen Bowman, Andre Keil, Mark Wilson, Sarah Winter, Lee Collins, Maria Cannon, Sarah Lill, Paul Simpson, Stan Neal, Brian Langley, Liam Temple, Jonathan Coburn and David Hope. They assisted me with everything from Latin translations to information on the Victorian theatre and Anglo-American drinking clubs as well as proof reading final drafts. Outside of academia I would be remiss if I failed to mention the SASC administrative staff who provided excellent research support despite being stretched to the limit by financial cuts and the redundancies which came with them. I also wish to tip my hat to the staff of the various archives used during this study, I found them to be enthusiastic, knowledgeable and helpful beyond anything I could have expected. Finally I would like to thank my family. My parents, Alma and Steven who supported me through my studies at all levels as well as my grandparents Jimmy and Alma, my Uncles Raymond and Peter and my Auntie Christine. Finally I wish to give particular thanks to my partner Carly Simpson. Declaration I declare that the work contained in this thesis has not been submitted for any other award and that it is all my own work. I also confirm that this work fully acknowledges opinions, ideas and contributions from the work of others. Any ethical clearance for the research presented in this thesis has been approved. Name: Signature: Date: Word Count- 85,468 ‘The Inextinguishable Struggle Between North and South,’ American Sectionalism in the British Mind, 1832-1863, An Introduction On the 7th October 1862 William Ewart Gladstone, the Chancellor of the Exchequer under Prime Minister Lord Palmerston, gave a speech in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne which caused a political and diplomatic furore. Despite the moves against slavery made by the Union in the summer and early autumn, and its victory at the Battle of Antietam three weeks before, Gladstone told those listening that Confederate President Jefferson Davis, had ‘made a nation,’ implying that it was time for Her Majesty’s government to recognise that fact.1 Given the backdrop of this speech it is natural to ask why Gladstone, the doyen of mid-Victorian liberalism and an avowed opponent of slavery, would come out in favour of the Confederacy being admitted into the family of nations given its status as a slaveholding state. Diplomatic and political historians have combed the archives for information on the Anglo-American relationship during the US Civil War and have advanced a variety of explanations for the views held by members of the British government and the British people. In doing so they have considered tariffs, national pride, the demand for cotton and, of course, slavery as central to the British understanding of the conflict. However, if we are to comprehend Gladstone’s apparently contradictory reactions to the war we need to look elsewhere. Furthermore, understanding this speech can shed light not only on Gladstone but also on the Anglo-American relationship more broadly since he was a genuinely representative figure. In fact, Gladstone was simply the most visible advocate of a set of complex British ideas about the United States which contributed to the British reaction to the Civil War; recognition of which should force historians to re-think the Anglo-American connections of the period. 1 Thesis title quotation taken from John F.T Crampton to Lord Clarendon, 7th Feb 1853 in James J. Barnes & Patience P. Barnes (eds.), Private and Confidential: Letters from British Ministers in Washington to The Foreign Secretaries in London, 1844-67 (London & Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1993); Morning Post, 9th October 1862; Whether or not Gladstone was aware of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation when he made his Newcastle speech is difficult to ascertain. The first press reports of Lincoln’s announcement appear on the same day that Gladstone’s speech was given (7th October) however his diary makes no note of having read these reports; Gladstone had a family connection to the slave trade see Roland Quinault, ‘Gladstone and Slavery,’ The Historical Journal, 52.2, (2009), 363-383; Quinault does make clear that Gladstone was no pro-slavery advocate and leaned towards a gradualist abolitionism from the 1840s. 1 This thesis therefore undertakes the task of re-thinking the Anglo-American relationship by giving a broader and deeper scope to the study of Britain and the American Civil War, emphasizing that British understanding of the American North and South was part of a continuous discourse which predated the conflict by at least thirty years. This British discourse of American sectionalism had been constructed by a disparate group of intellectuals from across the middle and upper echelons of Victorian society and drawn from across the nation. In this period these men and women produced travel narratives about, set novels in, and published philosophical musings on, the United States. It is in the pages of these works and by considering their reception by readers that we can discover the depth of British engagement with sectionalism and begin to comprehend how it was that Gladstone could adopt a position of opposing slavery but supporting the Confederacy. This study will ultimately explain more fully the British reaction to America’s bloodiest conflict; a reaction which was often as puzzling and contradictory as Gladstone’s own. The investigations of historians and literary scholars into British cultural products dealing with the United States during the Victorian era all indicate the existence of a culturally constructed ‘America’ in the British mind.
Recommended publications
  • William Seward and the Trent Affair
    William Seward and the Trent Affair http://civilwar150.longwood.edu In late December, 1861, the Trent Affair continued to dominate national and international news, with President Lincoln and his secretary of state, William Seward, both playing major roles in ending the controversy. Born in Orange County, New York in 1801, William H. Seward was one of the most prominent anti-slavery politicians of the mid-1800s, first as a Whig and then as a Republican. He had studied law at Union College in 1820 and within a few years entered the world of politics. Starting in 1830, Seward served in the New York state senate, and in 1838 he became governor of New York for the first of two terms. Even though Seward was born into a slave owning family, his abolitionist stance made him well known and in 1849 and 1855 he was elected to the U.S. Senate. In the aftermath of the Compromise of 1850 he had gained prominence for his “Higher Law” speech opposing the expansion of slavery. Seward hoped to obtain the Republican nomination for president in 1860, and was disappointed when the party chose Abraham Lincoln as its standard bearer. After Lincoln won the presidential election, Seward accepted the position of Secretary of State, hoping he could influence the less- experienced president. Seward and Lincoln clashed over various issues during the early months of the administration, but he eventually developed into an able and loyal cabinet member. In early November 1861, Captain Charles Wilkes of the U.S.S. San Jacinto had seized Confederate diplomats James Mason and John Slidell from British ship Trent.
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomacy and the American Civil War: the Impact on Anglo- American Relations
    James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses, 2020-current The Graduate School 5-8-2020 Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The impact on Anglo- American relations Johnathan Seitz Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029 Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Public History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Seitz, Johnathan, "Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The impact on Anglo-American relations" (2020). Masters Theses, 2020-current. 56. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029/56 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses, 2020-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The Impact on Anglo-American Relations Johnathan Bryant Seitz A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History May 2020 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: Dr. Steven Guerrier Committee Members/ Readers: Dr. David Dillard Dr. John Butt Table of Contents List of Figures..................................................................................................................iii Abstract............................................................................................................................iv Introduction.......................................................................................................................1
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism and Sectionalism 1815-1860
    SECTION 15 NATIONALISM AND SECTIONALISM 1815-1860 1492 1815 1860 Present NATIONALISM Era of good feelings 1815-1825 SECTIONALISMSECTIONALISM Era ofEra good of feelingsbad feelings 1819-18601819 -1860 Industrial economy Agricultural economy (factories) Agricultural economy 211 15–1 # NATIONALISM AND THE ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS, 1815-1825 nationalism —national unity; a sense of pride and interest in one's country; a strengthening of the national government 1492 1815 - 25 Present We Americans were proud of ourselves for standing up to the mighty British Empire a second time. We seemed to have their respect—and Europe’s—and our own for the first time. All sections of the U.S.—North, South, and West—began pulling together, cooperating to build our nation. JAMES M ONROE Republican President, 1817-1825 1816—THREE LAWS STRENGTHEN THE REPUBLICANS ACQUIRE HAMILTONIAN VIEWS NATIONAL GOVERNMENT A new generation of Republicans began shifting from In 1816 Republicans enacted three laws that increased the Jeffersonian to Hamiltonian positions. Why? The war central government’s powers. Hamilton would have been showed them that a strong central government and pleased, Jefferson displeased. industrialization were essential for national security. They were sometimes called “Federalists without 1. TARIFF OF 1816 —first tariff high elitism.” enough to protect American industry 2. BANK OF THE UNITED STATES INSTEAD OF: THEY ADVOCATED: re-chartered ¨ Agrarianism ¨ Industrialism ¨ Narrow construction ¨ Broad construction 3. MILITARY EXPANSION of the Constitution
    [Show full text]
  • The Crime Against Kansas. the Apologies for The
    THE CHIME AGAINST KANSAS. THE APOLOGIES FOR THE CRIME, THE TRUE REMEDY. SPEECH OF HON. CHARLES SUMNER, IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 19th and 20th May, 1856. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT & COMPANY. CLEYELAND, OHIO: . JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON. NEW YOKE: SHELDON, BLAEEMAN & CO. 1856. /? (^ /Lo.^-, - ^'^<^'^^ THE CRIME AGAIKST KANSAS. THE APOLOaiES FOK THE CRIME. THE TRUE REMEDY. SPEECH OF HON. CHARLES SUMNEE, IN T H S SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 19th and 20th May, 1856. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT & COMPANY. CLEVELAND, OHIO: JEWETT, PROCTOR, & WORTHINGTON. NEW YORK : SHELDON, BLAKEMAN & CO 1856. In the Senate, 13th March, 1856, Mr, Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, presented and read a very long Report on affairs in Kansas. Mr. CoLLAMER also presented and read a Minority Report. As soon as the reading was completed, Mr. Sumner took the floor, and made the following remarks : ]Mr. Somner. In those two reports, the whole subject is presented character- istically on both sides. In the report of the majority, the true issue is smoth- ered ; in that of the minority, the true issue stands forth as a pillar of fire to guide the country. The first report proceeds from four senators ; but against it I put, fearlessly, the report signed by a single senator [Mr. Collamer], to whom I offer my thanks for this service. Let the two go abroad together. Error is harmless, while reason is left free to combat it. I have no desire to precipitate the debate on this important question, under which the country already shakes from side to side, and which threatens to scatter from its folds civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Aircraft Collection
    A, AIR & SPA ID SE CE MU REP SEU INT M AIRCRAFT COLLECTION From the Avenger torpedo bomber, a stalwart from Intrepid’s World War II service, to the A-12, the spy plane from the Cold War, this collection reflects some of the GREATEST ACHIEVEMENTS IN MILITARY AVIATION. Photo: Liam Marshall TABLE OF CONTENTS Bombers / Attack Fighters Multirole Helicopters Reconnaissance / Surveillance Trainers OV-101 Enterprise Concorde Aircraft Restoration Hangar Photo: Liam Marshall BOMBERS/ATTACK The basic mission of the aircraft carrier is to project the U.S. Navy’s military strength far beyond our shores. These warships are primarily deployed to deter aggression and protect American strategic interests. Should deterrence fail, the carrier’s bombers and attack aircraft engage in vital operations to support other forces. The collection includes the 1940-designed Grumman TBM Avenger of World War II. Also on display is the Douglas A-1 Skyraider, a true workhorse of the 1950s and ‘60s, as well as the Douglas A-4 Skyhawk and Grumman A-6 Intruder, stalwarts of the Vietnam War. Photo: Collection of the Intrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum GRUMMAN / EASTERNGRUMMAN AIRCRAFT AVENGER TBM-3E GRUMMAN/EASTERN AIRCRAFT TBM-3E AVENGER TORPEDO BOMBER First flown in 1941 and introduced operationally in June 1942, the Avenger became the U.S. Navy’s standard torpedo bomber throughout World War II, with more than 9,836 constructed. Originally built as the TBF by Grumman Aircraft Engineering Corporation, they were affectionately nicknamed “Turkeys” for their somewhat ungainly appearance. Bomber Torpedo In 1943 Grumman was tasked to build the F6F Hellcat fighter for the Navy.
    [Show full text]
  • Up to Their Elbows in Blood: the Crimean War and The
    UP TO THEIR ELBOWS IN BLOOD: THE CRIMEAN WAR AND THE PROFESSIONALIZATION OF MEDICINE Fought in the mid-1850s, many scholars regard the Crimean War as largely insignificant. However in reality, the historical contributions of the war are important – particularly those contributions pertaining to medicine. This seemingly “unnecessary” war facilitated the modernization of Western medicine; methods used during and directly after the Crimean War were standard until World War Two. A brief history of the war reveals medical data that constitutes the bulk of my interpretation. The war’s specific medical achievements are highlighted throughout the essay. The findings in this paper are by no means conclusive, but they exhibit that it is important to look beyond Florence Nightingale, the war’s most famous and studied individual, and gaze upon the larger trends of medicine. Her story is covered in some detail in this paper, but she is not the sole source of innovation from this rather disastrous war. The professionalization of Western medicine stands out as one of the great accomplishments of this war, despite scholars viewing the war as useless. Key words: cholera epidemics, battlefield surgery, Florence Nightingale, Nikolay Pirogov, William Howard Russell, medical modernization Tyler Eaves HIST 586: Advanced Seminar in History May 11, 2017 Eaves 2 “It is good for us to be here”1 On the night of November 14, 1854, an exhausted woman penned a letter to a distant reader. By candlelight she scrawled in hurried script about the “appalling horror” surrounding her. “Steeped up to [their] necks in blood,” she and her helpers worked tirelessly upon men who “bear pain and mutilation with unshrinking heroism, and die or are cut up without a complaint.” Absences of brooms, soap, and towels only complicated the dire state of affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • An Investigation Into British Neutrality During the American Civil War 1861-65
    AN INVESTIGATION INTO BRITISH NEUTRALITY DURING THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR 1861-65 BY REBECCA CHRISTINE ROBERTS-GAWEN A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of MA by Research Department of History University of Birmingham November 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis sought to investigate why the British retained their policy of neutrality throughout the American Civil War, 1861-65, and whether the lack of intervention suggested British apathy towards the conflict. It discovered that British intervention was possible in a number of instances, such as the Trent Affair of 1861, but deliberately obstructed Federal diplomacy, such as the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. This thesis suggests that the British public lacked substantial and sustained support for intervention. Some studies have suggested that the Union Blockade of Southern ports may have tempted British intervention. This thesis demonstrates how the British sought and implemented replacement cotton to support the British textile industry. This study also demonstrates that, by the outbreak of the Civil War, British society lacked substantial support for foreign abolitionists’’ campaigns, thus making American slavery a poorly supported reason for intervention.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Historical Journal
    Issue of British Recognition of the Confederate States of America 1 The Roebuck Motion and the Issue of British Recognition of the Confederate States of America Lindsay Frederick Braun ^^7 j^ \ ith the secession of the southern states from the Union and the i U I outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, British poHcymak- \^\^ ers and financiers had to contend with the novel diplomatic and economic difficulties of relations with two Americas locked in battle. Faced with an uncertain contest abroad and divided affinities at home, the govern- ment of Lord Palmerston chose to steer a middle course of neutrality. This did not, however, prevent advocates and detractors of both sides from orga- nizing opinion and advancing agendas across the country and even into Parliament. Debate on the situation within the warring states and sugges- tions that Britain might do weU to extend formal diplomatic recognition to the Confederate States of America as a sovereign nation, or to intervene in the conflict, appeared regularly in Parliament during the course of the war. The ill-fated Parliamentary motion towards recognition introduced in sum- mer of 1863 by John Arthur Roebuck, Member of Parliament for Sheffield, was the last of the serious attempts to secure recognition. It was, perhaps, the most telling effort of the entire war period in terms of the European diplo- matic landscape and Europe's relations to events in North America. Between the inception of Roebuck's motion in May 1863 and its with- drawal on 13 July 1863, its sponsor engaged in amateur diplomacy with the French, serious breaches of protocol, and eventually witnessed not only the obloquy of pro-Union and anti-interventionist speakers but also the desertion of other pro-Confederate members of Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot
    The English Constitution: Walter Bagehot MILES TAYLOR Editor OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS ’ THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION W B was born in Langport, Somerset, in , the son of a banker. After taking BA and MA degrees from University College London he studied for the bar, and was called in . However, he decided to return home and join his father’s bank, devoting his leisure to contributing literary, historical and political reviews to the leading periodicals of the s. In he returned to London, succeeding his father-in-law as editor and director of the Economist. Three books ensured Bagehot’s reputation as one of the most distinguished and influential Victorian men-of-letters: The English Constitution (), published at the height of the debate over parliamentary reform; Physics and Politics (), his application of Darwinian ideas to political science; and Lombard Street (), a study of the City of London. Walter Bagehot died in . M T is a Lecturer in Modern History at King’s College, London. He is the author of The Decline of British Radicalism, – (Clarendon Press, ) and is currently completing a biography of the last Chartist leader, Ernest Jones. ’ For almost years Oxford World’s Classics have brought readers closer to the world’s great literature. Now with over titles–– from the ,-year-old myths of Mesopotamia to the twentieth century’s greatest novels–– the series makes available lesser-known as well as celebrated writing. The pocket-sized hardbacks of the early years contained introductions by Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, Graham Greene, and other literary figures which enriched the experience of reading.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Russell, William Howard. William Howard Russell's Civil War: Private
    Russell, William Howard. William Howard Russell’s Civil War: Private Diary and Letters, 1861-1862. Edited by Martin Crawford. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992. London, voyage to the United States, 3 South Carolina diplomat, secessionist, going home, war and possible blockade, 3-4 Lincoln, Olmsted book on slavery, 5 Americans refuse to pray for the royal family, 9 American women, 10 New York, 16ff Republicans, the South, Sumter, 17 Horatio Seymour, 17 Washington, 22ff Willard’s Hotel, 22 Seward, Lincoln, 22 Chaos opinions in New York, 23-25 George Bancroft, Horatio Seymour, Horace Greeley, August Belmont, James Gordon Bennett, 25 Dinner with Lincoln and cabinet, 28 Dinner, Chase, Douglas, Smith, Forsyth, 29 Seward, 31 Wants to know about expeditions to forts and pledges to Seward he could keep information secret, 32 Portsmouth and Norfolk, 36 Naval officer Goldsboro, 37 Charleston, Fort Sumter, 39 Report to Lord Lyons, Charleston, Beauregard, Moultrie, Sumter, 42-43 Seeks to have letters forward to Lord Lyons, 46 Complains of post office and his dispatches, 50 Montgomery, Wigfall, Jefferson Davis, Judah Benjamin, 52 Mobile, 53 Slaves, customs house, 55 Fort Pickens, Confederate determination, Bragg, 56-57 Wild Confederate soldiers, 58 Slidell, 62 Crime in New Orleans, jail, 63-64 New Orleans, traveling on Sunday, 65-66 Louisiana plantation, slaves, overseer, 67-70 Plantation, 71 Chicago Tribune, Harper’s Weekly, 74 Terrible war that will end in compromise, south is strong, 75-76 Winfield Scott vs. Jefferson Davis, 76-77 Deplores
    [Show full text]
  • The 7Th Royal Fusiliers in the Crimean War with the Medal Roll 1854
    THE 7th ROYAL FUSILIERS IN THE CRIMEAN WAR With THE MEDAL ROLL (As far as could be confirmed) 1854 – 1856 Compiled By J P Kelleher 2013 1854: Nearly forty years had passed since the Royal Fusiliers saw active service, when Russia, seeking in her ambition to overwhelm Turkey, was arrested in her aggression by the united action of England and France. The two Powers declared war against the Czar on the 27th.March 1854, and the British force was sent to south-eastern Europe, under command of Lord Raglan- who as Lord Fitzroy Somerset had earned distinction under Wellington. The Royal Fusiliers, were amongst the first regiments ordered to be brought up to war strength. They were quartered at Manchester, and the North of England was their recruiting ground. During the early spring, the Regiment was raised to full establishment, and drilled into one of the smartest, and most solid battalions in the service. On Tuesday, the 4th.April 1854, the Royal Fusiliers: Headquarters and 8 companies; consisting of 3 Field officers, 8 Captains, 14 Lieutenants, 5 Staff, 46 Sergeants, 15 Drummers, 850 Rank and File, and 25 women – under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Walter Lacy Yea, entrained at Manchester for Southampton, where they embarked the same evening on board the transport „Orinoco‟. After touching at Gibralter and Malta, the transport disembarked her troops at Scutari, on the 22nd. Here the regiment was brigaded with the 23rd and 33rd. Foot, under Brigadier General Richard Airey. Airey‟s Brigade, with the 19th, 77th, 88th. and 2nd Rifle Brigade, formed the Light Division, commanded by Lord George Brown.
    [Show full text]
  • By the Time Roger Fenton Left England to Photograph the Crimean War In
    Roger Fenton and the Crimean War Roger Fenton was one of the first pioneers of war photography. The images he took covering the Crimean War, along with the letters he wrote to his family and the Manchester print-seller Thomas Agnew (who financed this expedition), are rich with explicit and implicit information documenting the conflict. The tone of the letters is noteworthy. Although they were edited when published in 1954, Fenton’s sense of humor and intrepid spirit are readily apparent. He assumed the voice of an almost jaunty world traveler witnessing a spectacle that alternately amazed, amused, and horrified him, that complicated but never confounded his efforts, and that, while it provoked periods of sadness, never aroused deep moral indignation. It has been suggested that Fenton’s experience in the Crimea was far less negative in part because he did not arrive until the spring of 1855, when the devastating winter was over and some improvements had been made in conditions. He also carried letters of introduction from Prince Albert, which guaranteed him exceptional access and privilege. While Times journalist William Howard Russell was barely tolerated as a result of his criticisms of English and French leaders in the war effort, everywhere Fenton turned he received support and assistance from the highest- ranking officers in the region. Aided by an assistant and a handyman, Fenton began photographing within a few days of his March 8, 1855 landing at the port of Balaklava. Using two cameras, he worked diligently for three months, making more than 350 negatives. His purpose on this trip was to create a commercially viable portfolio of photographs aimed at the upper levels of British society.
    [Show full text]