India-Iran Relations Span Centuries Marked by Meaningful Interactions. the Two Countr
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
IMAM KHOMEINI's VIEWS Dr. Ghulam Habib
IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF FRONT COVER TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors CONTENTS PREFACE ...........................................................................................................................i SECTION I THE GREAT VALUE OF KNOWLEDGE The Aim of Education and Training .......................................................................... 3 Encouragement to Acquire Knowledge .................................................................... 8 Knowledge and Faith - Belief and Professional Expertise .................................. 15 SECTION 2 UNIVERSITIES BEFORE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION Colonial Culture and Lack of Real Progress ........................................................... 51 Suppression and Attacks on Universities ................................................................ 95 SECTION 3 UNIVERSITY AND CULTURAL REVOLUTION Universities and Anti-Revolutionary Groups ....................................................... 103 The Need for Cultural Revolution ......................................................................... 120 Establishment of Headquarter for Cultural Revolution ...................................... 156 SECTION 4 THE MISSION OF UNIVERSITIES Manufacturing Human Beings ............................................................................... -
Demographics, Laboratory Parameters and Outcomes of 1061 Patients with COVID-19: a Report from Tehran, Iran
Journal Pre-proof Demographics, laboratory parameters and outcomes of 1061 patients with COVID-19: A report from Tehran, Iran Mihan Pourabdollah Toutkaboni, Elham Askari, Nastaran Khalili, Payam Tabarsi, Hamidreza Jamaati, Ali Akbar Velayati, Atosa Dorudinia, Mitrasadat Rezaei, Seyed Alireza Nadji, Abdolreza Mohamadnia, Neda Khalili PII: S2052-2975(20)30129-3 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nmni.2020.100777 Reference: NMNI 100777 To appear in: New Microbes and New Infections Received Date: 17 June 2020 Revised Date: 27 September 2020 Accepted Date: 29 September 2020 Please cite this article as: Toutkaboni MP, Askari E, Khalili N, Tabarsi P, Jamaati H, Velayati AA, Dorudinia A, Rezaei M, Nadji SA, Mohamadnia A, Khalili N, Demographics, laboratory parameters and outcomes of 1061 patients with COVID-19: A report from Tehran, Iran, New Microbes and New Infections, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nmni.2020.100777. This is a PDF file of an article that has undergone enhancements after acceptance, such as the addition of a cover page and metadata, and formatting for readability, but it is not yet the definitive version of record. This version will undergo additional copyediting, typesetting and review before it is published in its final form, but we are providing this version to give early visibility of the article. Please note that, during the production process, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. © 2020 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Demographics, laboratory parameters -
Spotlight on Iran1 (January 17 – 31, 2016) Dr
1 Spotlight on Iran (January 17 – 31, 2016) Dr. Raz Zimmt Overview ü Mohammad-Ali Jafari, commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), said that one of Iran's major gains from regional developments was the enlistment of more than 200,000 men as fighters in the popular militias in Syria, Iraq and Libya. He said Iran would foil the "Zionist-American plot to divide Iraq and Syria." ü At least five more IRGC fighters were killed in Syria. Since the beginning of the ground offensive in northern Syria more than 135 Iranian fighters have been killed. ü Qasem Soleimani, commander of the IRGC's Qods Force, appeared in public for the first time since reports of his alleged wounding in Syria. He participated in a memorial ceremony for Brigadier General Mohammad-Ali Allahdadi, killed last year in an aerial attack in the region of Quneitra in the southern Golan Heights. ü In American and Iraqi Intelligence assessment, the three Americans who disappeared in Baghdad in the middle of January were abducted by Shi'ite militias with ties to Iran. The Iranian foreign minister promised the American secretary of state he would try to help find the missing men. ü Four Yemeni fighters wounded in the civil war in Yemen who died while receiving medical treatment in Iran were buried in northern Iran despite the reservations of the Iranian Foreign Ministry. Statements from Senior Iranian Officials about Iran's Regional Involvement n Mohammad-Ali Jafari, commander of the IRGC, said Iran would foil the "Zionist- American plot to divide Iraq and Syria," and that Palestine was the Muslim world's main concern. -
Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program
Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert E. Ebel E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org March 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-600-1 CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066001zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program author Robert E. Ebel March 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decision- makers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #867
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 867, 14 December 2010 Articles & Other Documents: WH: Obama Won't Leave DC until Nuke Deal is Done S. Korea, U.S. Launch Joint Committee to Deter N. Korea's Nuclear Threats START Pact Has Enough Votes, U.S. Aide Says N Korea's Nuclear Capacity Worries Russia Clock Ticking, Obama Urges Senate OK of Arms Treaty S.Korea Suspects Secret Uranium Enrichment in North Senate Working on Ratification of U.S.-Russian Strategic Arms Treaty - White House US Suspects Secret Burma Nuclear Sites Manouchehr Mottaki Fired from Iran Foreign Minister Burma Not Nuclear, Says Abhisit Job Test of Agni-II's Advanced Version Fails Intelligence Chiefs Fear Nuclear War between Israel and Tehran Russian Military to Receive 1,300 Types of Weaponry by 2020 Rudd Calls for Inspections of Israel's Nuclear Facility Russia, NATO May Make Soon Progress in Joint Iran Foreign Policy 'Unchanged' by Mottaki Sacking Missile Defense Progress North Korea Stresses Commitment to Nuclear Weapons Bolivia Rejects Alvaro Uribe’s Accusations about Nuclear Program N. Korean FM Defends Pyongyang's Decision to Bolster Nuclear Arsenal U.S. to Spend $1B Over Five Years on Conventional Strike Systems Japan Plans more Patriot Systems to Shoot Down N. Korean Missiles Talks with Iran Just a Start Iran's Nuclear Plans Give West a Tough Choice Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. -
Examining 10 Warning Signs of Iran Nuclear Weapons Development
International Committee In Search of Justice (ISJ) President: Dr. Alejo Vidal-Quadras Rue d’Arlon 63, B-1040 Brussels Belgium Tel : +32 2 400 1071 [email protected] www.isjcommittee.com EXAMINING 10 WARNING SIGNS OF IRAN NUCLEAR WEAPONS DEVELOPMENT NOVEMBER 20,2014 Dr. Alejo Vidal Quadras, Former Vice‐President of European Parliament, Professor of Atomic and Nuclear Physics: “An objective, thoroughly researched report on the core issue of the nature of Iranian nuclear program and its status”. Bob Jospeh, Former US Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, Senior White House Security Council staff on weapons of mass destruction: “A critically important report at a critically important time”. John Bolton, former US Ambassador to the UN, former Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security: "A timely and well document report with alarming findings on Iran's nuclear program." Contents Executive summary Chapter 1: SPND (organ in charge of weaponization) Chapter 2: Procurement of dual purpose equipment and its possible use for military dimensions of nuclear program Chapter 3: Secret enrichment of uranium Chapter 4: Enrichment using laser technology Chapter 5: High explosives tests and trigger mechanism Chapter 6: Neutron initiator Chapter 7: Manufacturing uranium metal (uranium hemisphere) Chapter 8: Hydro-dynamic tests and explosion vessels at Parchin site Chapter 9: Research on nuclear warhead Chapter 10: Key scientists and researchers engaged in possible military dimensions of nuclear program International Committee In Search of Justice (ISJ) was initially formed in 2008 as an informal group of EU parliamentarians to seek justice for the Iranian democratic opposition. -
Menas Associates Ltd Cannot Ensure Against Orbeheld Disclaimer Publisher
Menas Iran Strategic Focus 02 /14 >>> Politically independent monthly news and analysis of strategic developments in Iran 02 Slow, slow, quick quick slow: The path to a · Volume 10 · Number· Volume 10 comprehensive deal 014 2 On 18 February the negotiating teams of Iran implementation of the interim deal began on 20 the future of the Arak heavy water reactor, the (AEOI) director Ali Akbar Salehi has already and the P5+1 (the United States, United King- January and has proceeded smoothly. Western enrichment site in Fordo, and the degree of Inter- stated that Tehran is willing to make adjust- February dom, Russia, France, and China plus Germany) governments have introduced some sanctions national Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) supervi- ments to reduce concerns about its utilisation. started a new round of talks in Vienna to final- relief, and Iran is reconfiguring some of the com- sion over the programme. Evidently, compromises ise the agenda for negotiations towards a com- ponents of its nuclear programme, in particular are possible in all these areas. As Foreign Minister The Fordo site was originally designed to enrich prehensive nuclear deal. reducing the level of uranium enrichment to Mohammad Javad Zarif remarked, making sure uranium to 20 per cent and has been reconfig- below 5 per cent. that the nuclear programme remains peaceful is ured to reduce that to below 5 per cent. West- This round of negotiations is expected to take also an Iranian objective. ern governments insist that the site should be 6 to 12 months. Its objective is clear: based on Although the Iranian delegation believes that a shut down, however, and that scenario is unac- the interim deal signed on 24 November 2013, comprehensive agreement is achievable within Iran currently has 19,000 centrifuges, 9,000 of ceptable to Iran. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
The Unexpected Results of Presidential Election in Iran
1 The Unexpected Results of Presidential Elections in Iran By Akbar E. Torbat Iranians voted in the presidential, city and rural council elections on June 14, 2013. The two elections were arranged to be on the same day to boost participations and show support for the Islamic Republic. The Guardian Council had handpicked eight candidates and rejected the rest of the applicants for presidency in violation of the Islamic Republic’s constitution.1 Despite 1.6 million first-time young voters, the turnout was 10% lower than the previous election. Some political factions had indicated that they would boycott the election. However, the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei encouraged Iranians to vote by saying “It is possible that some people, for whatever reason, do not want to support the Islamic Republic establishment but if they want to support Iran, they should come also to vote at the polls.” In reality, those who did not support the regime did not have anyone on the ballot to vote for. According to John R. Bird, Canada’s Foreign Minister, the election was “effectively meaningless” because only “regime-friendly” candidates were allowed in the race.2 President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had designated his former Chief of Staff Esfandiar Rahim Mashei as a nominee for president but the Guardian Council rejected him to be on the ballots. As Mashei was pushed aside, the election became a competition between the two wings of the clerical oligarchy; the conservatives (or principalists) and the moderates plus their reformist affiliates. Mashaei who had advocated secular policies and had nationalistic sentiments was considered a threat to the clerics, and therefore they decided to bar his candidacy. -
Iran's Nuclear Program: Status”, Congressional Research Service
Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Paul K. Kerr Analyst in Nonproliferation August 11, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34544 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Summary Although Iran claims that its nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes, it has generated considerable concern that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Indeed, the UN Security Council has responded to Iran’s refusal to suspend work on its uranium enrichment and heavy-water nuclear reactor programs by adopting several resolutions which imposed sanctions on Tehran. Despite this pressure, Iran continues to enrich uranium, install and operate additional centrifuges, and conduct research on new types of centrifuges. Tehran has also continued to produce centrifuge feedstock, as well as work on its heavy-water reactor and associated facilities. Whether Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program is, however, unknown. A National Intelligence Estimate made public in December 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program,” defined as “Iran’s nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment-related work,” in 2003. The estimate, however, also assessed that Tehran is “keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons” and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” Intelligence Community officials have reaffirmed this judgment on several occasions. Iranian efforts to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons by using its known nuclear facilities would almost certainly be detected by the IAEA. There is no public official evidence that Tehran has covert facilities capable of producing fissile material. -
The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein