Ethnic Nationalistic Movements in Paksitan

Security Challenges for Pakistan in the 21st Century

1st- 30th October, 2015

NUST Research Team

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Table of Contents Introduction ...... 3 1. Abstract ...... 3 Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: A Historical Context...... 4 2. Understanding Ethnic Nationalism at the Roots ...... 7 Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: The Current Situation ...... 8 3. Balochistan with Reference to Developmental Projects: ...... 9 4. Balochistan with Reference to Human Rights Violations: ...... 11 5. Balochistan in Reference to Regional Politics: ...... 12 Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: Policy Recommendations and a Way Forward ...... 13 Works Cited ...... 16

2

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Introduction

Abstract A strategic shift from focusing on spending a disproportionate amount of effort in curing the symptoms to identifying and eliminating the root causes is required to quell separatist movements emerging from Balochistan. Literature attributes the mobilization of these movements to reasons like the right of people to seek and achieve collective self-determination, self-defense and to redress past injustices. For the purpose of this paper, we maintain that Pakistan has faced and continues to face opposition from ethnic nationalist movements. The main areas of contention are identified as over-centralization of the Pakistani state and its reluctance to grant political autonomy to the provinces, lack of share in the natural resources extracted from Balochistan, deploring security situation and the lack of share in the health and education sector in the province. This paper suggests that the government after consultation with all stakeholders develops a comprehensive a vision for the province, undertakes initiatives to ensure that Balochis are given a due share in the developmental projects, empower the local regulatory bodies and investigate the missing person case, develops strong linkages with Iran and use political diplomacy and dialogue to solve the security crisis and establish a complaint centre led by political leader to overcome the trust deficit and re-new the state’s relationship with the people of Balochistan.

3

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: A Historical Context Pakistan is a federation where provinces have been given a certain degree of autonomy. Principally, the level of autonomy given to each province is sufficient in guaranteeing the preservation of diversity and culture of that area so that its people may freely practice their traditions etc. Unfortunately, in reality the implementation of policies granting any province greater power has been hindered due to numerous different factors that vary from one situation to the next. Broadly, it can be said that Pakistan has, in its short history, seen the rise of political elements demanding greater political power, a confederation with only residual powers for the center or even complete independence from the state of Pakistan. These elements have raised grievance against the dominant center with regards to the lack of provincial rights, regional autonomy and mostly the right of self-determination of these ethnicities. It must also be noted that none of these political elements have risen from the province of Punjab.

Some of the prominent ethnic nationalist movements in Pakistan include the Bengali Nationalist Movement, the Sundhu Desh, the (now defunct) Greater Pakhtunistan Movement and the various forms of Baloch nationalism. The Bengali Nationalist Movement, spearheaded by Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman led to the creation of present day Bangladesh and marked a significant failure in Pakistani governance. Inspired by the creation of Bangladesh, the Sindhu Desh movement was a separatist movement aiming towards creating a separate state altogether. The support for this movement however is not a threat currently as from eight pro-separation parties, not a single one has ever been voted into power in Sindh. The Greater Pakhtunistan/Afghanistan movement was aimed at creating the new state of “Pashtunistan” inclusive of geographical areas from Pakistan and Afghanistan. The movement was to seek liberation from both these countries and exist independently.

For the reasons that the above movements are not presently a direct threat, this paper will be centered on the unrest in Balochistan and the extent to which the center has faced different opposition from the province. Despite being the largest province of Pakistan by area (covering 43% of the country’s total area), it is home to only 5% of the total population and has been fairly underdeveloped. It caters to 40% of Pakistan’s energy requirements yet only 13 out of 32 District Headquarters of Balochistan are facilitated by natural gas. Whereas, Punjab consumes 43% of total natural gas in Pakistan whilst supplying only 4% (Firdous, 2014). Balochistan has a 6%

4

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015 literacy rate and a 0.7% share in industrialization. It lacks skilled labor, technical schools or colleges or any substantial infrastructure to educate and equip its people for joining the skilled job market (Grare, 2006). This leaves the Balochis with a per capita income of $54 which is 60% that of Punjab’s. Out of 830 senior civil servants, only 181 were Baloch (Khan, 2003).

The reasons why these numbers are crucial is because they substantiate the level of exclusion felt by the Balochis on a provincial level. This treatment from the center is reflective of the federal government’s approach towards Bengal which eventually resulted in the separation of East Pakistan. In order for Pakistan to move forward with any semblance of stability as a nation, it must neutralize the situation in Balochistan or risk another secession. However, comprehension of the Balochi unrest must be studied in its historical context to better understand the root of their grievances.

Under British rule, Balochistan was annexed and separated from Iran Balochistan when tribal attacks began threatening their safe corridor from Sindh to Afghanistan. The Khannate was reestablished but the Khan of Kalat was forced into subordination to the British Empire. Nonetheless, Balochistan was administered separately under what was termed the Sandeman administration. This was a type of indirect rule by a political agent of the governor general. The region was allowed to manage its day to day affairs on its own but was to consult the British officials in matters of importance. This granted the Balochis a certain degree of independence and guaranteed the British safe passage to Iran and Afghanistan, serving their strategic interests (Khan, 2003).

Baloch nationalism first emerged in 1929 and quickly turned into an armed mutiny. The fragmented nature of the region was not ideal for a united resistance against the empire; nonetheless, sporadic efforts of resistance have been continuously recorded. In 1947, Balochistan was forcefully annexed into Pakistan and in the absence of a legislative assembly at the time, was brought directly under the rule of the governor general. For 23 years, Balochistan was brought under the rule of non-Baloch and therefore, it was of particular significance to the province provincial elections were held and NAP came into power (Khan, 2003). NAP felt it crucial to redress previous injustices done to the province. This eventually led to the 1973-77 insurgency.

5

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

It must be realized that Islamabad had come into conflict with Balochistan previously on three occasions i.e. in 1948, 1958 and 1962 but that the conflict of 1973 was a guerrilla movement that led to an armed clash between 55,000 tribesmen and 70,000 Pakistani troops, ravaging the province. The reasons for opposition to the Pakistani center was built up over years and was triggered due to unconstitutional deviance by the Bhutto government after the 1970 elections (Grare, 2006). Grare attributes the rise of Baloch resistence to the center to three main factors; expropriation, marginalization and dispossession. There lay a massive trust deficit between the Baloch and the federal center that stemmed from the lack of inclusiveness of Balochis in central affairs (or even provincial decisions) as well as the continuous failure of the government to bring the province on a level playing field equal to that of the other provinces.

Baloch nationalism was spearheaded by three main tribal chiefs i.e. Akbar Bugti, Ataullah Mengal and Khair Bux Marri. Despite differences in their political ideologies, the three tribal chiefs gave a united defense. This is reflective of the reality faced by the entire province; though tribes may have their differences, they are broadly united in opposition to the federal administration. Here, it is obvious that though the resistance may have stemmed from ethnic marginalization, it has grown into a movement demanding greater political power for the province as a whole. Under Musharraf’s regime, the counter insurgency operations against Baloch resistance not only failed to provide a long-term solution but in fact exacerbated the crisis by causing the death of Akbar Bugti.

Presently, many Baloch tribes are divided in their approach. Certain members of the same tribe want greater autonomy within the state of Pakistan through greater political participation while others from the same tribe have taken up arms and militancy to further Baloch separatist efforts. For instance while Sardar Akhtar Mengal led the Balochistan National Party in the elections, his younger brother Javed Mengal led militants in the Khuzdar district (Butt, 2013).

Trends in Balochistan’s attitude may hence be changing on a micro level but broadly, it is still a disgruntled province with unsettled grievances against the Pakistani state and all those that support it.

6

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Understanding Ethnic Nationalism at the Roots In order to understand the issue of separatist and ethnic movements in Pakistan, we must assess the nature of these movements. Though the government of Pakistan has been trying to quell separatist movements throughout the course of its history, we see a disproportionate amount of effort being spent in curing the symptoms rather than identifying and eliminating the root causes themselves. This reflects the absence of a deeper understanding of any nationalist movement within Pakistan that can only be achieved via further investigation into the reasons for mobilization. A study of the historical backgrounds and the correct categorization of movements is often critical for devising any policies that would hope to counter such movements.

We must not underestimate the focal role of ethnicity in the origin and mobilization of support for such movements. Ethnicity refers to a combination of race, culture and historical commonality between a people that ties them together and differentiates them from other groups or communities around them. These commonalities can be seen despite geographic decision for instance, the Baloch of present day Balochistan don’t consider North-east Balochistan (populated in majority by Pashtuns) to be an integral part of present day Baluchistan or a future ‘Greater Baluchistan’ that would include parts of Iran and Afghanistan. This understanding of the main populace that mobilizes itself in a movement, is crucial to any successful policy measure addressing the unrest.

These ethnicities tend to develop strong bonds due to a collective consciousness and certain behavioral attributes (Laif & Hamza). However, the political mobilization of these groups is also dependent on the kind of stimulus given i.e. the socio-political environment (Romano, 2006). Being largely influential to the socio-political factors, the government bears the responsibility of preventing such a situation. As stated by Young and Esman that ethnic identity must be viewed as a dynamic variable that can “ebb and flow in political importance” (Romano, 2006).

Nationalism is referred to the protective attitude members of a nation have towards national interests or identity, questioning the nature or concept of national identity such as race, religion, culture, history, common descent etc. Nationalism also refers to the action taken or the behavior of people when they are collectively seeking self-determination (Miscevic, 2014).

7

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Conclusively, Pakistan has faced and continues to face opposition from ethnic nationalist movements based on categorization by the above literature. If a minority group is oppressed by the majority to the extent that almost every minority member is worse off than most members of the majority simply in virtue of belonging to the minority, then nationalist claims on behalf of the minority are morally plausible and potentially compelling such as in the case of the Pakistani Baloch (Miscevic, 2014). Stemming from these claims and the right to self-determination, self- defense and redressing past injustices, we see the Balochi nationalist movements as more persistent and prominent as opposed to others like the Sindhu Desh or Greater Pakhtunistan Movement.

Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: The Current Situation Balochistan currently maintains its list of grievances against the federation of Pakistan. These can be summed up as the following:

 Pakistan is a strongly centralized state that does not wish to grant political autonomy  Balochistan must be given a greater share in the natural resources that are extracted from it  The province must be given a greater share in the health and education sector in order to improve its development as a province.

Over the last few years, especially under the PPP government, reforms such as the 18th amendment and the new NFC award granting greater allocation of finances to Balochistan as well as an agreement to pay Balochistan royalties for SUI gas extraction are positive steps forward in stabilizing the Balochistan crisis. However, the implementation of these reforms has not been (and cannot expect to be) completely free of bureaucratic resistance owing to corrupt practices or lack of feasibility. As with any policy implementation, these reforms too are being faced with hindrances nonetheless, are considered overall successful initiatives by the government and are expected to bring improvement of Balochistan’s conditions in the long-term.

While Balochistan has gained political empowerment, it continues to be a massive security concern for Pakistan and other regional players. Though many key actors in the resistance have restricted themselves to a purely political role, groups like the Balochistan Students Organisation and the Balochistan Liberation Army continue their armed resistance against the center. This is a

8

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015 manifestation of the persistent marginalization of the Balochis and should not be countered by military operations as has been done in the past. The failure to engage with these groups and provide a participatory solution would result in the creation of following generations of Balochis with anti-state ideologies ingrained in their minds. These are the lessons we learnt in the war against Islamic extremism and should remove the option of armed suppression to avoid repeating past mistakes and enhancing the gap of mistrust between the Balochis and the center.

Balochistan with Reference to Developmental Projects: The people of Balochistan have felt a lack of prioritization for Balochi interests in federal policy formulation owing to a long history of having their culture and their needs neglected. The resurgence of Baloch nationalism is often attributed to the fear Balochis have of becoming a minority in their own land. Though many development projects could have a highly positive impact on the lives of the locals as well as their standards of living, it is perceived by them as more of a threat. The CPEC could change the current socio-economic landscape of Balochistan by revolutionizing its communication sector and improving infrastructure and socio-economic indicators. The project would initiate a mega development process with huge investments, which could make the province a new economic frontier for the country. On the other hand, a restive Balochistan might also provide a well-suited pitch for the players of the global energy game. A volatile province sharing borders with Afghanistan and Iran presents a mouth-watering prospect for the players of this ‘new great game’. The actual game being played out involves the monitoring of the supply routes for energy shipments from the Persian Gulf and ensuring the control of these proposed trans-national energy pipeline routes. A fully operational Gwadar port under the Chinese upsets certain regional players. India for one, would prefer a far more limited presence of China than Gwadar provides while the U.S would be made vulnerable if China were to establish a naval base there. Needless to say, projects like these and others like the IPI would not only stimulate socio-economic development throughout the province but also enhance its strategic importance in regional as well as global politics. Pakistan of course, has much yet to gain from Balochistan for these reasons as well as the fact that the province itself is rich in natural resources that are yet to be exploited.

Unfortunately, the above benefits of these initiatives can only be achieved within a stable and less volatile Balochistan. Owing to the fact that Balochistan has been neglected throughout the

9

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015 majority of Pakistan’s history, it currently lacks skilled labor or educational/vocational institutions to develop skilled human capital. This obviously means that in a competitive environment, Balochis would come second to other, more qualified applicants from other provinces, for jobs in any sort of developmental initiatives. The fact that they are unqualified for any jobs leaves the province vulnerable to an influx of ‘foreigners’ which the locals perceive as a negative consequence of these projects.

Armed factions of Baloch resistance have voiced their hostility towards such projects by carrying out various disruptive attacks causing setbacks in project schedules. During the visit of Iran’s oil Minister Bijan Namdar Zanganeh of New Delhi to discuss the future of the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline, anti- government elements in Balochistan blew up two gas pipelines sending a message to all parties involved in this pipeline of peace project. The area of the Balochistan-Punjab border where the pipeline is supposed to run is one of Pakistan's poorest areas and its most restive province. In recent years it has been a battleground of private militias belonging to Baloch tribes. Sporadic armed clashes resulted in attacks against water pipelines, power transmission lines and gas installations (Laif & Hamza). Sabotaging of a gas pipeline from Sui to cut off supply to Punjab has become a norm since 2003. The number of attacks on gas pipelines in Balochistan have been summarized in the table below. These attacks are a manifestation of the deep-rooted grievances of the disgruntled Balochis and their determination towards disrupting any progress Pakistan aims to attain through Balochistan’s resources.

Table 1 Adapted from South Asia Terrorism Portal (2015) Year Incidents Killed Injured 2005 5 10 16 2006 19 0 0 2007 31 1 1 2008 31 2 1 2009 29 0 3 2010 3 0 0 2011 52 3 10 2012 23 0 0 2013 10 0 0 2014 17 0 0 2015 10 0 0 Total* 230 16 31

10

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

The lack of a coherent policy that would either assimilate the Balochi people into current and future developmental projects in the province or that would protect the Balochis in terms of job security through a quota system has deepened the trust deficit between the province and Islamabad. The development of the province therefore, is inconsequential to any possible prosperity of the Balochi people themselves.

Balochistan with Reference to Human Rights Violations: Human rights violations in Balochistan appear in staggering numbers. Documentation shows that districts are being bombarded, people are being kidnapped and bodies are turning up every day. In February 2008, a group of Balochis began their long march from Quetta to Karachi and then Islamabad to bring international attention to the missing persons’ issues. Leader of the caravan Mama Qadeer was reported as saying that the Balochis have no more hope left in the Pakistani government (AFP, 2014). The speculative explanation behind these violations is the use of a “kill and dump” strategy by Pakistan’s military and Frontier Corps. Upon calls for accountability, the military and the ISI either deny involvement or claim that all missing persons have direct or indirect connections with anti-state factions of Pakistan and posed a threat to the nation’s sovereignty. Several times, the Supreme Court has ordered security forces to bring these cases to court, but since the Pakistani terrorist army is not bound to Pakistani court or international law, it has not obliged. The number of abducted Balochis has reached 19000, while thousands have turned up dead (Baloch, 2015). The World Report 2015 published by the Human Rights Watch states:

“Enforced disappearances linked to the security forces continued with impunity. On March 18, plainclothes gunmen later identified as belonging to Pakistan’s paramilitary Frontier Corps allegedly abducted Zahid Baloch, chairperson of the Baloch Student Organization-Azad in the provincial capital, Quetta. Baloch’s whereabouts and safety remained unknown at time of writing. Despite rulings from the Pakistan Supreme Court in 2013 demanding justice for victims of enforced disappearances, as well as recommendations from the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances in 2012, Pakistan’s government has failed to meet its obligations under the constitution and international law prohibiting enforced disappearances.”

Regardless, of the need of such a violent strategy, it must be realized that it is not a solution, in fact, as a long term strategy it is detrimental to any kind of peace-building effort from the center.

11

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

An alternative strategy and a more transparent method of investigation must be adopted. Not only are the current extra judicial killings widening the gap of distrust and handicapping the Balochi people but is undermining the current judicial system of Pakistan as well.

Balochistan in Reference to Regional Politics: Balochistan is of significant importance to Pakistan, due to its borders with Iran and Afghanistan, its strategic location with reference to Central Asian States as well as its abundance in natural resources such as copper, gas, gold, oil etc. Simultaneously, Balochistan plays a crucial role in the greater regional and international politics. Its border with Iran poses a two-pronged concern; firstly, its close cultural and historical affiliation with the people of Sistan Balochistan who speak the same language and share common history with the Pakistani Baloch and secondly, the issue of border control and security. Due to a stronger bond amongst the people of the “Greater Balochistan” area, any unrest or separatist movements in Pakistan Balochistan have a rippling similar effect in Sistan-Balochistan. This is unsettling for Tehran, which in turn has urged the Pakistani government to neutralize security threats in Balochistan Furthermore, Pakistan is known for being a major smuggler of drugs that make their way in through Afghnaistan and are majorly exported to Iran. This too is a concern for Tehran and must be addressed with tighter border security.

In light of the recent P5 + 1 and Iran Nuclear Deal, Iran has resurfaced as an important regional player and Pakistan must aim for continued alliance. Pakistan is not in a position to deteriorate its relations with Iran or afford having another hostile neighboring country. Therefore, immediate policy reform must be made towards improving the security situation in Balochistan.

Presently, Pakistan is undergoing two massive developmental projects namely, CPEC and IPI. Both these projects have been initiated in Pakistan due to the geographical connection Balochistan makes between Central Asia, China and the sea routes. In the absence of security reform and the success of separatist agenda in Balochistan, Pakistan loses its strategic edge and significance as a regional payer in South East Asia.

Moreover, if Balochistan secedes and manages to survive independent of Pakistan, it is predicted to being a highly unstable state that may pose a threat to current regional dynamics. The impact

12

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015 of global negative attention brought towards Pakistan as the state that allowed Balochistan to secede will be detrimental to Pakistan’s foreign affairs especially in terms of regional politics.

Therefore, Pakistan must reassess its strategies towards Balochistan and bring inclusive reforms lest Balochistan’s insecurity escalates as the state cannot afford losing the province.

Ethnic Nationalist Movements in Pakistan: Policy Recommendations and a Way Forward This paper discussed the multidimensional and deeply rooted problems of Balochistan. It is imperative to gain a deeper knowledge about these issues and accordingly craft required policies and execute them in a manner that it leads to political stability, economic prosperity and effective security situation in the province. Produced below are a few action points and policy recommendations that are developed under the light of the above discussion.

 To develop a comprehensive vision for Balochistan that chalks out the future of the province and its people. It is imperative to include all key stakeholders whilst developing any such action plan to ensure higher public acceptability and ownership. The plan would include action points covering all areas from political autonomy to economic development. The rapidly changing development landscape of province can supply both the means and the incentives for bringing the insurgency to a swift, negotiated, and amicable end.  A special area of focus can be the improvement of the dwindling human development index of the province. The massive development projects of CPEC and IPI are a golden opportunity to rectify the wrongs of the past and to set the foundation of a new better relationship with the people of Balochistan. It is important to reach out to Balochi political representatives, tribal leaders and general population with incentive packages specifically designed to make them an equal stakeholder in the development of the province. In addition of opening schools and better educational facilities, vocational and training centres can be established that can train the local populace and equip them to make a positive contribution in the development projects. The government can ensure that a particular percentage or quota of the total workforce

13

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

consists of local population to prevent feelings of alienation and isolation amongst Balochis.  To cater to the grievances and woes of Balochis directed towards the central government and to dispel the mistrust of people, a complaint centre can be established which establishes a direct link between the local populace of the province and the federal government. The centre can analyze the complaints registered and can generate the respective patterns and trends. This cell can also extend its reach and monitor the public’s mood on social networks especially on Twitter where there is an abundance of pro-separation and anti-state propaganda. A focal person can be nominated from the leading political party to comment on the registered complaints and update the public about the progress of the actions taken so far to rectify the issues that are identified. To ensure its effectiveness and impact, it is suggested to decide beforehand the medium of communication and the schedule of these announcements and to announce them publically so that a certain level of trust can built up between the government and the local population of Balochistan.  Unfortunately till now, military was used by federation to counter insurgency, sectarian differences, political, social and economic problems in Balochistan instead of a political discourse. Hence, it is all the more important to develop a formalized channel of communication to reach out to dissident Baloch nationalist leaders and hold talks with them. It is crucial to continue the process of peace talks and keep the dissidents engaged in a political dialogue.  The secular Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) has accused Islamabad and the ISI, of encouraging religious militancy in an effort to dominate the separatist groups in Balochistan. Whereas, it is a common perception that foreign elements are involved in exacerbating the security crisis in the province. With the reports of ISIS establishing an affiliate, Ansar-ul Daulat-e Islamia fil Pakistan, Foreign Office has to develop a strategic response to the accusations and provide evidence against any such accusations which not only tend to gravely threaten the image of our government and agencies at home but also discredit our efforts in the Global War on Terror in the international community.

14

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

 It is high time that Pakistan deals with the missing person case and treat it not only as a Balochistan specific problem but also as a human rights violation occurring in the country. The federation can’t adopt the dubious strategy of abducting people and mutilating bodies, while calling locals for negotiation and collaboration. Unfortunately, the judicial bodies in the past have failed to show any substantial progress regarding the issue but this can be reversed if the matter is proactively pursued by the political leadership. The solution can begin by releasing accurate information of all those formally arrested or otherwise taken into custody, detained, and released in Balochistan along with the reasons for their arrest. The government can ensure that the police and Commission of Inquiry for Missing Persons (CIMP) have the necessary authority and resources to vigorously investigate cases of disappearance, including those perpetrated by the intelligence agencies and paramilitary forces. In addition, Pakistan should sign and ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and enact national legislation that gives force to its provisions so that there is hope for some sustainable improvement in the province.  Pakistan also has to be sensitive to the possibility of the fragmented Baloch insurgency in Pakistan to be taken over by Sunni militias antagonizing its relations with Iran and threatening the IPI project. Both Iran and Pakistan have experimented to force integration of the Baloch through their respective cultural and political policies. But in addition to these efforts, stronger collaboration with Iran needs to be developed to establish a cohesive front against any efforts made by extremists to cause animosity between the two countries. Pakistan, in collaboration with its neighbors, has to develop a strategy to prevent and then ultimately stop the transition of Baloch nationalistic group evolving into an Islamic extremist organization.

15

NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 1st -30th Oct, 2015

Works Cited AFP. (2014, 02 28). Dawn. Retrieved 10 10, 2015, from http://www.dawn.com/news/1090112

Baloch, S. (2015, 04 19). CNN iReport. Retrieved 10 10, 2015, from http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC- 1234751

Butt, Q. (2013, 04 07). The Express Tribune. Retrieved 10 10, 2015, from http://tribune.com.pk/story/532237/brothers-in-arms-2/

Firdous, I. (2014, 05 26). The Express Tribune. Retrieved 10 10, 2015, from http://tribune.com.pk/story/713135/deprived-province-59-of-balochistan-without-natural-gas/

Grare, F. (2006). Pakistan: The Resurgence of Baluch Nationalism. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Khan, A. (2003). Baloch Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: from Guerrilla War to Nowhere? Asian Ethnicity , 4 (2), 280-293.

Laif, M. I., & Hamza, M. A. Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: A Case Study of Baloch Nationalism During Musharraf Regime. Pakistan Vision , 10 (1), 49-81.

Miscevic, N. (2014). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy . Retrieved October 10, 2015, from http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nationalism/

Romano, D. (2006). The Kurdish Nationalist Movement: Opportunity, Mobilization and Identity. Cambridge University Press.

16