Stratagem

Security Dynamics of as a Determinant

of ’s Foreign Policy*

On 3 May 2018, the Centre for Strategic and Contemporary Research held a panel discussion at the Pakistan Institute for Parliamentary Services, Islamabad, titled ‘Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy’. The purpose of the discussion was to determine the significance of Balochistan’s internal dynamics for Pakistan’s foreign policy decision making as well as for regional peace and security. The select audience consisted of policymakers, diplomatic representatives, academicians, students and the media. Reproduced in this document is the transcript of the views of each of the panel discussants.

Mir Sarfraz Bugti - Minister to Home and Tribal Affairs

Due to shortage of time I will not discuss history, instead I will focus on the current scenario. When we took charge of the Government, we were confronted with three immediate security challenges. The first challenge was organised crime like street crimes, robberies, and target killings. The second challenge, looming on the horizon was of terrorism being committed in the name of religion, which is highly problematic because it makes the global community believe that Islam is associated with terrorism. Third was the challenge of violence committed in the name of patriotism orQaum-parasti ‘ ’ which the Assembly recognises as terrorism, but intellectuals and friends from the media, including most people from Punjab refer to as the ‘upset Baloch’.

I do not believe in ethnic division and I am an advocate of provincial harmony. In fact I am also married to a woman from Punjab. Punjabis have also been subject to violence, in scenarios where the murderers are often given utmost respect. In a recent incident, 13 people were pushed out of their buses and murdered, once their identity cards had been checked. With utter regret, no representative from the Punjab leadership visited their houses to offer them condolence. This is the guilt that is felt by the people of Punjab because they believe that somehow the same leadership is responsible for the Balochistan crisis.

*The panel discussants were Mir Sarfraz Bugti, Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, Mohammad Faisal, Zhao Lijian, and Saleem Safi.

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Nevertheless, I do not think in a similar fashion. I should not be using the term insurgency because the dictionary meaning of the word does not befit the Balochistan conflict. It is a low-intensity conflict, triggered by two main factors. The first factor is that all disputes which previously arose in Balochistan were limited to two districts or a single division. For example, Kohlu was seized by conflict in the 1970s even though the neighbouring district Dera Bugti remained peaceful. The adjacent districts Sibi and Barkhan also remained peaceful. Similarly, the districts of Kalat and Khuzdar were apprehended after the conflict, but the districts nearby remained peaceful.

The series of unfortunate events date back to the year 2002; no military operation was being conducted in Balochistan at that time. Many people are of the opinion that the Balochistan conflict, driven by patriotism, has intensified due to military operations, however that is not the case. Mr. was in London when the 2002 elections were held. He was called back to Pakistan and was forced to run as a candidate to win elections. When he approached the Assembly for the oath taking ceremony after winning the polls, the Speaker of the Balochistan Assembly asked him to repeat that he will remain loyal to the country. He repeated that he would stay loyal to the country and to the Baloch homeland. The Speaker of the Assembly repeated the oath once again, and Balach Marri responded in the affirmative. Whether the oath was legal or not, it was however his last day in the Assembly after which he went to Kahan (Kohlu district) for good. That day, the first footage of the Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) was leaked in which an officer of RAW was killed in Pakistan, not during any operation, but during training. His dead body was sent back to India via .

In 1993, Balach Marri’s father was called back from Afghanistan. As soon as he landed in Pakistan, he burnt the Pakistani flag at the airport. In an interview with Masood Ullah Khan on BBC, he admitted himself that he intended to carry on with his anti-state motives.

These are historical facts to prove that the conflict did not start because

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 115 Stratagem of military operations; there were no operations between 2002 and 2005. The insurgents had three to four years to spread in Balochistan, especially in the southern region. From every region or district, a group of five to ten people emerged. Their leader belonged to the Marri tribe. Similarly, observing the events from the past few years, Commander - a Marri, was given that position by the local residents. Hence, the conflict spread in Balochistan after a lot of planning, originating from the area of the Marris. Marris never closed down their ferrari camps.

When Marri returned to Pakistan, the state awarded him with billions of Rupees and a place to reside in Quetta. Whenever a situation of conflict develops in the city, it originates from this place, which has been the root cause of many problems. This is also how the insurgency was spread.

As I mentioned at the very beginning, we had three types of challenges for which we made different strategies. The first strategy was made with the aid of the Federal Government and the Pakistan Army. Under this strategy, we announced forgiveness to all who opted for disarmament and would abide by the Constitution of Pakistan. Mullah Fazlullah opposed this announcement of forgiveness and demanded that his version of Islam should be imposed in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). He and his followers did not intend to divide Pakistan. However, unfortunately, the imposition of their version of Islam made no difference if the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) was functioning in FATA. When the people of the FATA appear in the Assembly as Members of the National Assembly (MNAs), they can formulate legislation for others but not for themselves. Thus, I am of the view that Tehreek-e- Pakistan’s (TTP) version of Islam was imposed on the people of FATA hence it was not a big deal.

The Baloch sub-nationalists had openly announced that they wanted to divide Pakistan through violence. They wanted to diminish the borders of Pakistan and create a new state. We conveyed it very clearly to them that violence in the name of religion is terrorism. But then again, violence in the name of patriotism seems to be unacceptable. It is difficult for me to understand why the

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State has been treating disorder in two different manners. Anyhow, the policy for a peaceful Balochistan was implemented which accounted for forgiveness and arranged rehabilitation. The outcome was that these insurgents, who were residing in the cities, now took shelter in the mountains. During 2009 and 2010, the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) conducted gatherings at Meezan Chowk in Quetta, after which we forced them to move to remote areas; and later, by conducting operations, we pushed them to take shelter in the mountains.

Contrarily, we have also been bringing them back from the mountains with the realisation that their entire leadership is residing in Europe, enjoying a luxurious life. Whether it is Hyrbyair Marri, Mehran Marri, etc., they all are spending a life of luxury. The lavish life that they are living is at the cost of the blood of the Baloch, which they have sold to RAW in return for financial gains.

Now, I firmly believe that the Baloch sub-nationalist movement is coming to an end. 10 years ago, there were districts in Balochistan with no Deputy Commissioner, for example, the Awaran district. The situation has become a lot better now: since a while there has been no incident in Quetta that has been claimed by the Baloch sub-nationalist groups.

Coming to the problem of organised crimes, it is a serious issue for the Government. When several dead bodies were lying on the ground and the people were on strike, none of the Government representatives was ready to visit the area. It was this laidback attitude of the bureaucracy, politicians, Frontier Corps, and the armed forces, which consequently led to the deteriorated law and order situation. There have been only two cases of robberies in the past two years which come as a surprise. One of the robbers was also successfully arrested. Moreover, street crimes in Balochistan have decreased up to 99 per cent, and the ratio of organised crimes in Balochistan remains far less as compared to that of Islamabad and Rawalpindi.

Proceeding towards the third major challenge that is terrorism in the name of religion, this challenge emerged from bomb blasts and the killing of

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 117 Stratagem the people from the Hazara community. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) was formed in Jhang. Surprisingly, its followers do not harm the Shias from Jhang, but only kill Shias residing in Quetta, specifically Shias from the Hazara tribe, which shows that they do not consider Shias residing in Jhang as non-believers, but the Shias from Quetta are non-believers for them.

We need to make everyone realise that if Balochistan is destabilised, then the whole of Pakistan is destabilised. When you go five kilometres away from Balochistan, there are ‘A’ and ‘B’ areas. A serious debate is required with regards to these areas because the entire local political leadership considers the B-areas to be more critical in terms of the security situation. However, the security forces are of the view that the B-areas must also be converted into A-areas and the same law and order must prevail.

Secondly, Afghanistan is situated at a journey of just an hour and a half. Since 2010, the Balochistan Government has been highlighting the involvement of RAW in internal conflicts, but people have kept demanding proof. When God bestowed this responsibility upon me, I had an opportunity to see the evidence. There are two types of evidence: one is substantial, and the other is first-hand evidence. Only the Government and Foreign Office have access to the first-hand evidence regarding RAW’s involvement in the destabilisation of Balochistan. The substantial evidence is that there are militant camps in Pakistan’s border area. It is a dangerous situation that all militant separatists’ camps have now merged and are operating together. Now when they commit an offence, they are paid together; the targets for which are set by officers from RAW. The militants cross the borders to cause conflict, and then they return to their camps. I am of the view that a decrease in terrorism is not in the hands of the Government of Balochistan alone. However, if we analyse the statistics from 2003 to 2018, the issue has been overcome to a great extent.

During 2013, 300 Hazaras were killed. Later in 2014, there were 78 killings. 15 to 16 murders were reported during 2015-2016. This year, the total number has decreased further as compared to that of 2013. Hype is unnecessarily

118 Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy being created at a time when the Baloch sub-nationalist movement is dying out. I am not an expert on the problems faced by the Pashtuns, but I can talk about the Pashtuns of Balochistan and I know that they do not have any issues. Their schools have been opened after the Balochistan insurgency. Roads are being constructed, and hospitals are being built. The people of Balochistan are satisfied.

When I met an entourage in Quetta, there were six people from Hazara and the remaining 30 people were workers of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM). I kept on asking them if I had come for a dialogue with the people from the Hazara community or with the people of PTM. After observing these developments, I believe that Pakistan is being targeted; sometimes the Hazaras are used and in other instances, the Pashtuns. Earlier, 20 Pashtuns were disembarked from a bus and killed. This attack had been claimed by the (UBA). The motive behind killing 20 Pashtuns was to create animosity between the Baloch and the Pashtuns. Likewise, Sindhis are killed to create animosity between Sindhis and the Baloch and so, Punjabis are killed to create hatred between Punjabis and the Baloch.

For the sake of debate, I would say that the Punjabis have a higher level of tolerance. In one such incident, 11 to 13 Punjabis were killed and I took their bodies to Rahim Yar Khan where I was expecting the people to be angry and aggressive. However, I was surprised to see that those people were apologetic because they were sympathetic towards the Baloch. The question here is that why are the people of Balochistan unhappy and why is Brahumdagh Bugti retaliating for them? Should not it be me, the one willing to strike back, since I am living here with my people and I fully understand that many of them do not have access to basic necessities. The simple answer is that the right to violence only rests with the State.

Our core purpose is to stabilise Balochistan and the people of Balochistan. I assure you that the leadership of Balochistan will not let these conspiracies be successful. Referring to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the Baloch

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 119 Stratagem have not been kept fully onboard. The tax that is to be received from Gwadar will be taken by the Federal Government. Balochistan must have some share in it. The Federal Government must abide by the policy where it is explicitly mentioned that all provinces must be developed on an equal level. We, the leadership of the Balochistan province, will keep on making efforts to ensure the success of CPEC for the betterment of the entire country.

Ashraf Jahangir Qazi - Former Ambassador and Special Representative to the UN

Mr. Sarfraz Bugti presented critical issues in which he sought Punjab and the Balochistan narrative. Balochistan’s narrative is a struggle for dignity and justice. There are many complicated situations in the province, and external deterrence from across the border is one factor. The Baloch narrative is that of the denial of justice and an increase in political participation. However, this resistance has been turned into an anti-national movement. If this continues, consequences could be adverse.

Speaking historically, East Pakistan separated from Pakistan after only 25 years of its creation. Of course, that was because of the intervention ofthe Indian military, but the deteriorated situation of Balochistan makes it appear as if it was our unjust governance that led to the grounds for reaching such a situation. We need to learn many lessons from history if we intend to develop Pakistan, because the Pakistan which Quaid-e-Azam had dreamt of diffused within 25 years after independence due to our shortcomings and policies. If we cannot learn from our mistakes, then there is a possibility that we will repeat the same mistakes again, which may harm Pakistan.

In the past few months, a movement has started called the PTM. The ‘P’ in PTM should stand for Pakistan; it should be the Pakistan Tahafuz Movement. A famous Pakistani Economist Professor Qaiser Bengali, recently wrote a book on Balochistan called ‘Cry for Justice’. He is not from Balochistan, but he has been an Advisor to the Chief Minister of Balochistan. His book is based on his experience in the province. He elaborated on the injustice being committed in Balochistan with facts and figures. Even though Balochistan comprises one-third

120 Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy of the total area of Pakistan, it has a very small proportion of the total population. It has a coastline, minerals, and is arguably Pakistan’s most strategically located province, having borders with Iran and Afghanistan.

We complain that India interferes in Balochistan, however, if we bring justice and increased political representation in the province, it will help improve relations with our neighbours. While our neighbouring countries are responsible to some extent, particularly India, we should not just blame outsiders for our acts of commission and omission. If we do so, we will not be loyal and faithful Pakistanis. Our first duty of patriotism is to face the truth whether it is sweet or bitter.

We need to have the right intention to carry out these actions. With the right intention, we can solve all these issues easily. The structure of our society is such that we have never learnt from our mistakes and unless we do, we will always be enveloped in these problems.

Zhao Lijian - Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China

Generally speaking as a foreigner, the security situation in Balochistan has greatly improved, especially in recent years. The Chinese people have high confidence in the Federal Government, the Provincial Government and the armed and security forces of Pakistan. At the same time, I would also like to mention that there is always room for improvement in terms of security in the province.

If we talk about security concerning the protection of the Chinese people, 500 Chinese were killed during the construction of the Karakoram Highway (KKH). At that time the KKH was about 800 kilometres long, and behind every kilometres’ construction of the KKH, there was a life sacrificed. In recent years, dozens of Chinese have been killed in the country. The security lapses in Balochistan claimed more than half of Chinese lives here in Pakistan.

On 15 February 2006, about 12 years ago, there was an attack on a Chinese motorcade, claimed by the BLA, in which 11 people were injured. Eight years ago, on 3 May 2010, some Chinese workers were on their way from their

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 121 Stratagem camp to their work site, when a remote-controlled bomb blew up their vehicle and claimed the lives of three Chinese men, injuring the rest. Whenever I visit Balochistan, I pay respect at the graves of those who sacrificed their lives. Last year, two Chinese men were also killed near Quetta. This is the reason why I am saying that there is still room for improvement in terms of security in Balochistan. The Chinese people are well-wishers of Pakistan, and the Chinese Government, companies, and engineers are here to develop the country.

We have the largest number of CPEC projects in Balochistan. Among the 16 projects, the project of a coal fire power plant in Hub is the largest one. The plant is the same size as the Port Qasim power plant. We are also constructing a new international airport and are also helping Pakistan build the Gwadar East Bay Expressway. In other provinces, we are building the KKH and the Motorway 5 (M5) from Multan to Sukkur. These are similar projects as some are built in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province, and some are built in Punjab on two per cent soft loans provided by the Chinese Government. The loan for the East Bay Expressway is interest-free from the Chinese Government.

We also have some other projects in Hub, Quetta and Gwadar. We have built one hospital in Balochistan, and another one is in progress. The hospital in Gwadar is called the CPEC Emergency Hospital. It was built with the help of the Pakistan Red Cross Society in China. The Chinese Red Cross Society and top Chinese doctors have been working in this hospital as of now and will hand over the responsibility to their counterparts in Pakistan.

We are also helping Gwadar upgrade its local Gwadar Development Authority (GDA) hospital. They will have the capacity of 150 beds after upgradation. We are also building three schools in Balochistan. One school has been built already, which is called the China-Pakistan Friendship Middle School. We are also considering making a Gwadar Vocational and Technical Institute, the CPEC Centre of Excellence in Quetta and the University of Science and Technology in Quetta. These are not short-term projects but long term commitments, until at least 2030.

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These commitments will continue with future governments elected in Pakistan over the years, till 2030. CPEC will stay, and CPEC will further develop. If there is a need to make some recommendations, then in my opinion, the Balochistan Government is already doing a good job by focusing on economic development; in other words, putting economic development as their first priority in government policy. I think this is a good policy because the Gwadar Port in Balochistan is the beginning of CPEC. The Chinese people hope that Balochistan makes further reforms as we understand that Balochistan is the most underdeveloped province in Pakistan. Hence, we are going to launch capacity building and training programmes in Balochistan. If they ask our embassy to recommend candidates, then we will try to recommend more people from Balochistan.

There are 22,000 Pakistani students currently studying in China, and I hope this number of students will increase in the coming years. My last point is related to foreign policy, as Ambassador Qazi mentioned that Balochistan is next to Iran and Afghanistan, and believes that there is a need to develop and improve good relations with these two countries, I believe that Balochistan could be a corridor connecting Pakistan with Afghanistan and also with the Central Asian Republics. It is also a corridor connecting Pakistan with China. Thus, Balochistan has a very bright future, and I hope CPEC will bring prosperity to this region.

Mohammad Faisal - Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

I will concentrate more on the foreign policy aspects and less on the internal dynamics. Balochistan has a significant bearing on Pakistan and its foreign policy, and there is a dire need to have a genuine and open debate on this issue. Balochistan is at the geographical and cultural crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East which makes it a potential hub of inter-regional transport and trade. It is almost as big as France but smallest in population amongst all the provinces of Pakistan. Located at the northern tip of the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic gateway to most of the world’s energy supplies, it possesses a unique geostrategic advantage of proximity to the world’s warm

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 123 Stratagem waters through its 470 miles long coastline of the Arabian Sea.

Geographically, it shares a 900 kilometre long western border with Iran, with unique access to its abundant mineral reserves, a more than 1000 kilometre border with Afghanistan, potentially giving its northwestern neighbours and Central Asian states viable sea access. In its east are the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sindh, and a part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). Balochistan’s coast provides an exclusive economic zone and is potentially rich in oil, gas and minerals. It has two of Pakistan’s three naval bases.

Moreover, with the development of Gwadar’s deep-sea port under the CPEC, Pakistan and China in the region would be the collective beneficiaries of the economic corridor that this area envisages to become. By providing China access to warm waters, enhancing development aspects of the , transforming Pakistan’s economy, giving landlocked states of Afghanistan and Iran with a strategic outreach to the Persian Gulf and beyond; the geostrategic importance of Balochistan is an essential determinant of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

The proposed gas pipeline from Iran and Turkmenistan to Pakistan, through Afghanistan and then further to India also passes through Balochistan. On the political and economic spectrum, Balochistan has become the recipient of major governmental and CPEC related projects, but there is always room for more.

The region has struggled with conflicting national identity perspectives, underdevelopment and low representation at national level. The region has suffered from the lack of political and physical autonomy, as well as hyper manifestations of either in the form of national political discourse or otherwise.

It is in Pakistan’s national interest to develop Balochistan at par with other provinces and prepare it for a sustained economic and diplomatic outreach internationally. A country’s national interest lies in enhancing its economic,

124 Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy military and cultural power in the overall ideology of political thought. Pakistan’s national interest centric foreign policy not only acts as a catalyst for domestic economic development in the form of CPEC and government led initiatives in Balochistan, but it also gives it international clout and prestige. Among other things, our foreign policy is geared towards security and stability, sustained economic development and safeguarding the interests of our people and the people abroad.

The security situation in Afghanistan has a direct effect on Balochistan. The presence of terrorist elements on the Pak-Afghan border is a cause of major concern for Pakistan. What is particularly worrisome for Pakistan is the fact that 43 per cent of the Afghan territory is outside the control of the Afghan Government. In these ungoverned places, Taliban and other terrorist groups are concentrated and are involved in launching many anti-Pakistan terrorist attacks. We have shared plenty of evidence with the Afghan authorities regarding the rise of TTP, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and other terrorist groups in the region, and how our adversaries are colluding with these groups to create instability and stage deadly terrorist attacks on the Pakistani soil. Pakistan talks of proactive fencing of the Pak-Afghan border in the face of several existential reasons.

Balochistan is also the linchpin of Pak-Iran relations and can act as a catalyst for our economic and social development. There are proposed infrastructural developmental projects and gas pipeline projects between both countries. Gwadar and Chabahar are complimentary ports and can be beneficial for both countries.

Indian support to Baloch insurgents and financial support of covert operations in order to destabilise Balochistan are known facts. The anti-Pakistan Baloch elements particularly Brahumdagh Bugti, Balach Marri and many such elites who are exiled in exotic capitals of European countries, have openly acknowledged India as their most prominent supporter, both financially and militarily. In fact, no insurgency can sustain itself without funding, weapons and military training; all of which is massively evident in the case of Balochistan. The

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 125 Stratagem incumbent Indian Prime Minister openly admitted to India’s covert involvement in destabilising the province in his Independence Day speech at the Red Fort two years ago. The confession of Kulbhushan Jhadav, who was a Navy Commander and a RAW agent, is an open testimony to India’s nefarious designs to destabilise Balochistan. India’s opposition to CPEC is also apparent. Commander Jadhav’s apprehension has enabled us to break into many terrorist networks in the area. Thus, the incidences of terrorist attacks have been brought down in not only Balochistan but also the rest of the country. Commander Jadhav’s confession is also a sign that our security agencies are alive. Indian agencies have yet to get back to us about him on many things, especially his presence here and his possession of two passports.

Our challenges should not be construed as our weaknesses. Pakistan is fully capable of defending its border against malicious elements be it military, ideological, social or economic. The Baloch people of today are happy to see improved security and socio-economic development return to their land. There is a massive decrease in the number of militants in major banned Baloch groups, most of whom have surrendered their weapons and have chosen to help in the development process.

There is greater involvement of Baloch political parties, groups and leaders in decision making. The development of the Gwadar Port and CPEC, as well as the socio-economic development in the region, are creating goodwill among the people of Balochistan. I would like to conclude on the note that Balochistan is a determinant of Pakistan’s foreign policy because of its unique geostrategic and geo-economic potential, and is rapidly becoming an attraction for foreign investment. We want the Baloch people to benefit fully from all such initiatives.

Saleem Safi - TV Anchor, Columnist and Journalist

If the Government had taken better measures and had not stereotyped certain groups of the State earlier, they would not be trying to stop the PTM today. To prevent such occurrences in Balochistan, the province should be given special treatment by the State, owing to the fact that this province has been victim to

126 Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy issues of governance and has largely remained underdeveloped, also because of its unique domestic dynamics. Balochistan should be cared for by Pakistan as a mother cares for her offspring, forgiving its shortcomings and helping it nourish.

Such areas pose a challenge of development for the State in specific, and for the region in general. Nature has also gifted this province with an abundance of minerals and resources in its mountains and in its soil. These precious natural resources are such a valuable asset, which if used sensibly, can reap remarkable benefits for the country and for the region. If they are not utilised, they can prove to be a nuisance and threat. They can be a threat because they become an incentive for exploitation by others.

One of the major differences in the domestic dynamics of Balochistan and other provinces is its tribal culture. Belonging to a tribal area myself, I understand that this culture innately is not in favour of development and proves to be a significant hindrance in the development process. Many emotional dilemmas are weaved in the fabric of such cultures which hamper the process of enlightenment and development of the society and the economy.

Historically, and even today, the political scenario in Balochistan has always been divided into two extremes: the Baloch nationalists who are against Pakistan and the nationalists who are pro-Pakistan. The former extreme is against their own country to a dangerous extent, and the latter ignores the genuine issues of their region. Both extremes are harmful to the State in the long run. We need a stable and steady political environment in Balochistan which complements the province and the country simultaneously. Another major difference from other parts of Pakistan is Balochistan’s topography, which makes it geo-strategically and geo-economically important. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) forces were deployed in Afghanistan but had their logistical bases in Balochistan, and all their military and food supplies were mobilised via the province. This makes the province an ideal location for any group which bears anti-American sentiments.

This is why many Afghan militant groups against America made Balochistan

Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 127 Stratagem their home, which consequently also made this province a home for those who were against these Afghan extremist groups. Such strategic games have made Balochistan very weak. After CPEC, in addition to all of this, the province is now going to be a home for those who are against China. Therefore the security stakes are really high. If for instance, America develops enmity for China, it will also have to go through Balochistan.

Since the very beginning, our media has never shown a positive image of Balochistan and our government has neglected the province on majority fronts. To make the situation even worse, the State carried out military operations and labelled the Baloch as insurgents and extremists. What the State should have done was to direct a significant portion of its capital and its attention to this province, and protect it from foreign and domestic exploitation. Since this did not happen, the situation worsened, and the province became a hub of anti- state opportunists who used it for their interests at the expense of the well- being of the area and its people.

China pulled its western regions from abject poverty and instability by directing particular attention and resources towards it, and by initiating specific projects over there, which helped boost the socio-economic development of the region. We should have learnt a lesson long ago, but we did not. With CPEC we could have helped the FATA, Gilgit-Baltistan and Balochistan immensely, but instead, we are depriving these very areas even more. We see mega projects open up in Lahore in the name of CPEC, but we do not see anything major for the benefit of these deprived areas.

Right now, one of the major concerns for Balochistan is the fact that Afghan lands are predominantly being used to destabilise Pakistan. Similarly, many anti-Afghan forces are working in Balochistan to destabilise Afghanistan. First, we need to address the Afghan concerns about terrorism so that there is peace in Balochistan. Secondly, we need to hold free and fair elections so that there is a proper representation of this province at the national level. Thirdly, we need to revisit the decisions made by the current political establishment so that

128 Vol. 1, No. 1, June 2018 Security Dynamics of Balochistan as a Determinant of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy the greatest beneficiaries of CPEC are the deprived areas of Pakistan. This, if not done immediately, will cause immense problems which may be bigger than the ones we already have.

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