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Directors Fortnight Cannes 2000 Winner Best Feature
DIRECTORS WINNER FORTNIGHT BEST FEATURE CANNES PAN-AFRICAN FILM 2000 FESTIVAL L.A. A FILM BY RAOUL PECK A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE JACQUES BIDOU presents A FILM BY RAOUL PECK Patrice Lumumba Eriq Ebouaney Joseph Mobutu Alex Descas Maurice Mpolo Théophile Moussa Sowié Joseph Kasa Vubu Maka Kotto Godefroid Munungo Dieudonné Kabongo Moïse Tshombe Pascal Nzonzi Walter J. Ganshof Van der Meersch André Debaar Joseph Okito Cheik Doukouré Thomas Kanza Oumar Diop Makena Pauline Lumumba Mariam Kaba General Emile Janssens Rudi Delhem Director Raoul Peck Screenplay Raoul Peck Pascal Bonitzer Music Jean-Claude Petit Executive Producer Jacques Bidou Production Manager Patrick Meunier Marianne Dumoulin Director of Photography Bernard Lutic 1st Assistant Director Jacques Cluzard Casting Sylvie Brocheré Artistic Director Denis Renault Art DIrector André Fonsny Costumes Charlotte David Editor Jacques Comets Sound Mixer Jean-Pierre Laforce Filmed in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Belgium A French/Belgian/Haitian/German co-production, 2000 In French with English subtitles 35mm • Color • Dolby Stereo SRD • 1:1.85 • 3144 meters Running time: 115 mins A ZEITGEIST FILMS RELEASE 247 CENTRE ST • 2ND FL • NEW YORK • NY 10013 www.zeitgeistfilm.com • [email protected] (212) 274-1989 • FAX (212) 274-1644 At the Berlin Conference of 1885, Europe divided up the African continent. The Congo became the personal property of King Leopold II of Belgium. On June 30, 1960, a young self-taught nationalist, Patrice Lumumba, became, at age 36, the first head of government of the new independent state. He would last two months in office. This is a true story. SYNOPSIS LUMUMBA is a gripping political thriller which tells the story of the legendary African leader Patrice Emery Lumumba. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Encounters with Amin 2013 Ron Stockton
Encounters with Amin 2013 Ron Stockton I crossed paths with Idi Amin three times. He had started as an army cook with a fourth grade education, been promoted to commander of Uganda military forces, and ended up as President for Life of the country (until he was overthrown in 1979). My first encounter was in 1966 when I was living in Machakos. Milton Obote, the Prime Minister in neighboring Uganda, had just crushed his rival, the Kabaka, with General Amin’s help. The thought that the military could unleash such violence was frightening. Kenya was very peaceful, and we were forty miles from Nairobi, where any problems would occur, but still, the headlines were nervous-making. One Saturday afternoon I was in my front yard on the school compound. The road twisted through the school grounds with the school in the front and teacher’s houses along the road farther in. My house was the very last one. I looked up and saw a large military lorry filled with standing soldiers coming down the one-track road. Fear is irrational but as that lorry got closer and closer to my house, with nowhere to go after me, I wondered what was going to happen next. It pulled up in front of my house and a uniformed man jumped out. I was so relieved when he said, “Sir, where is the football match?” Dictator and mass murderer My second encounter was in 1970 when I was returning to Kenya to do doctoral research. I stopped in Kampala to see some friends at the university and to get whatever advice I could on doing field work. -
Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗
Chapter 4 of Inside Autocracy Expanding the Governing Coalition: \Unite and Rule", Loyalist Monitoring, and the Sorcery Masonic Lodge∗ Brett L. Cartery November 4, 2012 Abstract Scholars have long believed autocrats \divide and rule" their elite; divided elites, the argu- ment goes, are unable to conspire against the autocrat. Yet historical evidence suggests some autocrats do precisely the opposite. This chapter's theoretical model argues an autocrat may create a compulsory elite social club if his inner circle is sufficiently large. Frequent interaction between the inner circle and less trustworthy elite enables the loyalists to learn about { and thus prevent { nascent conspiracies. By reducing the probability of coups d'´etat from less trustwor- thy elites, \unite and rule" monitoring enable the autocrat to expand his governing coalition. Sassou Nguesso's compulsory elite social club takes the form of a Freemasonry lodge, created just before he seized power in 1997. After providing statistical evidence that high level appoint- ment is the best predictor of lodge membership, the chapter employs a matching estimator to establish that lodge membership causes elites to engage in less anti-regime behavior. ∗This research was made possible by grants from the National Science Foundation, United States Institute of Peace, Social Science Research Council, Smith Richardson Foundation, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and Institute for Quantitative Social Science. Thanks to Robert Bates, John Clark, Wonbin Kang, Steve Levitsky, James Robinson, and Yuri Zhukov for helpful comments and encouragement, as well as seminar participants at Harvard University and University of Wisconsin-Madison. My greatest debts are to several Congolese friends, who made this research possible and must remain anonymous. -
The Fate of the Hostages Rode with a C-130 Descending out of the Night Sky with Its Lights Off
The fate of the hostages rode with a C-130 descending out of the night sky with its lights off. Entebbe By John T. Correll ir France flight 139 woman and two Palestinian men—had Loss of radio contact and the change in originated in Tel Aviv no difficulty boarding with concealed course alerted Israel that the flight, with on Sunday morning, handguns and hand grenades. The aircraft, a large number of Israeli and Jewish pas- June 27, 1976, bound an Airbus 300, left Athens at 12:20 p.m. sengers, had been hijacked. The aircraft for Paris with an intermediate stop in Seven minutes out of Athens, the diverted to Benghazi, Libya, where it Athens. Airport security in Athens was German man forced his way onto refueled and took off again at 9:50 p.m. notoriouslyA lax. No one was on duty the flight deck while his companions One of the passengers, a woman, faked a at the metal detector, and the official took over the passenger cabins. They medical emergency and managed to talk checking carry-on luggage at the X-ray declared the hijacking to be on behalf her way off the airplane in Benghazi and machine was not watching the screen. of the Popular Front for the Liberation escape the hijackers. Four passengers from a connecting of Palestine and forced the pilot, Capt. The Airbus landed at Entebbe airport flight from Bahrain—a German man and Michel Bacos, to turn southward. in Uganda at 3:15 a.m. on Monday. On 62 AIR FORCE Magazine / December 2010 Entebbe board, in addition to the four hijack- new terminal and runway were built demands, broadcast over Ugandan ers, were 243 passengers and the Air in the early 1970s. -
Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). -
New Nations in Africa
3 New Nations in Africa MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION After World War II, Today, many of those • Negritude • Ahmed Ben African leaders threw off independent countries are movement Bella colonial rule and created engaged in building political •Kwame •Mobutu independent countries. and economic stability. Nkrumah Sese Seko • Jomo Kenyatta SETTING THE STAGE Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Africa resembled little more than a European outpost. As you recall, the nations of Europe had marched in during the late 1800s and colonized much of the conti- nent. Like the diverse groups living in Asia, however, the many different peoples of Africa were unwilling to return to colonial domination after World War II. And so, in the decades following the great global conflict, they, too, won their inde- pendence from foreign rule and went to work building new nations. TAKING NOTES Achieving Independence Clarifying Use a chart to list an idea, an event, or a The African push for independence actually began in the decades before World War leader important to that II. French-speaking Africans and West Indians began to express their growing sense country’s history. of black consciousness and pride in traditional Africa. They formed the Negritude movement, a movement to celebrate African culture, heritage, and values. When World War II erupted, African soldiers fought alongside Europeans to Ghana “defend freedom.” This experience made them unwilling to accept colonial dom- Kenya ination when they returned home. The war had changed the thinking of Zaire Europeans too. Many began to question the cost, as well as the morality, of main- taining colonies abroad. -
"Where Elephants Fight the Grass Is Trampled"
Jason Stearns. Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa. New York: PublicAffairs, 2012. 417 pp. $16.99, paper, ISBN 978-1-61039-107-8. Reviewed by Matthew G. Stanard Published on H-Empire (June, 2012) Commissioned by Charles V. Reed (Elizabeth City State University) For many who grew up during the Cold War, the African National Congress on a path toward the competition between capitalism and commu‐ one-party dominance. Japanese economic growth nism seemed to determine the unfolding of histo‐ was followed by a crash and the so-called lost ry. Then 1989 happened, and communism col‐ decade. India and Pakistan both tested nuclear lapsed spectacularly. Francis Fukuyama famously weapons. Multiple terrorist strikes in and outside proclaimed the end of history, that is, the end of the United States presaged the 2001 attacks. ideological competition and the triumph of West‐ Considering all this, it is unsurprising that ern liberal democracy.[1] Of course history did anyone who lived through the 1990s had trouble not end, ideological battles continued, and the keeping track of the multitude of developments decade that followed witnessed a dizzying array also unfolding in Rwanda and Zaire (later rebap‐ of complex developments. Saddam Hussein’s Iraq tized the Democratic Republic of the Congo). A invaded Kuwait and was expelled. Mengistu Haile century earlier, during the 1890s, news about Mariam’s regime collapsed in Ethiopia and Eritrea atrocities in the Congo were hard to come by and gained its independence, which led to an extraor‐ it took dedicated efforts by individuals like E. -
Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
“This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context. -
To Understand the Contemporary Sudan Requires an Appraisal of Its International and Regional Context As Well As Its Domestic Relations
ACAS BACKGROUND PAPER NUMBER 1 September 1982 This series of background papers is circulated to interested Africanists by the ACAS Research Committee. ACAS is committed to providing background information and to encouraging discussion on issues of contemporary impor tance. While ACAS acknowledges the importance of the views presented here, the views presented are those of the author. PERSPECTIVES ON THE SUDAN: ISOLATION AT HOME AND ABROAD A. F. Mazz To understand the contemporary Sudan requires an appraisal of its international and regional context as well as its domestic relations. Since 1971 the Sudan reversed the majority of its socialist initiatives taken in 1969, seriously damaged the Communist Party, crushed the Mahdist revival with military force, and suspended multi-party democracy. Its relations with eastern Europe have been curtailed, and3-t has sought financial and political support form China and Western Europe in general and from the United States in particular. This paper reviews some of the central features and contemporary implications of the internal and external relations of the Sudan. International and Regional Contexts The focus here is the Sudan, but it is critical to give prominence to the Sudan's relationship with Egypt since, at present, the Sudan has unusually close relations with Egypt at the same time that both nations have deep association with the United States; and both nations are markedly isolated in the Arab world. The hydropolitics of the Nile Valley also give certain fundamental dimensions of unity between the Sudan and Egypt, This relationship has military significance as well. The July 1971 counter-coup which returned the Sudanese President Gaaf ar Nimieri to power received essential logistical support from Egypt. -
Patrice Émery Lumumba
Swarthmore College Works French & Francophone Studies Faculty Works French & Francophone Studies 2008 Patrice Émery Lumumba Carina Yervasi Swarthmore College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://works.swarthmore.edu/fac-french Part of the French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Carina Yervasi. (2008). "Patrice Émery Lumumba". A Historical Companion To Postcolonial Literatures: Continental Europe And Its Empires. https://works.swarthmore.edu/fac-french/46 This work is brought to you for free by Swarthmore College Libraries' Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in French & Francophone Studies Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Patrice Émery Lumumba 37 Patrice Émery Lumumba Patrice Émery Lumumba (1925–61), a Congolese leader of the nationalist independence movement against Belgian colonialism and co-founder of the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) in 1958, was the first Prime Minister of what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo from June 1960 until September 1960, when he was removed from office by a confluence of forces under the direction of President Joseph Kasavubu, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu, and Belgian and American officials. Lumumba was born in Onalua in the Katako-Kombe district of Sankuru in the Kasai province of the Belgian Congo and educated by Protestant missionaries. He was registered as an évolué and worked as a postal clerk and as a charismatic salesman, an image made famous first in Aimé Césaire’s play Une Saison au Congo (1967) and then in Raoul Peck’s biographical film Lumumba (2000). He became active in the independence movements in the mid-1950s and began a career as a journalist and writer, editing a Congolese postal workers’ newspaper L’Écho, and writing for La Voix du Congolais, La Croix du Congo and the Belgium-based, L’Afrique et le Monde. -
List of Dictators Number Name Country Student's Name
List of Dictators Number Name Country Student’s Name 1 Adolf Hitler Germany 2 Josef Stalin USSR 3 Benito Mussolini Italy 4 Mao Zedong China 5 Ho Chi Minh North Vietnam 6 Francisco Franco Spain 7 Muhammad Reza Pahlavi Iran 8 Vladimir Lenin USSR 9 Saddam Hussein Iraq/ Iraq 10 Kim Il Sung North Korea 11 Josip Broz Tito Yugoslavia 12 Deng Xiaoping China 13 Augusto Pinochet Chile 14 Muammar Gaddafi Libya 15 Kim Jong Il North Korea 16 Park Chung Hee South Korea 17 Enver Hoxha Albania 18 Ferdinand Marcos Philippines 19 Fidel Castro Cuba 20 Janos Kadar Hungary 21 Haile Selassie Ethiopia 22 Pol Pot Cambodia 23 Antonio de Oliveira Salazar Portugal 24 Fulgencio Batista Cuba 25 Juan Peron Argentina 26 Francois Duvalier Haiti 27 Charles Taylor Liberia 28 Anwar Sadat Egypt 29 Omar al-Bashir Sudan 30 Meles Zenawi Ethiopia 31 José Efraín Ríos Montt Guatemala 32 Alfredo Stroessner Paraguay 33 Erich Honecker GDR 34 Maumoon Gayoom Maldives 35 Nikita Khruschev USSR 36 Idi Amin Dada Uganda 37 Ruhollah Khomeini Iran 38 Mobutu Sese Seko Zaire 39 Francisco Macias Nguema Equatorial Guinea 40 Klement Gottwald Czechoslovakia 41 Alecksander Lukashenko Belarus 42 Saparmarut Niyazov Turkmenistan Teodoro Obiang Nguema 43 Equatorial Guinea Mbasogo 44 Hugo Chavez Venezuela 45 Tsar Nicholas Romanov II Russia 46 Hissène Habré Chad 47 Havez al-Assad Syria 48 Mengistu Haile Mariam Ethiopia 49 Slobodan Milosevic Yugoslavia 50 Manuel Noriega Panama 51 Robert Mugabé Zimbabwe 52 Islom Karimov Uzbekistan 53 Pervez Musharraf Pakistan 54 Etienne Gnassingbé Eyadéma Togo 55 Todor Zhivkov Bulgaria 56 Isaias Afewerki Eritrea Central African 57 Jean-Bédel Bokassa Republic 58 Józef Klemens Piłsudski Poland 59 Ali Abdullah Saleh Yemen 60 Samuel Kanyon Doe Liberia 61 Levon Ter-Petrosyan Armenia 62 Than Shwe Myanmar 63 Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Pakistan 64 King Mswati III Swaziland 65 Sani Abacha Nigeria 66 Yong Shikai China 67 Wojciech Jaruzelski Poland .