The Fate of the Hostages Rode with a C-130 Descending out of the Night Sky with Its Lights Off
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ONE on with Naftali Bennett ONE Prime Minister of Israel
GENERAL INTEREST PROFILE ONE ON with Naftali Bennett ONE Prime Minister of Israel Background Army Shabbat Naftali Bennett was born in Haifa in 1972. Six years in the IDF’s elite Sayeret Matkal His father was a real estate agent and unit and commander in the elite Maglan Shabbat is family time, when the kids get entrepreneur and his mother was active unit. to spend time with Abba. “When Shabbat in the American community in Israel. comes in – phew!” Family During his childhood, the family moved Married to Galit, a professional chef whom Jewish unity between Montreal, Israel and New Jersey, he met on Ammunition Hill where she “It’s all about tolerance, acceptance and returning when his father fought in the worked as an educator for youth groups. Yom Kippur War. They have four children and live in Raa- togetherness. Uniting the Jewish people. nana. “Our life is very normal at home,” Not in the sense that we’re trying to avoid Childhood he says. “We like to hike around Israel. We disagreements. It’s okay not to agree. It’s haven’t been able to do that lately and I important to create a dialogue, not from He loved to hike among the trees in the miss it.” a feeling of superiority of one group grove near his house in Haifa. “I had a won- over another, but from a perspective of derful childhood,” he says. “We were not Entering politics partnership.” especially spoiled. I would walk in order When the Second Lebanon War broke out, to save the bus fare.” “The State of Israel belongs to us all. -
Trend Analysis the Israeli Unit 8200 an OSINT-Based Study CSS
CSS CYBER DEFENSE PROJECT Trend Analysis The Israeli Unit 8200 An OSINT-based study Zürich, December 2019 Risk and Resilience Team Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich Trend analysis: The Israeli Unit 8200 – An OSINT-based study Author: Sean Cordey © 2019 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich Contact: Center for Security Studies Haldeneggsteig 4 ETH Zurich CH-8092 Zurich Switzerland Tel.: +41-44-632 40 25 [email protected] www.css.ethz.ch Analysis prepared by: Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich ETH-CSS project management: Tim Prior, Head of the Risk and Resilience Research Group, Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Deputy Head for Research and Teaching; Andreas Wenger, Director of the CSS Disclaimer: The opinions presented in this study exclusively reflect the authors’ views. Please cite as: Cordey, S. (2019). Trend Analysis: The Israeli Unit 8200 – An OSINT-based study. Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich. 1 Trend analysis: The Israeli Unit 8200 – An OSINT-based study . Table of Contents 1 Introduction 4 2 Historical Background 5 2.1 Pre-independence intelligence units 5 2.2 Post-independence unit: former capabilities, missions, mandate and techniques 5 2.3 The Yom Kippur War and its consequences 6 3 Operational Background 8 3.1 Unit mandate, activities and capabilities 8 3.2 Attributed and alleged operations 8 3.3 International efforts and cooperation 9 4 Organizational and Cultural Background 10 4.1 Organizational structure 10 Structure and sub-units 10 Infrastructure 11 4.2 Selection and training process 12 Attractiveness and motivation 12 Screening process 12 Selection process 13 Training process 13 Service, reserve and alumni 14 4.3 Internal culture 14 5 Discussion and Analysis 16 5.1 Strengths 16 5.2 Weaknesses 17 6 Conclusion and Recommendations 18 7 Glossary 20 8 Abbreviations 20 9 Bibliography 21 2 Trend analysis: The Israeli Unit 8200 – An OSINT-based study selection tests comprise a psychometric test, rigorous Executive Summary interviews, and an education/skills test. -
Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗
Between Minimum Force and Maximum Violence: Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗ Introduction: Balancing the Tools of Counter-Terrorism In most liberal democratic states it is the responsibility of the police forces to cope with “internal” threats, including terrorism, since in such states terrorism is invariably defined as a criminal act rather than a manifestation of insurgent political violence. In many such instances, the resultant quantitative and qualitative overtaxing of law en- forcement capabilities to keep the peace has led to calls by sections of the public, as well as by the legislative and executive branches of government, to expand both the le- gal and operational means available to combat terrorism, and to boost civilian agen- cies’ capacity to deal with terrorism in proportion to the perceived threat. The deterio- rating situation in Ulster in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1972 and beyond is an illustrative case in point.1 Although there have been cases of successfully transmogrifying police forces into military-like formations, the best-known and arguably most frequent example of aug- mented state responses to the threat posed by insurgent political violence movements is the use of the military in the fight against terrorism and in the maintenance of internal security. While it is imperative that the threat of a collapse of national cohesion due to the overextension of internal civil security forces be averted, the deployment of all branches of the armed forces against a terrorist threat is not without its own pitfalls. Paul Wilkinson has enunciated some of the problems posed by the use of counter-ter- rorism military task forces, not the least of which is that [a] fully militarized response implies the complete suspension of the civilian legal system and its replacement by martial law, summary punishments, the imposition of curfews, military censorship and extensive infringements of normal civil liberties in the name of the exigencies of war. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
IDF Special Forces – Reservists – Conscientious Objectors – Peace Activists – State Protection
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ISR35545 Country: Israel Date: 23 October 2009 Keywords: Israel – Netanya – Suicide bombings – IDF special forces – Reservists – Conscientious objectors – Peace activists – State protection This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide information on suicide bombs in 2000 to January 2002 in Netanya. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide any information on recruitment of individuals to special army units for “chasing terrorists in neighbouring countries”, how often they would be called up, and repercussions for wanting to withdraw? 4. What evidence is there of repercussions from Israeli Jewish fanatics and Arabs or the military towards someone showing some pro-Palestinian sentiment (attending rallies, expressing sentiment, and helping Arabs get jobs)? Is there evidence there would be no state protection in the event of being harmed because of political opinions held? RESPONSE 1. Please provide information on suicide bombs in 2000 to January 2002 in Netanya. According to a 2006 journal article published in GeoJournal there were no suicide attacks in Netanya during the period of 1994-2000. No reports of suicide bombings in 2000 in Netanya were found in a search of other available sources. -
Encounters with Amin 2013 Ron Stockton
Encounters with Amin 2013 Ron Stockton I crossed paths with Idi Amin three times. He had started as an army cook with a fourth grade education, been promoted to commander of Uganda military forces, and ended up as President for Life of the country (until he was overthrown in 1979). My first encounter was in 1966 when I was living in Machakos. Milton Obote, the Prime Minister in neighboring Uganda, had just crushed his rival, the Kabaka, with General Amin’s help. The thought that the military could unleash such violence was frightening. Kenya was very peaceful, and we were forty miles from Nairobi, where any problems would occur, but still, the headlines were nervous-making. One Saturday afternoon I was in my front yard on the school compound. The road twisted through the school grounds with the school in the front and teacher’s houses along the road farther in. My house was the very last one. I looked up and saw a large military lorry filled with standing soldiers coming down the one-track road. Fear is irrational but as that lorry got closer and closer to my house, with nowhere to go after me, I wondered what was going to happen next. It pulled up in front of my house and a uniformed man jumped out. I was so relieved when he said, “Sir, where is the football match?” Dictator and mass murderer My second encounter was in 1970 when I was returning to Kenya to do doctoral research. I stopped in Kampala to see some friends at the university and to get whatever advice I could on doing field work. -
The 13Th Annual International Conference of The
THE 13 TH ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR COUNTER-TERRORISM World Summit on Counter-Terrorism: With the Support of Keren Daniel Terrorism’s Global Impact It takes a network to beat a network,” said Dr. Boaz Ganor, Ronald S. Lauder chair for Counter-Terrorism, depuM dean, Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy “ & Strategy, and founder and executive director, the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Herzliya, Israel, speaking at the opening of the th Annual Conference on Global Terrorism. Dr. Ganor described how ICT’s world summit on counter- terrorism provides a dynamic platform for over leading experts and decision-makers to network, establish essential cooperation and exchange views on the challenges faced by counter-terrorism oZcials. Scheduled to coincide with and commemorate the / terrorist a]acks on America, the conference has received worldwide acclaim since its inception. 40 // IDC WINTER 2014 Special Feature: th Annual ICT Conferencee rof. Uriel Reichman , founder and presi- the IDF’s military capa bility.” MK Dr. Yuval Pdent of the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Steinitz, Ministry of International Relations, Let us remember the innocent Herzliya, proudly told participants in his Intelligence and Strategic A$airs, said Israel was civilians murdered by welcoming address that this year’s conference not involved in the chaos in Syria, but if Israel marked !" years of IDC Herzliya. He said that was dragged into the con&ict, it would respond suicide bombers who did not IDC Herzliya has brought a revolution to edu- “with a strong hand, and an outstretched arm,” distinguish between civilians of cation in Israel, as it is the #rst private academ- a reference to the biblical phrase. -
To Understand the Contemporary Sudan Requires an Appraisal of Its International and Regional Context As Well As Its Domestic Relations
ACAS BACKGROUND PAPER NUMBER 1 September 1982 This series of background papers is circulated to interested Africanists by the ACAS Research Committee. ACAS is committed to providing background information and to encouraging discussion on issues of contemporary impor tance. While ACAS acknowledges the importance of the views presented here, the views presented are those of the author. PERSPECTIVES ON THE SUDAN: ISOLATION AT HOME AND ABROAD A. F. Mazz To understand the contemporary Sudan requires an appraisal of its international and regional context as well as its domestic relations. Since 1971 the Sudan reversed the majority of its socialist initiatives taken in 1969, seriously damaged the Communist Party, crushed the Mahdist revival with military force, and suspended multi-party democracy. Its relations with eastern Europe have been curtailed, and3-t has sought financial and political support form China and Western Europe in general and from the United States in particular. This paper reviews some of the central features and contemporary implications of the internal and external relations of the Sudan. International and Regional Contexts The focus here is the Sudan, but it is critical to give prominence to the Sudan's relationship with Egypt since, at present, the Sudan has unusually close relations with Egypt at the same time that both nations have deep association with the United States; and both nations are markedly isolated in the Arab world. The hydropolitics of the Nile Valley also give certain fundamental dimensions of unity between the Sudan and Egypt, This relationship has military significance as well. The July 1971 counter-coup which returned the Sudanese President Gaaf ar Nimieri to power received essential logistical support from Egypt. -
The Unique Features of the Second Intifada
The Unique Features of the Second Intifada Zaki Shalom and Yoaz Hendel Introduction Over a decade has passed since the eruption of the second intifada, a grueling period for Israel with the long, sustained, and intensive series of terrorist attacks launched by terrorist organizations against civilians and soldiers of the State of Israel. Most difficult were the suicide attacks, generally carried out in urban centers and causing large numbers of casualties – dead and wounded – among the civilian population. Predictably, therefore, the terrorism phenomenon became a dominant issue on Israel’s national and popular agenda. It reshaped the walk of Israeli civilian life, affected politics, and to a significant extent damaged the country’s economy. In addition, for many years the intifada was accompanied by the Israeli public’s sense that the defense establishment had no response that would put an end to terrorism, or at least drastically reduce it. Those times have not receded from the nation’s collective memory and still affect how Israeli society formulates its positions on current political and security issues. Since its establishment, the State of Israel has known difficult periods of war, bereavement, and casualty. The severity of each conflict may be evaluated through various criteria such as the balance of forces between the sides, the perception of the dangers to Israel, risk assessments, the numbers of dead and wounded, the ratio of civilian to solider casualties, Professor Zaki Shalom is a senior research associate at INSS, a researcher at the Ben-Gurion Research Institute for the Study of Israel and Zionism, and a lecturer at Ben-Gurion University. -
Hijacking of Air France Airbus by Followers of Popular Front for The
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 22, August, 1976 France, Israeli, Ugandan, Britain, Kenya, Uganda, Page 27888 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Hijacking of Air France Airbus by Followers of Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - Israeli Action to liberate Hostages held at Entebbe Airport - Inconclusive Debate at UN security Council - Ugandan Recriminations against Britain and Kenya - Severance of Diplomatic Relations with Uganda by Britain An Air France A300-B airbus, under way from Tel Aviv to Paris and carrying a crew of 12 and 247 passengers, was hijacked shortly after it had taken off from Athens at 11.55 a.m. on June 27, 1976, by an armed group of three men and a woman calling itself the Che Guevara cell of the Haifa section of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). A spokesman for the PFLP in Damascus telephoned the Reuter office in Kuwait on the same day to announce his organization's responsibility for the hijacking, but a Beirut spokesman for the PFLP denied on June 28 that it had anything to do with the action. The PFLP led by Dr George Habash, is part of the "rejection front" whwich opposes any "partal" settlement which would guuarantee the existence of a Jewish state on the territory of Plestine—see 26961.] The leader of the hijackers was Herr Wilfried Bose (27), a West German lawyer who had been part of the PFLP network, for whose terrorist activities in Europe Sr Ilich Ramirez Sánchez (alias Carlos Martínez or "The Jackal") had been responsible [see 27587]. -
Modern African Leaders
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 446 012 SO 032 175 AUTHOR Harris, Laurie Lanzen, Ed.; Abbey, CherieD., Ed. TITLE Biography Today: Profiles of People ofInterest to Young Readers. World Leaders Series: Modern AfricanLeaders. Volume 2. ISBN ISBN-0-7808-0015-X PUB DATE 1997-00-00 NOTE 223p. AVAILABLE FROM Omnigraphics, Inc., 615 Griswold, Detroit,MI 48226; Tel: 800-234-1340; Web site: http: / /www.omnigraphics.com /. PUB TYPE Collected Works General (020)-- Reference Materials - General (130) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC09 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS African History; Biographies; DevelopingNations; Foreign Countries; *Individual Characteristics;Information Sources; Intermediate Grades; *Leaders; Readability;Secondary Education IDENTIFIERS *Africans; *Biodata ABSTRACT This book provides biographical profilesof 16 leaders of modern Africa of interest to readersages 9 and above and was created to appeal to young readers in a format theycan enjoy reading and easily understand. Biographies were prepared afterextensive research, and this volume contains a name index, a general index, a place of birth index, anda birthday index. Each entry providesat least one picture of the individual profiled, and bold-faced rubrics lead thereader to information on birth, youth, early memories, education, firstjobs, marriage and family,career highlights, memorable experiences, hobbies,and honors and awards. All of the entries end with a list of highly accessiblesources designed to lead the student to further reading on the individual.African leaders featured in the book are: Mohammed Farah Aidid (Obituary)(1930?-1996); Idi Amin (1925?-); Hastings Kamuzu Banda (1898?-); HaileSelassie (1892-1975); Hassan II (1929-); Kenneth Kaunda (1924-); JomoKenyatta (1891?-1978); Winnie Mandela (1934-); Mobutu Sese Seko (1930-); RobertMugabe (1924-); Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972); Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922-);Anwar Sadat (1918-1981); Jonas Savimbi (1934-); Leopold Sedar Senghor(1906-); and William V. -
Kobi Michael Ph.D.- CURRICULUM VITAE and LIST of PUBLICATIONS
01/01/2019 Kobi Michael Ph.D.- CURRICULUM VITAE AND LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Personal Details Name: Kobi Michael Address and telephone number at work – Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) – Tel-Aviv University – 40 Haim Levanon St. POB 39950 Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 6997556 Israel Address and telephone number at home – Bikuray Anavim 16 Ashkelon Israel 78310 Education B.A. – Behavioral Science, 1990-1992, Ben-Gurion University - Social Behavior Department (cum laude). M.A. – Conflict Resolution, 2000-2001, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem – International Department and Swiss Center of Conflicts Research (cum laude). Name of advisor – Prof. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov Cum Laude enabled direct course for Ph.D. studies Ph.D. – 2001-2004, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, International Relations and Swiss Center of Conflicts Research. Name of advisor – Prof. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov. Title of thesis - The Army's Influence on the Transition Process from War Peace - The Israeli Case - Focused Comparative Research - The Peace with Egypt and the Oslo Process. Post Doctorate studies – 2005-2006 - Northwestern University USA– the department of political science. 2005-2006 – The Harry S. Truman Institute for The Advancement of Peace, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Israel Employment History (in reverse chronological order) Years 2018 – Rank – Director of MA program of Public Administration and National Security University/Institution - Sapir Academic College Years 2017 – Rank – Senior Lecturer (adjunct) - MA program of Public Administration and National