The Grenadian Crisis and the Left

Clive Y. Thomas

The Grenadian revolution has been widely canvassed - with all its positive gains - had self-destructed with as the most important achievement of the left in the the execution of Bishop, and because of this, would English-speaking Caribbean. Regionally, its impor- have had no continued legitimacy among the broad tance has been dwarfed only by the Cuban revolution mass of the Caribbean peoples. In a perverse way, and the Sandinistas' struggles in Nicaragua. Itis because the invasion took place after the revolution therefore of great importance to analyse the impact of had already destroyed itself, it resulted in breathing its collapse in October 1983 on the 'popular forces' of new life into the corpse. the English-speaking Caribbean. By 'popular forces' I refer to the broad constituency of people who are opposed to colonisation and neo-colonial forms of The Paralysis of Regional Integration metropolitan domination of theregion;toits It is useful to begin by recalling the main lines of involvement in international rivalries; to the per- development of the regional integration movement petuation of poverty and vast domestic inequalities in just prior to these events, using these as an index of the distribution of income, wealth, jobs and power; regional political consciousness. and to the systematic suppression of human rights and the effective exclusion of the broad masses of the After a long period of dormancy, when the highest region's population from the major say in the decision-making authority of the regional integration governance of their lives. Some of this constituency is movement, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) organised into left-wing political parties, but by no Heads of Government Conference, could not be means all of itis, and itis compatible with a convened, two Heads of Government Conferences multiplicity of party organisations. were held in a period of eight months, in November 1982 and June 1983. Following these meetings the To evaluate the events in from this perspective pronouncements made by the various governments it is useful to distinguish between the execution and were very optimistic about the future of the regional assassination of Bishop, his allies in the government movement. These included Grenada, whose full and others, and the invasion by the Organisation of incorporation into the CARICOM fold then seemed the Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) and the USA. beyond question. While these two aspects are closely linked, the former The concerns of the smaller states of CARICOM, set of events is unique in our historical experience, which had always plagued the integratioh movement, whereas US invasion (albeit this time in alliance with were placed high on the regional agenda, and the the OECS states) is commonplace. It is said that US institutionalisation of the grouping into the OECS in administrations have ordered the invasion of other 1981 marked a major advance in addressing the plight countries more than 100 times in the past 100 years, of the small states. Grenada had played a leading part and in the Western hemisphere alone it has done so in this development - once again confirming the more than 60 times this century. Given the frequency increasing acceptance of their revolutionary process of these invasions, we should perhaps have come to into the regional outlook. expect them, even if we do not accept them! What we certainly have not come to expect, and hopefully will While the impact of national and international never accept, is that the execution of Bishop and his developments was taking a severe toll on the economic colleagues belongs to any tradition of any section of arrangements of CARICOM in several areas - e.g. the popular forces of the region. To anticipate the the collapse of the regional currency settlement and analysis which follows, I would venture to say that had clearing facility (CMCF), the rise in protectionism and the invasion not occurred, the Grenadian revolution a growing tendency towards intraregional trade and IDS Bulletin,f985, vol 16 no 2, Institute of Development Sludies, Sussex

34 exchange rate conflicts - at a regional level adherence imperialist and nationalist consciousness had come to to strategies of greater local and regional control of constitutethehegemonic tendencyinregional resources,decision-making ineconomicaffairs, opinion. This did not, of course, take place overnight. technology, skills and so on was growing. This It was the end result of a long series of conflicts development was accompanied by many public betweenthepopularforces andthecolonial pronouncements of an anti-imperialist nature by consciousness which had been built up within the governments, as well as by trade unions, churches, and region through centuries of colonial domination; and human rights and social organisations. Examples of later, after World War II, between the ideas of the these are pointedly sceptical remarks about, and popular forces and the hysterical anti-communist, criticisms of, the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), anti-socialist, and anti-Cuban opinion emanating, in and its hidden designs aimed at 're-colonisation of the particular, from the ruling circles of the USA - ideas region';stronglycriticalstatements aboutthe which the dominant classes in the Caribbean sought to European Community and its handling of the EEC- establish in place of the colonial outlook. Naturally, ACP economic arrangements; and forceful support in thesuccessof thenationalist-progressiveideas international fora for a New International Economic depended upon, andinturnsupported,the Order (NIEO), along with calls for greater South- increasingly favourable national, regional and inter- South cooperation as a counter to domination by the nationalcontext of working-class and peasant North. These attitudes were also reflected in a more struggles after World War II, and the growth of favourable disposition by all the major institutions of indigenously educated classes which followed the the popular forces towards the non-aligned movement. establishment of a local and regional higher education system. iv) In the field of international relations (and of the greatest political significance regionally) the idea that the Caribbean should be declared a 'zone of peace' My first major proposition is, then, that the trauma of gained wider acceptance. While the Caribbean the executions in Grenada, as a method of settlement Conference of Churches had played a leading role in ofpoliticalissuesontheleft,shatteredthe the development of thisidea, many other non- advantageous position held by the body of opinion, governmental organisations and some governments theories and ideas which support the interests of the and ruling parties had also declared their adherence to popular forces in the Caribbean. This defeat was it. In the context of escalated US warfare in the region critical, for without the growth and consolidation of and the Reagan administration's aggressive re- the hegemonic position of progressive/liberal/nation- assertionof a'right'todictatethepolitical alist opinion in the region, the organisational and complexions of governments 'in its own backyard', ideological growth of the left will always be stunted. this marked the development of an important anti- Without this regional consciousness, the mass of the imperialist consensus. population becomes easy prey to the appeal of the basest aspects of the ideologies of the ruling classes in y) Within the region generally, and particularly at the metropole (given the social, cultural, communi- governmental levels, there was a concerted move cation and other forms of metropolitan domination of towards an acceptance of 'political pluralism' as a the area). This destruction of the hegemony of the feature of the integration movement. While important ideology of the popular forces was not due to the sections of the popular forces wanted this linked to an invasion but to the imploding of the revolutionary insistence on minimal standards of political culture, process. Indeed, one has only to envisage an invasion such as representative governments, and a positive in another context (i.e. Bishop alive) to be able to environment for the development of human rights, imagine how different the effects on the position of the both Burnham's brand of dictatorship (which he ideas of the popular forces would have been (it is some called'socialism'inGuyana, butwhich they measure of this that despite threats, no invasion was considered repugnant) and the Grenadian revolu- attempted before Bishop's death). tionary process were accepted as being the 'internal concerns' of the countries themselves, and not an issue Several bits of evidence can be pointed to in support of to be deliberated upon by a regional intergovernmental this judgement: organisation. (This also represented a reversal of the initial inability of heads of government to accept the i) The growing acceptance of the notion of political overthrow of Gairy, which had been one of the factors pluralism referred to earlier has been replaced by a that had for a long time prevented the convening of the polarisation of ideologies in the region: pro-colonial Heads of Government Conference.) sentiments have risen to the fore and now dominate the media. Many advocates of pro-colonial views, who While these developments were certainly uneven both had been silenced by the weight of the prevailing among and within the territories concerned, there can regional opinion, have emerged emboldened by the be little doubt that a progressive,liberal,anti- atrocities of the Grenadian left and the public outrage

35 againstthem.Examplesincludethesummary Finally, it is clear that the US has effectively filled expulsion from Barbados of Ricky Singh, editor of whatever power vacuum had existed in the region. Caribbean Contact, easily the most important and Despite the propaganda of conservatives, neither widely circulated publication in the region. Published , nor the , nor any of their alleged by the Caribbean Conference of Churches, it had proxies had come anywhere near to filling the power condemned the Grenadian executions forthrightly, vacuum which was created by the removal of Britain but had also convincingly opposed the invasion by the as the colonial power. The final seal was put on US US and the OECS, exposing in its reportage much of ascendancy at the Commonwealth Heads of Govern- the disinformation employed by the invaders at the ment Conference held in India in November 1983, time. There is also Seaga's call for the exclusion of where the conference communiqué in relation to the Guyana (which had opposed the invasion) from Caribbean declared that 'the emphasis should now be CARICOM on human rights grounds, while at the on reconstruction, not recrimination'. This formulation same time suggesting the incorporation of Haiti and clearly put the US action 'above the law', as even the Dominican Republic into a CARICOM II. We governments opposed to the invasion thus effectively might also cite the move by the government of St. adjured their responsibility to resist the violation of Christopher-Nevis, in the aftermath of the invasion, to international law involved. The emphasis was only on give citizenship to 'substantial investors' in that 'repairing the damage'. Such a development would not country, whether or not the persons concerned had have been possible if the invasion had not taken place ever lived in or visited the territory! in the context of a revolutionary process which had already destroyed itself. The 'zone of peace' position, which had gained considerable acceptance, was replaced by exchanges, reinforcing the polarisation of ideological The Abandonment of Constitutionality positions and weakening acceptance of the principle of The self-destruction of the revolutionary process in political pluralism in the regional system. Thus the Grenada also bears directly on the organisation and invaders claimed that they had 'eliminated the future development of popular political formations in Marxist-Leninist axis of conspiracy and violence in the the region. First, the events which led up to the region'. In turn this provoked calls for the left to 'stop execution of and others clearly being naive' and forge close links to the 'presumed indicate the importance which must be attached to axis' since without these, no progressive, nationalist constitutionality, legality, and due process, in the development within the region would be possible. The legitimation of political action within the region. The invaders backed up their statements by moves to success of the New Jewel Movement and the Maurice increase their military capabilities substantially under Bishop Government in gathering support to overthrow US guidance, and to use their special connections with the Gairy regime, and subsequently in winning the the US government since the invasion openly as a basis support of most West Indians for the Grenadian for 'stabilising' the existing order in the region. That revolutionaryprocess,restedlargelyontheir their position was a popular one cannot be denied, systematic exposure, when in opposition, of Gairy's since the wave of snap elections in OECS states in the methods of dictatorial rule and his gross violations of wake of the invasion led to the return of the incumbent regionallyaccepted normsofconstitutionality, administrations with enlarged majorities.' legality, and due process. Conversely, their own Instead of the increasing assertion of national subsequent failure to hold free and fair elections consciousness and opposition to metropolitan domi- tarnished their own reputation in the eyes of large nation, those who presumably hold political power sections of the popular forces. This was particularly so havereducedtheregion,and CARICOM in because immediately after the successful overthrow of particular, to a position where the major axis revolves Gairy, a pledge was made to hold 'free and fair around the stances taken on the invasion. In some elections, and elections free from fear', to uphold due quarters, e.g. Trinidad-Tobago (which opposed the process and to protect the human rights which Gairy invasion and whose government justifiably feels that it had so grossly violated. The hands of critics were was deceived and manipulated over it), this has bred a stayed by fear of splitting ranks in the face of threats of certain 'inwardness' in attitudes at all levels of the imminent invasion by the USA, as well as by what society - a factor which was instrumental in the appeared - to sympathetic outsiders at least - to be demise of the earlier West Indies Federation. serious efforts on the part of the New Jewel Movement to develop alternative forms of so-called direct In the case of Jamaica's Seaga, who has strongly identified his democracy. administration with Reagan's ideology, the snap election produced a 'one-party state'; Michael Manley's PNP boycotted the elections because known irregularities in the voters' list had not been The betrayal of trust implicit in the murderous way in attended to, despite the existence of an agreement with the which the politicalstrugglesinthe New Jewel government that they would be before any elections were held. Movement finally resolved themselves in October

36 1983 has been particularly traumatic for those sections product of successful struggles waged both under of the popular forces, which in the interest of solidarity colonialism and since independence, not 'gifts' of the had refrained from open criticism. The immediate colonial authorities, or of the later post-colonial ones. consequence of this (and hopefully itwill be an Additionally, we might further note that the prevailing everlasting one) is that no regime, no matter how norms of political behaviour directlyaffect the popular it may initially be, will be able to sustain the institutional forms and organisational procedures of support of the popular forces of the region if its the popular forces, and so will always bear directly on political rule is not grounded in constitutionality, their struggles for social advances. To ignore these legality and due legal process. This lesson can be a truths is to imperil the mass movement in the region, lasting gain for the West Indian peoples. The only and thus the long-term project of creating an regret is that the price paid for learning it should have egalitarian, democratic and socialist society. been so high. From a more general standpoint, one of the most To oversimplify a complex issue in terms of a general commonplace observations made by political scientists proposition: after Grenada no social project carried of various persuasions about the independence out in the name of the masses of the Caribbean settlements after World War ¡Jis that except where peoples, whether by government or opposition, will these were preceded by 'wars of national liberation' receive widespread support from the popular forces which resulted in an effective 'smashing of the colonial and their organisations if it does not clearly embrace state structures' the transfer of power from coloniser political democracy as its norm of political conduct. to colonised was based on the exclusion of the masses, Whatever difficulties may exist in interpreting this, it and in particular working-class organisations, from cannot mean less than i) the absence of legal and/or state power. Within the Caribbean region the truth of administrative discrimination on the grounds of race, this observation is seen most clearly in the successful religion,tribe,property/income,politicalparty exclusion of the Peoples Progressive Party (PPP) from affiliation, affecting the expression of political opinion effective state power in Guyana from 1953 onwards. either directly or through elected representatives; ii) no In 1953 the PPP was probably the most advanced restrictions apart from age, on the practice of one working class political organisation in the region, if person to vote; iii) equality in the legal status of all not in the British Empire, and bore the distinction of politicalparties, to ensure that contest between being the first freely elected Marxist government in organised political groups is a real contest, representing that empire (and indeed in this hemisphere). The real alternatives; iv) the principles of majority rule in classes to whom the colonising power instead handed the election of representatives and in the legislative over state power have not unnaturally sought to process - with the proviso that this does not limit the perpetuate, through whatever means possible, the minority's freedom to become a legal and constitutional systematic exclusion of the masses from authentic majority; y) due process in the legal system, to ensure power. that the above rights are enforceable. It is this negation of their democratic rights which The denial of these rights in Grenada was the more determines much of the popular forces of opposition damaging given certain elements in the region's to the existing political order. Consequently, any history. In the English-speaking Caribbean, the political process which reproduces this exclusion struggles against slavery, indentured servitude and cannot enjoy popular respect; and so the naive colonial bondage had more frequently than not taken and 'left-wing' authoritarianism of the on a legal and constitutional form. Thus the struggle New Jewel Movement prior to Bishop's overthrow against servitude was often expressed as a struggle for opened the way to a renewed depoliticisation of the the right to personal liberty guaranteed and protected peoples of the region. by law. Similarly the struggles against colonial bondage anditsparticular forms of economic Here we had, in effect, a political party of less than 100 domination were often expressed as a struggle for such members (including candidate members and applicant rights as self-determination, one person one vote, members) discussing the future of Grenadian society independent trade unionism and so forth. There is (which despite its small size was exceedingly complex) therefore a deeply embedded tradition which views as if the important decisions to be made were their sole constitutional and socioeconomic issues as inseparable. prerogative. Worse still,regardless of where the This is not simply the product of 'colonial propaganda debates took place in the party, effective power lay in about the virtues of Westminster parliamentarianism', the hands of the 'majority' in the much smaller as some would glibly dismiss it, but reflects a deep political bureau. When the masses intervened against recognition on the part of the popular forces that the Bishop'sdetentionandfreedhim,thesame prevailing levels of constitutionality, representative vanguardisminexorablyledthis'majority'to government, legality, due process and so on are the summarily execute the head of the government, leader

37 of the revolutionary process, and commander-in-chief independent critical power. One can understand the without any pretence whatsoever of due process. In temptations which give rise to this attitude: fear of retrospect this development might well have been a giving ammunition to the imperialist enemy; the need foregone conclusion from the moment that Bishop to maintain morale among the revolutionary leaders; was put under house arrest on the basis of a 'decision' thefear of creating doubts aboutone's own of apolitical bureau acting asifitsdecisions revolutionarycredentials.Succumbingtothese automatically became law. Is it any wonder that many temptations, however, as occurred in the case of rightly asked: if the party could treat its own in such a Grenada, does not serve the long-term project of manner, what then was the position of all those who social transformation and an end to all forms of did not belong to the chosen 100? The savagery and exploitation. Those who hold state power sense this contempt for life displayed in these actions will live on weakness, and it adds to the corruptibility inherent in and be pointed to time and again in the region as the all situations where too much power is concentrated in particular 'lunacy of the left'. The deserved distrust the hands of too few persons. which this has generated will for a long time limit the incorporation of socialist ideology into the struggles In retrospect, events in Grenada show that there is an of the popular forces throughout the region. urgent need for a serious process of self-criticism among intellectuals who side with the popular forces. Many examples of what I refer to can be found in our The Responsibility of the Intellectuals failure to respond to major issues generated by the My third proposition refers to the 'organic intellectuals' Grenadian revolutionary process. For instance, did of the Caribbean who contributed so much to the geopolitical realities which must be taken into undermining the previous hegemony of colonial and account by the revolutionary process in a micro-state metropolitian ideas in the region. For them as a group located in the strategic back yard of the USA permit important lessons can be drawn from the Grenadian the playing of a leading rhetorical role in the global tragedy. Many of these progressive intellectuals, (like ideologicalstrugglesbetweenimperialismand their counterparts in Western Europe and North socialism? To whatextentdoes suchrhetoric America), have been demonstrably uncritical of unnecessarily raise the profile of the micro-state, and political processes initiated in the name of the 'left', in so doing increase the dangers of directly embroiling operating as 'cheerleaders' applauding the actions of it in the heightened overt and covert hostilities of the those responsible, rather than as constructive and two major military blocs? Does the same consideration creative critics. While this is seen as 'giving solidarity', arise when the small stateis under conservative in reality it indicates an important weakness. political control, as in the case of Jamaica, where Seaga plays a leading role in the global ideological The weakness consists in failing to grasp intellectually debates between imperialism and socialism? Or is it and in practice the distinction between recognising a simply, as some argue (after Grenada), that there is no process of social development which is objectively political or national 'space' available to a small state in progressive, and giving uncritical political support to the highly polarised international arena of today, the class or group which is in control of state power at which will allow it to operate independently, when it is the time this takes place. Marx faced this issue bent on a process of radical transformation? To what squarely when he acknowledged in the fullest manner extent must such issues affect the search for consensus the objective progressiveness of the bourgeois class in among the popular forces? breaking the fetters of feudal domination. This did not, however, lead him to support politically the Similar fundamentalissuesnotfacedbyleft project of the bourgeoisie. This he saw as the intellectuals include the question of what problems are substitution of another form of domination, albeit at a created when political rhetoric, and strong foreign higher level of human achievement. By contrast, in the policy positions on matters of global significance to Third World and elsewhere we find intellectuals the major powers, outstrip the internal economic identifying objective social advances, such as the transformation of the country; whether the power spread of political independence, the subsequent vacuum created by the departure of the British could nationalisation of natural resources, and so on, but have been filled in ways which did not require the then accepting these as sufficient grounds for giving ascendancy of one of the two major military blocs in unquestioning political support to the political groups the region; or whether the Grenadian experiments controlling state power when these developments are with direct democracy could have constituted an achieved. Loyalty to the regime in power is substituted authentic alternative to representative democracy. foraconstructivelycriticalattitude.Inthis substitution, intellectuals as a group negate what is to Issues such as these had to be confronted daily during my mind their single most important social attribute, the existence of the Grenadian revolutionary process. namely capacity for creativity and the exercise of Yet, apart from the last of them (where in any case

38 disputes were in whispered tones and the issues were Grenada, as revealed in the distintegration of the New only raised obliquely) little real debate took place and Jewel Movement and the imploding of the revolu- little creativity was evidenced. It is therefore not so tionary process, have a significance for the popular surprising that those at the centre of political events so forces and left political organisations in the region, easily accepted the profoundly anti-democratic theses which can hardly be underestimated. Indeed, the advanced during theinter-party disputes which issues raised by these events have a wider significance immediately preceded the tragedy of October 1983. than for the Caribbean alone. Wherever people seek to No one challenged the implicit assumption of the create a new social order and are not prepared to build leading protagonists in the dispute that if the majority on the achievements of the old, they are bound to of the party's leadership moved to a 'scientific' confound their own efforts and produce tragedies such embrace of Marxist-Leninist ideology, the time was as those we have witnessed in Grenada. ipso facto ripe for a Leninist or Soviet-type model of social transformation. The rich regional history of inner-party struggles, such as those of the People's National Party of Jamaica, or the PPP of Guyana during the 1940s and 1950s, was never once referred to in the course of these developments. instead there was Bibliography the arrogance of raising a political theory to a level of a truth above the wishes of the masses. Latin American Bureau, 1984, Grenada - Whose Freedom?, London

O'Shaughnessy, H., 1984, Grenada - Revolution. Invasion and Aftermath, Hamish Hamilton, London Conclusion It is for these reasons that I have advanced the Thomas, Clive Y., 1984, The Rise of the Authoritarian State in argument that the events preceding the invasion of Peripheral Societies, Monthly Review Press, New York

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