FEDERALISM and DECENTRALIZATION Perceptions for Political and Institutional Reforms
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Pathologies of Centralized State-Building by Jennifer Murtazashvili
In 2011, Afghan government and International Security Assistance Force officials take part in a shura with elders in Zabul province, Afghanistan. The Zabul Provincial Reconstruction Team visited the village to talk with elders and help Afghan National Security Forces distribute winter supplies. (U.S. Air Force/Brian Ferguson) 54 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 2 Pathologies of Centralized State-Building By Jennifer Murtazashvili he international community, led by the United States, has invested trillions of dollars in state-build- ing efforts during the past two decades. Yet despite this commitment of substantial resources, conflict and violence remain a challenge in fragile states. It therefore seems especially important to Tconsider the reasons why state-building has not lived up to its expectations. Past state-building efforts were predicated on the belief that a centralized government would improve prospects for political order and economic development. These efforts therefore have typically empha- sized powerful national governments and centralized bureaucratic administration as the keys to generating improvements in the state’s provision of public goods, including rule of law and collective security. This article challenges the underlying assumptions to that approach, arguing that centralization actu- ally undermines efforts to stabilize and rebuild fragile states. It describes several risks centralization poses for effective state-building. For example, many highly centralized governments prey on their own citizens and are therefore prone to civil unrest, conflict, and collapse.1 Most of the countries that have experienced pro- longed civil conflict over the past several decades—including Afghanistan, Libya, Myanmar, Somalia, Syria, and Yemen—had extremely centralized governments prior to the outbreak of conflict. -
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS15/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-5011-00-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 15 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 5 0 1 1 0 0 5 2021 21-J07781 00 Trends_2021-15 cover.indd 1 8/7/21 12:26 PM TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 1 9/7/21 8:37 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 2 9/7/21 8:37 AM THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik ISSUE 15 2021 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 3 9/7/21 8:37 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Policy Note for the Federalism Transition in Nepal
Policy Note for the Federalism Transition in Nepal AUGUST 2019 Empowered lives. Resilient nations. Abbreviations and Acronyms CIP Capital Investment Plan FCNA Federalism Capacity Needs Assessment HEZ Himalayan Ecological Zone GDP Gross Domestic Product GRB Gender Responsive Budgeting GESI Gender Equality and Social Inclusion GoN Government of Nepal IPC Inter-Provincial Council LDTA Local Development Training Academy LGCDP Local Governance and Community Development Program LMBIS Line Ministry Budget Information System MOFAGA Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration NPSAS National Public Sector Accounting Standards NNRFC National Natural Resource and Fiscal Commission O&M Organization and Management OPMCM Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers PEFA Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability PFM Public Financial Management PIFIP Physical Infrastructure and Facility Improvement Plan PPSC Provincial Public Service Commission PLGs Provincial and Local Governments SUTRA Sub-National Treasury Regulatory Application TEZ Terai Ecological Zone i Table of Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms ........................................................................................................................ i Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................................... ii Foreword .................................................................................................................................................... -
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism Coakley, J. (2014). The Strange Revival of Bicameralism. Journal of Legislative Studies, 20(4), 542-572. https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 Published in: Journal of Legislative Studies Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2014 Taylor & Francis. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Published in Journal of Legislative Studies , 20 (4) 2014, pp. 542-572; doi: 10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 THE STRANGE REVIVAL OF BICAMERALISM John Coakley School of Politics and International Relations University College Dublin School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a surprising reversal of the long-observed trend towards the disappearance of second chambers in unitary states, with 25 countries— all but one of them unitary—adopting the bicameral system. -
Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia
Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Autonomy, Indigenous Peoples, and Afro-Descendants in Colombia Mauricio Romero Vidal and Juan David Niño Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies, 3(1) 2019, 8–26 URL: http://jass.ax/volume-3-issue-1-Vidal_Nino/ 8 Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies Vol. 3 Issue 1 Abstract The article analyzes how indigenous and Afro-descendant communities achieved participation in the National Constitutional Assembly in 1991 in Colombia and how this process influenced the definition of new territorial institutions in which territorial autonomy and self-rule were successfully granted – against all odds. How did this happen? What circumstances facilitated the agency of these marginalized groups to such an extent that it shaped the new constitution to their benefit? The argument in this article highlights a historical juncture between a global discourse in favor of human rights, and ethnic and cultural diversity – supported by the United Nations – and a regional trend towards democratization and constitutional change. This juncture occurred during the times of a domestic peace negotiation process between the Colombian government and the country’s guerrilla groups, a process that was joined by an unusual social mobilization of underprivileged groups. Taken together, these international and national circumstances created conditions that paved the way for a successful outcome of the constitutional process, for the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. Despite this constitutional achievement, reality has however not been easy. The territory of the two groups is rich in natural resources, something that creates opportunities for large scale agribusiness investments, and they are also well located for coca cultivation and cocaine trafficking. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Federalism Is Debated in Nepal More As an ‘Ism’ Than a System
The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Edited by Budhi Karki Rohan Edrisinha Published by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) 2014 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) UNDP is the UN’s global development network, advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. United Nations Development Programme UN House, Pulchowk, GPO Box: 107 Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: +977 1 5523200 Fax: +977 1 5523991, 5523986 ISBN : 978 9937 8942 1 0 © UNDP, Nepal 2014 Book Cover: The painting on the cover page art is taken from ‘A Federal Life’, a joint publication of UNDP/ SPCBN and Kathmandu University, School of Art. The publication was the culmination of an initiative in which 22 artists came together for a workshop on the concept of and debate on federalism in Nepal and then were invited to depict their perspective on the subject through art. The painting on the cover art titled ‘’Emblem” is created by Supriya Manandhar. DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP/ SPCBN. PREFACE A new Constitution for a new Nepal drafted and adopted by an elected and inclusive Constituent Assembly (CA) is a key element of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006 that ended a decade long Maoist insurgency. -
Nepal's Constitution (Ii): the Expanding
NEPAL’S CONSTITUTION (II): THE EXPANDING POLITICAL MATRIX Asia Report N°234 – 27 August 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE REVOLUTIONARY SPLIT ................................................................................... 3 A. GROWING APART ......................................................................................................................... 5 B. THE END OF THE MAOIST ARMY .................................................................................................. 7 C. THE NEW MAOIST PARTY ............................................................................................................ 8 1. Short-term strategy ....................................................................................................................... 8 2. Organisation and strength .......................................................................................................... 10 3. The new party’s players ............................................................................................................. 11 D. REBUILDING THE ESTABLISHMENT PARTY ................................................................................. 12 1. Strategy and organisation .......................................................................................................... -
View the Table of Contents for This Issue: Https
http://englishkyoto-seas.org/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2018/12/vol-7-no-3-of-southeast-asian-studies/ Subscriptions: http://englishkyoto-seas.org/mailing-list/ For permissions, please send an e-mail to: [email protected] SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Vol. 7, No. 3 December 2018 CONTENTS Divides and Dissent: Malaysian Politics 60 Years after Merdeka Guest Editor: KHOO Boo Teik KHOO Boo Teik Preface ....................................................................................................(269) KHOO Boo Teik Introduction: A Moment to Mull, a Call to Critique ............................(271) ABDUL RAHMAN Ethnicity and Class: Divides and Dissent Embong in Malaysian Studies .........................................................................(281) Jeff TAN Rents, Accumulation, and Conflict in Malaysia ...................................(309) FAISAL S. Hazis Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia ....................................(341) AHMAD FAUZI Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices Abdul Hamid in Malaysia, 1957–2017 .....................................................................(363) Azmi SHAROM Law and the Judiciary: Divides and Dissent in Malaysia ....................(391) MAZNAH Mohamad Getting More Women into Politics under One-Party Dominance: Collaboration, Clientelism, and Coalition Building in the Determination of Women’s Representation in Malaysia .........................................................................................(415) -
Venezuela Self-Rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH and POLICY SCOPE Venezuela's Intermediate Governance Consists of Twenty-Three Estados
Venezuela Self-rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH AND POLICY SCOPE Venezuela’s intermediate governance consists of twenty-three estados (states) and the Distrito Capital (Capital District, formerly the Distrito Federal), as well as twelve island groupings which make up the dependencias federales (federal dependencies) with 6500 inhabitants, and until 1998, the territorios federales (federal territories), which were dependencies. The three territorios federales were granted the status of estados: Delta Amacuro in 1991, Amazonas in 1992, and Vargas in 1998.1 Estados are divided into statistical regions, which have no administrative life. New constitutions were passed in 1947, 1953, 1961, and 1999 (and revised in 2009). Two distritos metropolitanos (metropolitan districts)-- the Distrito del Alto Apure and Distrito Metropolitano de Caracas--were created in 2001 and 2000, respectively, and abolished late 2017. Venezuela was established as a federation by its first constitution in 1811 (Hernández-Mendible 1998: 2), but is today the most centralized of the four federal states in Latin America (Escobar Lemmon 2003; Lijphart 1999: 190; Levine 1989: 273; Bland 1997: 38, 2002). Estados gained some authority when the 1947 constitution was revised with the onset of democracy in 1961. A significant increase in regional authority also took place in the late eighties and early nineties (Penfold-Becerra 1999). In contrast, the presidency of Hugo Chávez (1999–2013) was centralizing. Article 3 of the 1947 constitution divides the national territory in estados, the Distrito Federal, and the Territorios Federales and Dependencias Federales. Estados were recognized as autonomous entities (Title VI, Art. 120), vested with compe- tences over local police (Art. 93), own institutional set up (Art. -
Centralization, Decentralization and Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa
Middle East Centralization, and Decentralization North Africa and Confl ict in the Middle East Working Paper and North Africa Series No. 51 October 2008 by The World Bank Mehmet Serkan Tosun Produced by the Serdar Yilmaz Offi ce of the Chief Economist Summaries in Arabic and French Middle East and North Africa Working Paper Series No. 51 Centralization, Decentralization and Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa By Mehmet Serkan Tosun∗ University of Nevada, Reno and Serdar Yilmaz• World Bank October 2008 Discussion papers are not formal publications of the World Bank. They represent preliminary and often unpolished results of country analysis and research. Circulation is intended to encourage discussion and comments; citation and the use of the paper should take account of its provisional character. The findings and conclusions of the paper are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to the World Bank, its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The authors thank Lyn Squire, Blanca Moreno-Dodson Jennifer Keller and Robert Beschel for helpful comments and suggestions, Dilek Uz and Omid Harraf for excellent research assistance. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are entirely those of authors, and do not represent the views of the World Bank, its executive directors, or the countries they represent. Corresponding author: Serdar Yilmaz. * Department of Economics, College of Business Administration, University of Nevada-Reno, Reno, Mail Stop 0030. Nevada 89557; [email protected]; phone: +1-775-7846678. • Social Development Department, World Bank, 1818 H Street, NW, Washington D.C. -
Homicide As Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E
Marquette Law Review Volume 4 Article 6 Issue 1 Volume 4, Issue 1 (1919) Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property Arthur E. Lenicheck Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Arthur E. Lenicheck, Homicide as Affecting the Devolution of Property, 4 Marq. L. Rev. 34 (1919). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol4/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HOMICIDE AS AFFECTING THE DEVOLUTION OF PROPERTY The question has arisen in a number of cases in this country whether a person who has murdered another ought to be en- titled to take by descent or devise from the latter. At a first blush of the question propounded, one would think that there could be no dispute as to the rights of the murderer and to per- mit one who has acquired title in such manner would be abhor- rent and repugnant to natural law and justice. It remains for us to see what opinions have been entertained and what conclusions have been arrived at. Like most perplexing questions of law, the question has been subject to conflicting opinions and the re- sults achieved have no doubt met with disapproval by many of the members of both bench and bar. It may be said at the outset, that the present state of the law is highly unsatisfactory.