DOCSLIB.ORG

How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: the Causes of Mexico's Drug War

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: the Causes of Mexico's Drug War How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: The causes of Mexico's Drug War The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rios Contreras, Viridiana. 2013. How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: The causes of Mexico's Drug War. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11156675 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA c 2012—Viridiana Rios All rights reserved. ProfessorJorgeI.Dom´ınguez ViridianaRiosContreras How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: The Causes of Mexico’s Drug War Abstract This work advances a theory about corruption, criminal organizations, and violence to show how political institutions set incentives and constraints that lead criminal organi- zations behave, organize, compromise or fight one another. It is my argument that the propensity of criminal groups to deploy violence increases when formal or informal polit- ical institutions are decentralized because violent criminal organizations are less likely to be punished. Under decentralized institutional environments, understood here as those in which different levels of government fail to act cohesively as a single decision-making body, corruption agreements with one government inhibit law enforcement operations conducted by another. As a result, belligerent criminal organizations that would other- wise be punished remain untouched. My argument sheds light on why many criminal organizations are able to operate profitably without major episodes of violence, and illu- minates the causes of Mexico’s large increases in drug–related violence. A formal model (Chapter 2), an analytical narrative (Chapter 3), and an empirical test (Chapter 4 and 5) show that Mexican drug trafficking organizations increased their propensity to engage in injurious behavior only recently, responding to incentives set by political decentraliza- tion that inhibited Mexico’s federal government from controlling the actions of its local governments, and thus from limiting trafficker’s propensity to battle for turf. iii Chapter Outline Chapter 1: The puzzle of Mexico’s drug war Chapter 2: A theory of political decentralization and criminal violence Chapter 3: Mexico’s Drug War, 1950-2010 Chapter 4: Testing the role of decentralization in criminal behaviour Chapter 5: Unexpected consequences of criminal violence Conclusion References iv Contents Abstract iii Chapter Outline iii Detailed Chapter Outline iv List of Tables viii List of Figures ix Acknowledgments x 1 The Puzzle of Mexico’s Drug War 1 1.1 Political Decentralization and Criminal violence . ........... 4 1.2 Mexico’sPuzzle................................. 9 1.3 TheGoalofthisWork ............................. 15 1.4 TestingMyTheory ............................... 18 1.5 OutlineofthisWork .............................. 25 1.6 ATakeawayMessage .............................. 28 v 2 Decentralization and Criminal Violence 31 2.1 The Effects of the Decentralization of Corruption. ......... 39 2.2 The Effects of Decentralization on Violence Propensity . ......... 51 2.3 TheEffectsofDecentralizationonArming . .... 59 2.4 MyModelInBrief ............................... 62 3 Mexico’s Drug War (1950-2010) 65 3.1 Political Decentralization Explains Mexico’s Drug War ........... 68 3.2 TheTimesofCriminalOrder(1950-1997) . .... 74 3.2.1 CorruptionUnderCentralization . 75 3.2.2 Criminal Violence-Propensity and Arming under Centralization . 79 3.2.3 CrackdownsWithoutViolence . 81 3.3 TheTimesofCriminalViolence(1998-2010) . ..... 91 3.3.1 CorruptionUnderdecentralization . 92 3.3.2 Criminal Violence-Propensity and Arming Under Decentralization . 98 3.3.3 CrackdownsWithViolence. .107 4 Decentralization and Criminal Behavior 122 4.1 DesigningaTest ................................123 4.2 Methodology ..................................126 4.3 Results......................................133 4.4 Lessonslearned .................................141 5 Unexpected consequences of criminal violence 142 vi 5.1 Civiliansinadrugwar ............................. 144 5.2 ChangesinImmigrationFlows. 146 5.3 EmpiricalSpecification . 149 5.4 Results......................................155 5.5 Mexican Migration Caused by Criminal violence . .159 5.6 Finalthoughts..................................168 Conclusion 171 Bibliography 186 vii List of Tables 3.1 A Theory of Decentralization and Criminal Violence . ....... 71 3.2 Number of Trucks Crossing U.S.–Mexico border (2000) . .104 4.1 Number of Centralized Municipalities by Party and Year (1990-2010) . 128 4.2 Municipalities with Cases of Cocaine Overdoses or Hospitalizations (1990 -2010)......................................130 4.3 DescriptiveStatistics . 133 4.4 LogitModels,Results. 135 4.5 Survival .....................................137 4.6 MatchedLogitModels,Results . 140 5.1 DescriptiveStatistics . 154 5.2 Empirical Results: Drug–related Crime and Immigration Outflows . 156 5.3 Number of Drug-violence Refugees (Selected Municipalities) . .161 viii List of Figures 3.1 Municipalities with Coordinated Governments by Party . .......... 94 3.2 Number of Municipalities where Different Drug-trafficking Organizations Operate(1991—2010). .100 3.3 Familia vs. Zetas, Confrontation in Michoac´an . .........114 3.4 Familia vs. Zetas, Confrontation in Guanajuato . .116 3.5 Bentral Leyva vs. Sinaloa, Confrontation in Guerrero . ..........119 3.6 Drug–related Violence and Crackdowns in Guerrero . .120 4.1 The Geography of Centralized Governments in Mexico . .129 4.2 The Geography of Cocaine Overdoses or Hospitalizations inMexico . 131 5.1 CONAPO’sMistakenPredictions . 150 5.2 The Geography of Violence–driven Migration. .163 ix A mi mam´apor ense˜narme a estudiar. A mi pap´apor ense˜narme a emprender. A Laura por estar a mi lado. Somos t´uy yo hasta el fin del mundo. x Acknowledgments This is a project of many brains, many hopes and many efforts that I have had the pleasure and privilege to complete. Jorge I. Dominguez guided me professionally and in every aspect of my academic life at Harvard. It was he who encouraged and supported me, from the first day I sat in his office, as a young international student, to the day I left as a Ph.D. His savvy advice saved my life at the U.S.-Mexico border, kept me warm during Cambridge winters, and gave me confidence in D.C. hallways. Getting Prof. Dominguez’s counsel is what coming to Harvard is about. Gary King’s assertiveness, determination and go-get-it attitude is what brought this dissertation from my computer to life. He is the fresh and invigorating voice that always let me knew I could do it. Today. Now. Actually, I could have done it yesterday. His zest, passion and commitment to better understand this world are inspiring and provoking. Getting infected by Gary’s energy is what coming to Harvard is about. Steve Levitsky taught me to be a political scientist. It was next to him where my curiosity turned into research and where I learned to bridge theory with empirics. It was he who met me on Skype when I was in San Diego, who took my calls when I xi was in Mexico City, and who sat next to me during winters and summers to discuss my argument, paragraph by paragraph, idea by idea. His analytical perspective, intellectual curiosity and responsible mentoring made this work possible. Getting Steve’s feedback is what coming to Harvard is about. Robert Bates challenged me, stimulated me, and tested my ability to think logically and to bring my assumptions to the surface. The many times we sat in the yard to draw arguments and comprehend their consequences will remain with me as the most intellectually rewarding meetings of my Ph.D. Daring to challenge Robert Bates’ logic is what coming to Harvard is about. Special thanks to Michele Coscia, Gabriel Aguilera, Torben Iversen, Christopher Jencks, Todd Eisendtadt, Alejandro Poire, David Miller, James Alt, Daniel Ziblatt, Al- berto Diaz-Cayeros, Beatriz Magaloni, Jesse Driscoll, Lawrence Katz, Oeindrila Dube, Daniel Mejia, David Fitzgerald, Jeffry Frieden, Adam Glynn, Peter A. Hall, Arthur Spir- ling and Dustin Tingley. Thank you also to my peer readers: Alisha Holland, Sam Barrow, Catherine Kelly, Wonbin Kang and Mauricio Duque. Thanks to those who assisted me and edited me: Mariana Tapia, Miguel Toro, Laura Kelly, Maria Montchal and Margaret Stevenson. Thank you Andrea Fernandez: you helped me most of all. Thank you for the day we created a team and thank you for cheering me up when all data was lost. It was wise to go to bed when I was tired. You were right. Thank you for your commitment and hard work and, most importantly, for your company. Thanks to all those who have walked next to me in the field, teaching me to open my eyes. Your names and voices are secretly seeded in this dissertation. It is upon the shoulders of brave journalists that I have stood to construct this story. Alfredo Corchado xii is the prime motor behind this project and behind what my life over the last years. Thank you also to those who provided me with a space to sit, think and read: the National Security Council at the Office of Mexico’s President, the Trans-border Institute at the University of San Diego (USD), the Center for Mexico-U.S. Studies at the University of California in San Diego
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pathologies of Centralized State-Building by Jennifer Murtazashvili
    In 2011, Afghan government and International Security Assistance Force officials take part in a shura with elders in Zabul province, Afghanistan. The Zabul Provincial Reconstruction Team visited the village to talk with elders and help Afghan National Security Forces distribute winter supplies. (U.S. Air Force/Brian Ferguson) 54 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 2 Pathologies of Centralized State-Building By Jennifer Murtazashvili he international community, led by the United States, has invested trillions of dollars in state-build- ing efforts during the past two decades. Yet despite this commitment of substantial resources, conflict and violence remain a challenge in fragile states. It therefore seems especially important to Tconsider the reasons why state-building has not lived up to its expectations. Past state-building efforts were predicated on the belief that a centralized government would improve prospects for political order and economic development. These efforts therefore have typically empha- sized powerful national governments and centralized bureaucratic administration as the keys to generating improvements in the state’s provision of public goods, including rule of law and collective security. This article challenges the underlying assumptions to that approach, arguing that centralization actu- ally undermines efforts to stabilize and rebuild fragile states. It describes several risks centralization poses for effective state-building. For example, many highly centralized governments prey on their own citizens and are therefore prone to civil unrest, conflict, and collapse.1 Most of the countries that have experienced pro- longed civil conflict over the past several decades—including Afghanistan, Libya, Myanmar, Somalia, Syria, and Yemen—had extremely centralized governments prior to the outbreak of conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Centralization, Decentralization and Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa
    Middle East Centralization, and Decentralization North Africa and Confl ict in the Middle East Working Paper and North Africa Series No. 51 October 2008 by The World Bank Mehmet Serkan Tosun Produced by the Serdar Yilmaz Offi ce of the Chief Economist Summaries in Arabic and French Middle East and North Africa Working Paper Series No. 51 Centralization, Decentralization and Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa By Mehmet Serkan Tosun∗ University of Nevada, Reno and Serdar Yilmaz• World Bank October 2008 Discussion papers are not formal publications of the World Bank. They represent preliminary and often unpolished results of country analysis and research. Circulation is intended to encourage discussion and comments; citation and the use of the paper should take account of its provisional character. The findings and conclusions of the paper are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to the World Bank, its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The authors thank Lyn Squire, Blanca Moreno-Dodson Jennifer Keller and Robert Beschel for helpful comments and suggestions, Dilek Uz and Omid Harraf for excellent research assistance. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions are entirely those of authors, and do not represent the views of the World Bank, its executive directors, or the countries they represent. Corresponding author: Serdar Yilmaz. * Department of Economics, College of Business Administration, University of Nevada-Reno, Reno, Mail Stop 0030. Nevada 89557; [email protected]; phone: +1-775-7846678. • Social Development Department, World Bank, 1818 H Street, NW, Washington D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Decentralized Forms of Government
    A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: Decentralized Forms of Government Markus Böckenförde This paper appears as chapter 7 of International IDEA’s publication A Practical Guide to Constitution Building. The full Guide is available in PDF and as an e-book at <http://www.idea.int> and includes an introductory chapter (chapter 1) and chapters on principles and cross-cutting themes in constitution building (chapter 2), building a culture of human rights (chapter 3), and constitution building and the design of the executive branch, the legislature and the judiciary (chapters 4, 5 and 6). International IDEA resources on Constitution Building A Practical Guide to Constitution Building: Decentralized Forms of Government © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2011 This publication is independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council of Member States, or those of the donors. Applications for permission to reproduce all or any part of this publication should be made to: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Strömsborg SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46-8-698 37 00 Fax: +46-8-20 24 22 Email: [email protected] Website: www.idea.int Design and layout by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Printed by: Bulls Graphics, Sweden Cover design by: Turbo Design, Ramallah Cover illustration by: Sharif Sarhan ISBN: 978-91-86565-34-3 This publication is produced as part of the Constitution Building Programme implemented by International IDEA with funding from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • From Government Decentralization to Decentralized Governance
    10491-01_Ch01.qxd 5/3/07 2:48 PM Page 1 1 From Government Decentralization to Decentralized Governance g. shabbir cheema and dennis a. rondinelli oncepts of decentralization have changed rapidly over the past quarter of Ca century in tandem with the evolution in thinking about governance. Until the early 1980s government and the state were generally perceived of interchangeably. Government was seen as the institutional embodiment of state sovereignty and as the dominant source of political and legal decisionmaking. In developing countries, debates over the structure, roles, and functions of govern- ment focused on the effectiveness of central power and authority in promoting economic and social progress and on the potential advantages and disadvantages of decentralizing authority to subnational units of administration, local govern- ments, or other agents of the state. Decentralization was defined as the transfer of authority, responsibility, and resources—through deconcentration, delegation, or devolution—from the center to lower levels of administration.1 By the early 1980s increasing international trade and investment; growing economic, social, and political interaction across national borders; and rapidly emerging technological innovations that increased the scope and reduced the costs of communications and transportation and helped spread knowledge and information worldwide, changed perceptions of governance and of the appro- priate functions of the state. The concept of governance expanded to include not only government but also other societal institutions, including the private sector and civil associations. Debates shifted from the proper allocation of responsibili- ties within government to how strongly the state should intervene in economic 1 10491-01_Ch01.qxd 5/3/07 2:48 PM Page 2 2 g.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt's Perilous Journey
    Dominican Scholar Senior Theses Student Scholarship 5-2018 Egypt's Perilous Journey David Nguyen Dominican University of California https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2018.POL.ST.04 Survey: Let us know how this paper benefits you. Recommended Citation Nguyen, David, "Egypt's Perilous Journey" (2018). Senior Theses. 107. https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2018.POL.ST.04 This Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Dominican Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Dominican Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Egypt’s Perilous Journey An Analysis of Postmodern Egypt’s Transition to Democracy By David Nguyen Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science Department of Political Science & International Studies Dominican University of California 5/1/2018 Abstract Citizens of the United States have been conditioned to believe that rule by democracy is the most free and fair method of governing. If we hold this to be true, I inquire: why do some postmodern Arab states appear resistant to the spread of democracy within government? In order to fully evaluate the merits of a democratic form of government, it is important to analyze the obstacles that hinder its success. Within this research, the gap that I have identified concerns how the overall quality of a nation’s economy affects its ability to transition to democracy in the Middle East region. I hypothesize that Arab nations facing economic struggle are less likely to experience a smooth transition to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan's Road to Pluralism: Transforming Local Communities in the Global Era; (Ed
    "Decentralization in Japan," Japan's Road to Pluralism: Transforming Local Communities in the Global Era; (ed. Shun'ichi Furkawa and Toshihiro Menju), Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2003, pp. 21-45. Decentralization in Japan Furukawa Shun’ichi The democratization that took place in Japan over the latter half of the twentieth century led to local governments achieving a degree of autonomy that allowed them to manage aspects of public policy in such areas as regional development, welfare, environmental development, and government information disclosure. As these local authorities increasingly became active players in the policymaking process, rather than mere central government agents, they came to influence national public policy and governance. The subsequent decentralization reforms are part of the broader public-sector reforms of the 1990s. During the last decade of the twentieth century, the government of Japan achieved a significant degree of decentralization, the high point of which was the 1999 Omnibus Law of Decentralization. As a result, a new relationship was established among the branches of government, with the central government ceding some control over local affairs. This chapter assesses the degree of decentralization achieved to date, as well as the challenges that await those seeking further decentralization. THE ADMINISTRATION In this country of 47 prefectures, some 3,200 municipal governments serve a population of 126 million. The central government is divided into executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch comprises the prime minister and his cabinet; the legislative branch, the Diet or bicameral parliament; and the judicial branch, the Supreme Court, under which there are no specialized courts.
    [Show full text]
  • Adjustment Experiences of Zimbabwean International Students Studying in the United States and Their Perception of United States Mental Health Counseling
    ADJUSTMENT EXPERIENCES OF ZIMBABWEAN INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS STUDYING IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR PERCEPTION OF UNITED STATES MENTAL HEALTH COUNSELING A dissertation submitted to the Kent State University College of Education, Health, and Human Services in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Emily E. Mupinga May 2018 © Copyright, 2018 by Emily E. Mupinga All Rights Reserved ii A dissertation written by Emily E. Mupinga A.S., Gweru Teachers’ College, Zimbabwe, 1989 B.S., Louisiana State University, 1998 M.S., Louisiana State University, 1999 M.S., Indiana State University, 2006 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2018 Approved by _______________________________, Co-Director, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Jane A. Cox _______________________________, Co-Director, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Lynne Guillot Miller _______________________________, Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Martha C. Merrill Accepted by _______________________________, Director, School of Lifespan Development and Mary Dellmann-Jenkins Educational Sciences _______________________________, Dean, College of Education, Health and Human James C. Hannon Services iii MUPINGA EMILY E., Ph.D., May 2018 COUNSELOR EDUCATION AND SUPERVISION ADJUSTMENT EXPERIENCES OF ZIMBABWEAN INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR PERCEPTIONS OF UNITED STATES MENTAL HEALTH COUNSELING (210 pp.) Co-Directors of Dissertation: Jane A. Cox, Ph.D. Lynne Guillot Miller, Ph. D. This study aimed at understanding the adjustment experiences of Zimbabwean international students as they study in the United States and exploring their perception of United States mental health counseling. Qualitative inquiry (basic interpretive approach) was selected as the research method due to the explorative nature of the research questions. Nine participants were recruited using the snowball sampling method and the United States was the only foreign country in which they had been college or university students.
    [Show full text]
  • Decentralization in Unitary States
    Decentralization in Unitary StateS Constitutional Frameworks for the Middle East and North Africa Decentralization in Unitary States: Constitutional Frameworks for the Middle East and North Africa Decentralization in Unitary States: Constitutional Frameworks for the Arab States Region Center for Constitutional Transitions, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and the United Nations Development Project Project Leads: Sujit Choudhry, Founding Director, Center for Constitutional Transisions, I.Michael Heyman Professor of Law and Dean, University of California, Berkeley Richard Stacey, Director of Research, Center for Constitutional Transitions, Assistant professor, Facultuy of Law, University of Toronto Project Team Members: Christopher Beshara, Casey Downing, Matthew Holbreich, Poonam Singh © Copyright 2014 Center for Constitutional Transitions, International IDEA and the United Nations Development Programme The electronic version of this publication (excluding the cover photos) is available under a Creative Commons License (CCI) – Creative Commons Attribute-Non Commercial- Share Alike 3.0 Licence. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. ISBN: 978-91-87729-87-4 What is International IDEA? The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) is an intergovernmental organization with a mission to support
    [Show full text]
  • Impact of Governance Structure on Economic and Social Performance: a Case Study of Latin American Countries
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Wharton Research Scholars Wharton Undergraduate Research May 2008 Impact of Governance Structure on Economic and Social Performance: A Case Study of Latin American Countries Joyce Meng University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/wharton_research_scholars Meng, Joyce, "Impact of Governance Structure on Economic and Social Performance: A Case Study of Latin American Countries" (2008). Wharton Research Scholars. 50. https://repository.upenn.edu/wharton_research_scholars/50 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/wharton_research_scholars/50 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Impact of Governance Structure on Economic and Social Performance: A Case Study of Latin American Countries Abstract Defined as "the division of public authority between two or more constitutionally defined orders of government – and a set of ideas which underpin such institutions", federalism emphasizes issues such as shared and divided sovereignty, multiple loyalties and identities, and governance through multi‐level institutions. Proponents of federalism have linked federalism with improved economic and social benefits, including increased political participation and personal liberties, efficient public and private markets, and a check on governmental power. Nevertheless, few studies have attempted to empirically prove these claims. In "Federalism's Values and Value of Federalism", Robert Inman created a multiple
    [Show full text]
  • Why Do Autocrats Decentralize?
    WHY DO AUTOCRATS DECENTRALIZE? by Yu Xiao B.Phil. in Philosophy, Peking University, 2008 M.A. in Politics, New York University, 2010 M.A. in Political Science, University of Pittsburgh, 2015 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Yu Xiao It was defended on March 30th, 2019 and approved by Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, Department of Political Science and Keough School of Global Affairs, University of Notre Dame Scott Morgenstern, Department of Political Science, University of Pittsburgh Pierre Landry, Department of Government and Public Administration, Chinese University of Hong Kong Iza Ding, Department of Political Science, University of Pittsburgh Dissertation Advisors: Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, Department of Political Science and Keough School of Global Affairs, University of Notre Dame, Scott Morgenstern, Department of Political Science, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Yu Xiao 2019 iii WHY DO AUTOCRATS DECENTRALIZE? Yu Xiao, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Economic decentralization has profound effects on a country’s economic performance, but not all countries pursue decentralization. Why do some countries see decentralization as a better strategy for development than others? What political conditions facilitate or inhibit economic decentralization in autocracies? Studies that focus on democracies have largely reach a consensus that politically decentralized systems tend to pursue economic decentral- ization policies. This dissertation contends, however, that there is an opposite relationship in autocracies. Specifically, it is the politically centralized autocracies that are more likely to pursue economic decentralization policies.
    [Show full text]
  • FEDERALISM and DECENTRALIZATION Perceptions for Political and Institutional Reforms
    FEDERALISM AND DECENTRALIZATION Perceptions for Political and Institutional Reforms Editors WILHELM HOFMEISTER EDMUND TAYAO Federalism and decentralization Federalism and decentralization Perceptions for Political and Institutional Reforms © 2016 individual works, the authors Editors: Wilhelm Hofmeister Edmund Tayao Sub-editor: Megha Sarmah Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34/36 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: (65) 6227-2001 Tel: (65) 6227-8343 Email: [email protected] Website: www.kas.de/singapore Local Government Development Foundation Unit 403, 4th Floor, Fedman Building 199 Salcedo Street, Legaspi Village Makati City, Philippines Philippines Website: www.logodef.org All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung and Local Government Development Foundation. Cover design: Veronica Teo National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Names: Hofmeister, Wilhelm, editor. | Tayao, Edmund, editor. | Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (Singapore), publisher. | Local Government Development Foundation (Manila, Philippines), publisher. Title: Federalism and decentralization
    [Show full text]
  • Documents.Worldbank.Org
    D I R ECTIO N S I N DEV E LO P M E NT Public Disclosure Authorized Decentralization of Education LegalIssues 11 )ol ? Sount q KETLEEN FLORESTAL Public Disclosure Authorized ROBB COOPER ~~ '" Public Disclosure Authorized ,C,? -- _ _ _ _ S "____ _ _ Public Disclosure Authorized DIRECTIONS IN DEVELOPMENT Decentralization of Education Legal Issues Ketleen Florestal Robb Cooper The World Bank Washington, D.C. e 1997 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing June 1997 The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this study are entirely those of the author and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. Cover photograph, by Curt Camemark of the World Bank, is a scene from an Aga Khan Foundation School in Pakistan. Ketleen Florestal is an economist with the Ministry of Economy and Finance of the Republic of Haiti and a former member of the minister's staff; she holds advanced degrees in both economics and law. She wrote this book as an eco- nomic policy management intern with the World Bank's Human Development Department. Robb Cooper is a partner with the law firm of Scariano, Kula, Ellch and Himes in Chicago and an associate professor of Leadership and Educational Policy Studies at Northern Illinois University. He is the author of Instructor's Mantual for Teachers in the Law (Longmans Press) and numerous publications in legal journals.
    [Show full text]